case study analysis social science

Organizing Your Social Sciences Research Assignments

• Annotated Bibliography
• Analyzing a Scholarly Journal Article
• Group Presentations
• Dealing with Nervousness
• Using Visual Aids
• Grading Someone Else's Paper
• Types of Structured Group Activities
• Group Project Survival Skills
• Leading a Class Discussion
• Multiple Book Review Essay
• Reviewing Collected Works
• Writing a Case Analysis Paper
• Writing a Case Study
• About Informed Consent
• Writing Field Notes
• Writing a Policy Memo
• Writing a Reflective Paper
• Writing a Research Proposal
• Generative AI and Writing
• Acknowledgments

A case study research paper examines a person, place, event, condition, phenomenon, or other type of subject of analysis in order to extrapolate  key themes and results that help predict future trends, illuminate previously hidden issues that can be applied to practice, and/or provide a means for understanding an important research problem with greater clarity. A case study research paper usually examines a single subject of analysis, but case study papers can also be designed as a comparative investigation that shows relationships between two or more subjects. The methods used to study a case can rest within a quantitative, qualitative, or mixed-method investigative paradigm.

Case Studies. Writing@CSU. Colorado State University; Mills, Albert J. , Gabrielle Durepos, and Eiden Wiebe, editors. Encyclopedia of Case Study Research . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2010 ; “What is a Case Study?” In Swanborn, Peter G. Case Study Research: What, Why and How? London: SAGE, 2010.

How to Approach Writing a Case Study Research Paper

General information about how to choose a topic to investigate can be found under the " Choosing a Research Problem " tab in the Organizing Your Social Sciences Research Paper writing guide. Review this page because it may help you identify a subject of analysis that can be investigated using a case study design.

However, identifying a case to investigate involves more than choosing the research problem . A case study encompasses a problem contextualized around the application of in-depth analysis, interpretation, and discussion, often resulting in specific recommendations for action or for improving existing conditions. As Seawright and Gerring note, practical considerations such as time and access to information can influence case selection, but these issues should not be the sole factors used in describing the methodological justification for identifying a particular case to study. Given this, selecting a case includes considering the following:

• The case represents an unusual or atypical example of a research problem that requires more in-depth analysis? Cases often represent a topic that rests on the fringes of prior investigations because the case may provide new ways of understanding the research problem. For example, if the research problem is to identify strategies to improve policies that support girl's access to secondary education in predominantly Muslim nations, you could consider using Azerbaijan as a case study rather than selecting a more obvious nation in the Middle East. Doing so may reveal important new insights into recommending how governments in other predominantly Muslim nations can formulate policies that support improved access to education for girls.
• The case provides important insight or illuminate a previously hidden problem? In-depth analysis of a case can be based on the hypothesis that the case study will reveal trends or issues that have not been exposed in prior research or will reveal new and important implications for practice. For example, anecdotal evidence may suggest drug use among homeless veterans is related to their patterns of travel throughout the day. Assuming prior studies have not looked at individual travel choices as a way to study access to illicit drug use, a case study that observes a homeless veteran could reveal how issues of personal mobility choices facilitate regular access to illicit drugs. Note that it is important to conduct a thorough literature review to ensure that your assumption about the need to reveal new insights or previously hidden problems is valid and evidence-based.
• The case challenges and offers a counter-point to prevailing assumptions? Over time, research on any given topic can fall into a trap of developing assumptions based on outdated studies that are still applied to new or changing conditions or the idea that something should simply be accepted as "common sense," even though the issue has not been thoroughly tested in current practice. A case study analysis may offer an opportunity to gather evidence that challenges prevailing assumptions about a research problem and provide a new set of recommendations applied to practice that have not been tested previously. For example, perhaps there has been a long practice among scholars to apply a particular theory in explaining the relationship between two subjects of analysis. Your case could challenge this assumption by applying an innovative theoretical framework [perhaps borrowed from another discipline] to explore whether this approach offers new ways of understanding the research problem. Taking a contrarian stance is one of the most important ways that new knowledge and understanding develops from existing literature.
• The case provides an opportunity to pursue action leading to the resolution of a problem? Another way to think about choosing a case to study is to consider how the results from investigating a particular case may result in findings that reveal ways in which to resolve an existing or emerging problem. For example, studying the case of an unforeseen incident, such as a fatal accident at a railroad crossing, can reveal hidden issues that could be applied to preventative measures that contribute to reducing the chance of accidents in the future. In this example, a case study investigating the accident could lead to a better understanding of where to strategically locate additional signals at other railroad crossings so as to better warn drivers of an approaching train, particularly when visibility is hindered by heavy rain, fog, or at night.
• The case offers a new direction in future research? A case study can be used as a tool for an exploratory investigation that highlights the need for further research about the problem. A case can be used when there are few studies that help predict an outcome or that establish a clear understanding about how best to proceed in addressing a problem. For example, after conducting a thorough literature review [very important!], you discover that little research exists showing the ways in which women contribute to promoting water conservation in rural communities of east central Africa. A case study of how women contribute to saving water in a rural village of Uganda can lay the foundation for understanding the need for more thorough research that documents how women in their roles as cooks and family caregivers think about water as a valuable resource within their community. This example of a case study could also point to the need for scholars to build new theoretical frameworks around the topic [e.g., applying feminist theories of work and family to the issue of water conservation].

Eisenhardt, Kathleen M. “Building Theories from Case Study Research.” Academy of Management Review 14 (October 1989): 532-550; Emmel, Nick. Sampling and Choosing Cases in Qualitative Research: A Realist Approach . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2013; Gerring, John. “What Is a Case Study and What Is It Good for?” American Political Science Review 98 (May 2004): 341-354; Mills, Albert J. , Gabrielle Durepos, and Eiden Wiebe, editors. Encyclopedia of Case Study Research . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2010; Seawright, Jason and John Gerring. "Case Selection Techniques in Case Study Research." Political Research Quarterly 61 (June 2008): 294-308.

Structure and Writing Style

The purpose of a paper in the social sciences designed around a case study is to thoroughly investigate a subject of analysis in order to reveal a new understanding about the research problem and, in so doing, contributing new knowledge to what is already known from previous studies. In applied social sciences disciplines [e.g., education, social work, public administration, etc.], case studies may also be used to reveal best practices, highlight key programs, or investigate interesting aspects of professional work.

In general, the structure of a case study research paper is not all that different from a standard college-level research paper. However, there are subtle differences you should be aware of. Here are the key elements to organizing and writing a case study research paper.

I.  Introduction

As with any research paper, your introduction should serve as a roadmap for your readers to ascertain the scope and purpose of your study . The introduction to a case study research paper, however, should not only describe the research problem and its significance, but you should also succinctly describe why the case is being used and how it relates to addressing the problem. The two elements should be linked. With this in mind, a good introduction answers these four questions:

• What is being studied? Describe the research problem and describe the subject of analysis [the case] you have chosen to address the problem. Explain how they are linked and what elements of the case will help to expand knowledge and understanding about the problem.
• Why is this topic important to investigate? Describe the significance of the research problem and state why a case study design and the subject of analysis that the paper is designed around is appropriate in addressing the problem.
• What did we know about this topic before I did this study? Provide background that helps lead the reader into the more in-depth literature review to follow. If applicable, summarize prior case study research applied to the research problem and why it fails to adequately address the problem. Describe why your case will be useful. If no prior case studies have been used to address the research problem, explain why you have selected this subject of analysis.
• How will this study advance new knowledge or new ways of understanding? Explain why your case study will be suitable in helping to expand knowledge and understanding about the research problem.

Each of these questions should be addressed in no more than a few paragraphs. Exceptions to this can be when you are addressing a complex research problem or subject of analysis that requires more in-depth background information.

II.  Literature Review

The literature review for a case study research paper is generally structured the same as it is for any college-level research paper. The difference, however, is that the literature review is focused on providing background information and  enabling historical interpretation of the subject of analysis in relation to the research problem the case is intended to address . This includes synthesizing studies that help to:

• Place relevant works in the context of their contribution to understanding the case study being investigated . This would involve summarizing studies that have used a similar subject of analysis to investigate the research problem. If there is literature using the same or a very similar case to study, you need to explain why duplicating past research is important [e.g., conditions have changed; prior studies were conducted long ago, etc.].
• Describe the relationship each work has to the others under consideration that informs the reader why this case is applicable . Your literature review should include a description of any works that support using the case to investigate the research problem and the underlying research questions.
• Identify new ways to interpret prior research using the case study . If applicable, review any research that has examined the research problem using a different research design. Explain how your use of a case study design may reveal new knowledge or a new perspective or that can redirect research in an important new direction.
• Resolve conflicts amongst seemingly contradictory previous studies . This refers to synthesizing any literature that points to unresolved issues of concern about the research problem and describing how the subject of analysis that forms the case study can help resolve these existing contradictions.
• Point the way in fulfilling a need for additional research . Your review should examine any literature that lays a foundation for understanding why your case study design and the subject of analysis around which you have designed your study may reveal a new way of approaching the research problem or offer a perspective that points to the need for additional research.
• Expose any gaps that exist in the literature that the case study could help to fill . Summarize any literature that not only shows how your subject of analysis contributes to understanding the research problem, but how your case contributes to a new way of understanding the problem that prior research has failed to do.
• Locate your own research within the context of existing literature [very important!] . Collectively, your literature review should always place your case study within the larger domain of prior research about the problem. The overarching purpose of reviewing pertinent literature in a case study paper is to demonstrate that you have thoroughly identified and synthesized prior studies in relation to explaining the relevance of the case in addressing the research problem.

III.  Method

In this section, you explain why you selected a particular case [i.e., subject of analysis] and the strategy you used to identify and ultimately decide that your case was appropriate in addressing the research problem. The way you describe the methods used varies depending on the type of subject of analysis that constitutes your case study.

If your subject of analysis is an incident or event . In the social and behavioral sciences, the event or incident that represents the case to be studied is usually bounded by time and place, with a clear beginning and end and with an identifiable location or position relative to its surroundings. The subject of analysis can be a rare or critical event or it can focus on a typical or regular event. The purpose of studying a rare event is to illuminate new ways of thinking about the broader research problem or to test a hypothesis. Critical incident case studies must describe the method by which you identified the event and explain the process by which you determined the validity of this case to inform broader perspectives about the research problem or to reveal new findings. However, the event does not have to be a rare or uniquely significant to support new thinking about the research problem or to challenge an existing hypothesis. For example, Walo, Bull, and Breen conducted a case study to identify and evaluate the direct and indirect economic benefits and costs of a local sports event in the City of Lismore, New South Wales, Australia. The purpose of their study was to provide new insights from measuring the impact of a typical local sports event that prior studies could not measure well because they focused on large "mega-events." Whether the event is rare or not, the methods section should include an explanation of the following characteristics of the event: a) when did it take place; b) what were the underlying circumstances leading to the event; and, c) what were the consequences of the event in relation to the research problem.

If your subject of analysis is a person. Explain why you selected this particular individual to be studied and describe what experiences they have had that provide an opportunity to advance new understandings about the research problem. Mention any background about this person which might help the reader understand the significance of their experiences that make them worthy of study. This includes describing the relationships this person has had with other people, institutions, and/or events that support using them as the subject for a case study research paper. It is particularly important to differentiate the person as the subject of analysis from others and to succinctly explain how the person relates to examining the research problem [e.g., why is one politician in a particular local election used to show an increase in voter turnout from any other candidate running in the election]. Note that these issues apply to a specific group of people used as a case study unit of analysis [e.g., a classroom of students].

If your subject of analysis is a place. In general, a case study that investigates a place suggests a subject of analysis that is unique or special in some way and that this uniqueness can be used to build new understanding or knowledge about the research problem. A case study of a place must not only describe its various attributes relevant to the research problem [e.g., physical, social, historical, cultural, economic, political], but you must state the method by which you determined that this place will illuminate new understandings about the research problem. It is also important to articulate why a particular place as the case for study is being used if similar places also exist [i.e., if you are studying patterns of homeless encampments of veterans in open spaces, explain why you are studying Echo Park in Los Angeles rather than Griffith Park?]. If applicable, describe what type of human activity involving this place makes it a good choice to study [e.g., prior research suggests Echo Park has more homeless veterans].

If your subject of analysis is a phenomenon. A phenomenon refers to a fact, occurrence, or circumstance that can be studied or observed but with the cause or explanation to be in question. In this sense, a phenomenon that forms your subject of analysis can encompass anything that can be observed or presumed to exist but is not fully understood. In the social and behavioral sciences, the case usually focuses on human interaction within a complex physical, social, economic, cultural, or political system. For example, the phenomenon could be the observation that many vehicles used by ISIS fighters are small trucks with English language advertisements on them. The research problem could be that ISIS fighters are difficult to combat because they are highly mobile. The research questions could be how and by what means are these vehicles used by ISIS being supplied to the militants and how might supply lines to these vehicles be cut off? How might knowing the suppliers of these trucks reveal larger networks of collaborators and financial support? A case study of a phenomenon most often encompasses an in-depth analysis of a cause and effect that is grounded in an interactive relationship between people and their environment in some way.

NOTE:   The choice of the case or set of cases to study cannot appear random. Evidence that supports the method by which you identified and chose your subject of analysis should clearly support investigation of the research problem and linked to key findings from your literature review. Be sure to cite any studies that helped you determine that the case you chose was appropriate for examining the problem.

IV.  Discussion

The main elements of your discussion section are generally the same as any research paper, but centered around interpreting and drawing conclusions about the key findings from your analysis of the case study. Note that a general social sciences research paper may contain a separate section to report findings. However, in a paper designed around a case study, it is common to combine a description of the results with the discussion about their implications. The objectives of your discussion section should include the following:

Reiterate the Research Problem/State the Major Findings Briefly reiterate the research problem you are investigating and explain why the subject of analysis around which you designed the case study were used. You should then describe the findings revealed from your study of the case using direct, declarative, and succinct proclamation of the study results. Highlight any findings that were unexpected or especially profound.

Explain the Meaning of the Findings and Why They are Important Systematically explain the meaning of your case study findings and why you believe they are important. Begin this part of the section by repeating what you consider to be your most important or surprising finding first, then systematically review each finding. Be sure to thoroughly extrapolate what your analysis of the case can tell the reader about situations or conditions beyond the actual case that was studied while, at the same time, being careful not to misconstrue or conflate a finding that undermines the external validity of your conclusions.

Relate the Findings to Similar Studies No study in the social sciences is so novel or possesses such a restricted focus that it has absolutely no relation to previously published research. The discussion section should relate your case study results to those found in other studies, particularly if questions raised from prior studies served as the motivation for choosing your subject of analysis. This is important because comparing and contrasting the findings of other studies helps support the overall importance of your results and it highlights how and in what ways your case study design and the subject of analysis differs from prior research about the topic.

Consider Alternative Explanations of the Findings Remember that the purpose of social science research is to discover and not to prove. When writing the discussion section, you should carefully consider all possible explanations revealed by the case study results, rather than just those that fit your hypothesis or prior assumptions and biases. Be alert to what the in-depth analysis of the case may reveal about the research problem, including offering a contrarian perspective to what scholars have stated in prior research if that is how the findings can be interpreted from your case.

Acknowledge the Study's Limitations You can state the study's limitations in the conclusion section of your paper but describing the limitations of your subject of analysis in the discussion section provides an opportunity to identify the limitations and explain why they are not significant. This part of the discussion section should also note any unanswered questions or issues your case study could not address. More detailed information about how to document any limitations to your research can be found here .

Suggest Areas for Further Research Although your case study may offer important insights about the research problem, there are likely additional questions related to the problem that remain unanswered or findings that unexpectedly revealed themselves as a result of your in-depth analysis of the case. Be sure that the recommendations for further research are linked to the research problem and that you explain why your recommendations are valid in other contexts and based on the original assumptions of your study.

V.  Conclusion

As with any research paper, you should summarize your conclusion in clear, simple language; emphasize how the findings from your case study differs from or supports prior research and why. Do not simply reiterate the discussion section. Provide a synthesis of key findings presented in the paper to show how these converge to address the research problem. If you haven't already done so in the discussion section, be sure to document the limitations of your case study and any need for further research.

The function of your paper's conclusion is to: 1) reiterate the main argument supported by the findings from your case study; 2) state clearly the context, background, and necessity of pursuing the research problem using a case study design in relation to an issue, controversy, or a gap found from reviewing the literature; and, 3) provide a place to persuasively and succinctly restate the significance of your research problem, given that the reader has now been presented with in-depth information about the topic.

Consider the following points to help ensure your conclusion is appropriate:

• If the argument or purpose of your paper is complex, you may need to summarize these points for your reader.
• If prior to your conclusion, you have not yet explained the significance of your findings or if you are proceeding inductively, use the conclusion of your paper to describe your main points and explain their significance.
• Move from a detailed to a general level of consideration of the case study's findings that returns the topic to the context provided by the introduction or within a new context that emerges from your case study findings.

Note that, depending on the discipline you are writing in or the preferences of your professor, the concluding paragraph may contain your final reflections on the evidence presented as it applies to practice or on the essay's central research problem. However, the nature of being introspective about the subject of analysis you have investigated will depend on whether you are explicitly asked to express your observations in this way.

Problems to Avoid

Overgeneralization One of the goals of a case study is to lay a foundation for understanding broader trends and issues applied to similar circumstances. However, be careful when drawing conclusions from your case study. They must be evidence-based and grounded in the results of the study; otherwise, it is merely speculation. Looking at a prior example, it would be incorrect to state that a factor in improving girls access to education in Azerbaijan and the policy implications this may have for improving access in other Muslim nations is due to girls access to social media if there is no documentary evidence from your case study to indicate this. There may be anecdotal evidence that retention rates were better for girls who were engaged with social media, but this observation would only point to the need for further research and would not be a definitive finding if this was not a part of your original research agenda.

Failure to Document Limitations No case is going to reveal all that needs to be understood about a research problem. Therefore, just as you have to clearly state the limitations of a general research study , you must describe the specific limitations inherent in the subject of analysis. For example, the case of studying how women conceptualize the need for water conservation in a village in Uganda could have limited application in other cultural contexts or in areas where fresh water from rivers or lakes is plentiful and, therefore, conservation is understood more in terms of managing access rather than preserving access to a scarce resource.

Failure to Extrapolate All Possible Implications Just as you don't want to over-generalize from your case study findings, you also have to be thorough in the consideration of all possible outcomes or recommendations derived from your findings. If you do not, your reader may question the validity of your analysis, particularly if you failed to document an obvious outcome from your case study research. For example, in the case of studying the accident at the railroad crossing to evaluate where and what types of warning signals should be located, you failed to take into consideration speed limit signage as well as warning signals. When designing your case study, be sure you have thoroughly addressed all aspects of the problem and do not leave gaps in your analysis that leave the reader questioning the results.

Case Studies. Writing@CSU. Colorado State University; Gerring, John. Case Study Research: Principles and Practices . New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007; Merriam, Sharan B. Qualitative Research and Case Study Applications in Education . Rev. ed. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 1998; Miller, Lisa L. “The Use of Case Studies in Law and Social Science Research.” Annual Review of Law and Social Science 14 (2018): TBD; Mills, Albert J., Gabrielle Durepos, and Eiden Wiebe, editors. Encyclopedia of Case Study Research . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2010; Putney, LeAnn Grogan. "Case Study." In Encyclopedia of Research Design , Neil J. Salkind, editor. (Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2010), pp. 116-120; Simons, Helen. Case Study Research in Practice . London: SAGE Publications, 2009;  Kratochwill,  Thomas R. and Joel R. Levin, editors. Single-Case Research Design and Analysis: New Development for Psychology and Education .  Hilldsale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1992; Swanborn, Peter G. Case Study Research: What, Why and How? London : SAGE, 2010; Yin, Robert K. Case Study Research: Design and Methods . 6th edition. Los Angeles, CA, SAGE Publications, 2014; Walo, Maree, Adrian Bull, and Helen Breen. “Achieving Economic Benefits at Local Events: A Case Study of a Local Sports Event.” Festival Management and Event Tourism 4 (1996): 95-106.

Writing Tip

At Least Five Misconceptions about Case Study Research

Social science case studies are often perceived as limited in their ability to create new knowledge because they are not randomly selected and findings cannot be generalized to larger populations. Flyvbjerg examines five misunderstandings about case study research and systematically "corrects" each one. To quote, these are:

Misunderstanding 1 :  General, theoretical [context-independent] knowledge is more valuable than concrete, practical [context-dependent] knowledge. Misunderstanding 2 :  One cannot generalize on the basis of an individual case; therefore, the case study cannot contribute to scientific development. Misunderstanding 3 :  The case study is most useful for generating hypotheses; that is, in the first stage of a total research process, whereas other methods are more suitable for hypotheses testing and theory building. Misunderstanding 4 :  The case study contains a bias toward verification, that is, a tendency to confirm the researcher’s preconceived notions. Misunderstanding 5 :  It is often difficult to summarize and develop general propositions and theories on the basis of specific case studies [p. 221].

While writing your paper, think introspectively about how you addressed these misconceptions because to do so can help you strengthen the validity and reliability of your research by clarifying issues of case selection, the testing and challenging of existing assumptions, the interpretation of key findings, and the summation of case outcomes. Think of a case study research paper as a complete, in-depth narrative about the specific properties and key characteristics of your subject of analysis applied to the research problem.

Flyvbjerg, Bent. “Five Misunderstandings About Case-Study Research.” Qualitative Inquiry 12 (April 2006): 219-245.

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Cite this chapter

• R. M. Channaveer 4 &
• Rajendra Baikady 5  

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This chapter reviews the strengths and limitations of case study as a research method in social sciences. It provides an account of an evidence base to justify why a case study is best suitable for some research questions and why not for some other research questions. Case study designing around the research context, defining the structure and modality, conducting the study, collecting the data through triangulation mode, analysing the data, and interpreting the data and theory building at the end give a holistic view of it. In addition, the chapter also focuses on the types of case study and when and where to use case study as a research method in social science research.

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Channaveer, R.M., Baikady, R. (2022). Case Study. In: Islam, M.R., Khan, N.A., Baikady, R. (eds) Principles of Social Research Methodology. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5441-2_21

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Belfer center studies in international security.

• political science

Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences

by Alexander L. George and Andrew Bennett

ISBN: 9780262572224

Pub date: April 15, 2005

• Publisher: The MIT Press

352 pp. , 6 x 9 in ,

ISBN: 9780262072571

Pub date: April 22, 2005

ISBN: 9780262262897

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The use of case studies to build and test theories in political science and the other social sciences has increased in recent years. Many scholars have argued that the social sciences rely too heavily on quantitative research and formal models and have attempted to develop and refine rigorous methods for using case studies. This text presents a comprehensive analysis of research methods using case studies and examines the place of case studies in social science methodology. It argues that case studies, statistical methods, and formal models are complementary rather than competitive.

The book explains how to design case study research that will produce results useful to policymakers and emphasizes the importance of developing policy-relevant theories. It offers three major contributions to case study methodology: an emphasis on the importance of within-case analysis, a detailed discussion of process tracing, and development of the concept of typological theories. Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences will be particularly useful to graduate students and scholars in social science methodology and the philosophy of science, as well as to those designing new research projects, and will contribute greatly to the broader debate about scientific methods.

Alexander L. George was Graham H. Stuart Professor of Political Science Emeritus at Stanford University and the author or coauthor of many books, most recently Presidential Personality and Performance (1998).

Andrew Bennett is Associate Professor of Government at Georgetown University and the author of Condemned to Repetition? The Rise, Fall, and Reprise of Soviet-Russian Military Interventionism, 1973-1996 (MIT Press, 1999).

In this book, George and Bennett explain how research methods such as process tracing and comparative case studies are designed, carried out, and used as the basis for theory development in social science. They provide an invaluable research guide for any scholar interested in the case study approach. But the book is much more than an account of how to do case study research. The authors also offer a sophisticated discussion of the philosophy of science that will be useful to anyone interested in the place of case-study methods in broader debates about social science methodology, and they give a discerning analysis of policy-relevant theory that is sure to draw the attention of a research community increasingly concerned about the social and political relevance of modern social science. In scope, clarity, and erudition, this book sets a new standard not only in the analysis of case study methods, but also in the study of social science methods more broadly. David Dessler, Associate Professor of Government, College of William & Mary

This book combines clear and concise instructions on how to do qualitative research with sophisticated but accessible epistemological reasons for that advice. The volume provides step-by-step templates on ways to design research, compare across cases, congruence test and process trace, and use typological theories. This guidance is illustrated with dozens of concrete examples. Almost no other methodology text comes close to matching the authors' top-to-bottom synthesis of philosophy of science and practical advice. Colin Elman, Executive Director, Consortium on Qualitative Research Methods, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Arizona State University

This landmark study offers to scholars of all methodological persuasions a philosophically informed, theoretically nuanced, and methodologically detailed treatment of case study analysis. With this book Alexander George and Andrew Bennett help all of us in improving our research, teaching, and disciplinary debates. Peter J. Katzenstein, Walter S. Carpenter, Jr., Professor of International Studies, Cornell University

Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences makes an indispensable contribution to the growing literature on qualitative methods in the social sciences. It provides a definitive analysis of case study methods and research designs, anchors those methods in contemporary philosophy of science, and argues that case study, statistical, and formal approaches can and should be mutually reinforcing in the development and testing of social theories. Jack S. Levy, Board of Governors' Professor, Rutgers University

Today, more and more social scientists recognize the importance of cases in social and political research and are looking for new ways to make their research more case oriented. George and Bennett show how in this important new work. The beauty of their approach is their careful integration of theory and method and their conviction that the pursuit of empirical knowledge is profoundly theory dependent. Charles Ragin, Professor of Sociology, University of Arizona

Andrew Bennett and Alexander George have written an immensely helpful practical guide to the case method. It offers sharp insight on scientific inference and very useful how-to guidance on doing case studies. Graduate students in social science: don't leave home without it! Stephen Van Evera, Professor of Political Science, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

The history of social science shows that well-designed case studies can be both a fertile source of new theories and a powerful tool for testing them. Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences raises our understanding of case study methodology to a new level of rigor and sophistication. George and Bennett provide a careful analysis of the virtues and pitfalls of comparative case study research and offer valuable advice for any scholar engaged in qualitative research. The more widely this book is read, the better future social science will be. Stephen M. Walt, Robert and Renée Belfer Professor of International Affairs, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University

This is an extraordinarily valuable book—a guide written with the practitioner in mind, very sophisticated in its approach to the subject, but loaded with practical advice. George and Bennett show how systematic, rigorous, and above all meaningful case study work is to be done. This is the sort of book scholars—and not just graduate students—will want to come back to over and over again. Marc Trachtenberg, Professor of Political Science, University of California, Los Angeles

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28 Case Selection for Case‐Study Analysis: Qualitative and Quantitative Techniques

John Gerring is Professor of Political Science, Boston University.

• Published: 02 September 2009
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This article presents some guidance by cataloging nine different techniques for case selection: typical, diverse, extreme, deviant, influential, crucial, pathway, most similar, and most different. It also indicates that if the researcher is starting from a quantitative database, then methods for finding influential outliers can be used. In particular, the article clarifies the general principles that might guide the process of case selection in case-study research. Cases are more or less representative of some broader phenomenon and, on that score, may be considered better or worse subjects for intensive analysis. The article then draws attention to two ambiguities in case-selection strategies in case-study research. The first concerns the admixture of several case-selection strategies. The second concerns the changing status of a case as a study proceeds. Some case studies follow only one strategy of case selection.

Case ‐study analysis focuses on one or several cases that are expected to provide insight into a larger population. This presents the researcher with a formidable problem of case selection: Which cases should she or he choose?

In large‐sample research, the task of case selection is usually handled by some version of randomization. However, in case‐study research the sample is small (by definition) and this makes random sampling problematic, for any given sample may be wildly unrepresentative. Moreover, there is no guarantee that a few cases, chosen randomly, will provide leverage into the research question of interest.

In order to isolate a sample of cases that both reproduces the relevant causal features of a larger universe (representativeness) and provides variation along the dimensions of theoretical interest (causal leverage), case selection for very small samples must employ purposive (nonrandom) selection procedures. Nine such methods are discussed in this chapter, each of which may be identified with a distinct case‐study “type:” typical, diverse, extreme, deviant, influential, crucial, pathway, most‐similar , and most‐different . Table 28.1 summarizes each type, including its general definition, a technique for locating it within a population of potential cases, its uses, and its probable representativeness.

While each of these techniques is normally practiced on one or several cases (the diverse, most‐similar, and most‐different methods require at least two), all may employ additional cases—with the proviso that, at some point, they will no longer offer an opportunity for in‐depth analysis and will thus no longer be “case studies” in the usual sense ( Gerring 2007 , ch. 2 ). It will also be seen that small‐ N case‐selection procedures rest, at least implicitly, upon an analysis of a larger population of potential cases (as does randomization). The case(s) identified for intensive study is chosen from a population and the reasons for this choice hinge upon the way in which it is situated within that population. This is the origin of the terminology—typical, diverse, extreme, et al. It follows that case‐selection procedures in case‐study research may build upon prior cross‐case analysis and that they depend, at the very least, upon certain assumptions about the broader population.

In certain circumstances, the case‐selection procedure may be structured by a quantitative analysis of the larger population. Here, several caveats must be satisfied. First, the inference must pertain to more than a few dozen cases; otherwise, statistical analysis is problematic. Second, relevant data must be available for that population, or a significant sample of that population, on key variables, and the researcher must feel reasonably confident in the accuracy and conceptual validity of these variables. Third, all the standard assumptions of statistical research (e.g. identification, specification, robustness) must be carefully considered, and wherever possible, tested. I shall not dilate further on these familiar issues except to warn the researcher against the unreflective use of statistical techniques. 1 When these requirements are not met, the researcher must employ a qualitative approach to case selection.

The point of this chapter is to elucidate general principles that might guide the process of case selection in case‐study research, building upon earlier work by Harry Eckstein, Arend Lijphart, and others. Sometimes, these principles can be applied in a quantitative framework and sometimes they are limited to a qualitative framework. In either case, the logic of case selection remains quite similar, whether practiced in small‐ N or large‐ N contexts.

Before we begin, a bit of notation is necessary. In this chapter “ N ” refers to cases, not observations. Here, I am concerned primarily with causal inference, rather than inferences that are descriptive or predictive in nature. Thus, all hypotheses involve at least one independent variable ( X ) and one dependent variable ( Y ). For convenience, I shall label the causal factor of special theoretical interest X   1 , and the control variable, or vector of controls (if there are any), X   2 . If the writer is concerned to explain a puzzling outcome, but has no preconceptions about its causes, then the research will be described as Y‐centered . If a researcher is concerned to investigate the effects of a particular cause, with no preconceptions about what these effects might be, the research will be described as X‐centered . If a researcher is concerned to investigate a particular causal relationship, the research will be described as X   1 / Y‐centered , for it connects a particular cause with a particular outcome. 2   X ‐ or Y ‐centered research is exploratory; its purpose is to generate new hypotheses. X   1 / Y‐centered research, by contrast, is confirmatory/disconfirmatory; its purpose is to test an existing hypothesis.

1 Typical Case

In order for a focused case study to provide insight into a broader phenomenon it must be representative of a broader set of cases. It is in this context that one may speak of a typical‐case approach to case selection. The typical case exemplifies what is considered to be a typical set of values, given some general understanding of a phenomenon. By construction, the typical case is also a representative case.

Some typical cases serve an exploratory role. Here, the author chooses a case based upon a set of descriptive characteristics and then probes for causal relationships. Robert and Helen Lynd (1929/1956) selected a single city “to be as representative as possible of contemporary American life.” Specifically, they were looking for a city with

1) a temperate climate; 2) a sufficiently rapid rate of growth to ensure the presence of a plentiful assortment of the growing pains accompanying contemporary social change; 3) an industrial culture with modern, high‐speed machine production; 4) the absence of dominance of the city's industry by a single plant (i.e., not a one‐industry town); 5) a substantial local artistic life to balance its industrial activity …; and 6) the absence of any outstanding peculiarities or acute local problems which would mark the city off from the midchannel sort of American community. ( Lynd and Lynd 1929/1956 , quoted in Yin 2004 , 29–30)

After examining a number of options the Lynds decided that Muncie, Indiana, was more representative than, or at least as representative as, other midsized cities in America, thus qualifying as a typical case.

This is an inductive approach to case selection. Note that typicality may be understood according to the mean, median, or mode on a particular dimension; there may be multiple dimensions (as in the foregoing example); and each may be differently weighted (some dimensions may be more important than others). Where the selection criteria are multidimensional and a large sample of potential cases is in play, some form of factor analysis may be useful in identifying the most‐typical case(s).

However, the more common employment of the typical‐case method involves a causal model of some phenomenon of theoretical interest. Here, the researcher has identified a particular outcome ( Y ), and perhaps a specific X   1 / Y hypothesis, which she wishes to investigate. In order to do so, she looks for a typical example of that causal relationship. Intuitively, one imagines that a case selected according to the mean values of all parameters must be a typical case relative to some causal relationship. However, this is by no means assured.

Suppose that the Lynds were primarily interested in explaining feelings of trust/distrust among members of different social classes (one of the implicit research goals of the Middletown study). This outcome is likely to be affected by many factors, only some of which are included in their six selection criteria. So choosing cases with respect to a causal hypothesis involves, first of all, identifying the relevant parameters. It involves, secondly, the selection of a case that has a “typical” value relative to the overall causal model; it is well explained. Cases with untypical scores on a particular dimension (e.g. very high or very low) may still be typical examples of a causal relationship. Indeed, they may be more typical than cases whose values lie close to the mean. Thus, a descriptive understanding of typicality is quite different from a causal understanding of typicality. Since it is the latter version that is more common, I shall adopt this understanding of typicality in the remainder of the discussion.

From a qualitative perspective, causal typicality involves the selection of a case that conforms to expectations about some general causal relationship. It performs as expected. In a quantitative setting, this notion is measured by the size of a case's residual in a large‐ N cross‐case model. Typical cases lie on or near the regression line; their residuals are small. Insofar as the model is correctly specified, the size of a case's residual (i.e. the number of standard deviations that separate the actual value from the fitted value) provides a helpful clue to how representative that case is likely to be. “Outliers” are unlikely to be representative of the target population.

Of course, just because a case has a low residual does not necessarily mean that it is a representative case (with respect to the causal relationship of interest). Indeed, the issue of case representativeness is an issue that can never be definitively settled. When one refers to a “typical case” one is saying, in effect, that the probability of a case's representativeness is high, relative to other cases. This test of typicality is misleading if the statistical model is mis‐specified. And it provides little insurance against errors that are purely stochastic. A case may lie directly on the regression line but still be, in some important respect, atypical. For example, it might have an odd combination of values; the interaction of variables might be different from other cases; or additional causal mechanisms might be at work. For this reason, it is important to supplement a statistical analysis of cases with evidence drawn from the case in question (the case study itself) and with our deductive knowledge of the world. One should never judge a case solely by its residual. Yet, all other things being equal, a case with a low residual is less likely to be unusual than a case with a high residual, and to this extent the method of case selection outlined here may be a helpful guide to case‐study researchers faced with a large number of potential cases.

By way of conclusion, it should be noted that because the typical case embodies a typical value on some set of causally relevant dimensions, the variance of interest to the researcher must lie within that case. Specifically, the typical case of some phenomenon may be helpful in exploring causal mechanisms and in solving identification problems (e.g. endogeneity between X   1 and Y , an omitted variable that may account for X   1   and Y , or some other spurious causal association). Depending upon the results of the case study, the author may confirm an existing hypothesis, disconfirm that hypothesis, or reframe it in a way that is consistent with the findings of the case study. These are the uses of the typical‐case study.

2 Diverse Cases

A second case‐selection strategy has as its primary objective the achievement of maximum variance along relevant dimensions. I refer to this as a diverse‐case method. For obvious reasons, this method requires the selection of a set of cases—at minimum, two—which are intended to represent the full range of values characterizing X   1 , Y , or some particular X   1 / Y relationship. 3

Where the individual variable of interest is categorical (on/off, red/black/blue, Jewish/Protestant/Catholic), the identification of diversity is readily apparent. The investigator simply chooses one case from each category. For a continuous variable, the choices are not so obvious. However, the researcher usually chooses both extreme values (high and low), and perhaps the mean or median as well. The researcher may also look for break‐points in the distribution that seem to correspond to categorical differences among cases. Or she may follow a theoretical hunch about which threshold values count, i.e. which are likely to produce different values on Y .

Another sort of diverse case takes account of the values of multiple variables (i.e. a vector), rather than a single variable. If these variables are categorical, the identification of causal types rests upon the intersection of each category. Two dichotomous variables produce a matrix with four cells. Three trichotomous variables produce a matrix of eight cells. And so forth. If all variables are deemed relevant to the analysis, the selection of diverse cases mandates the selection of one case drawn from within each cell. Let us say that an outcome is thought to be affected by sex, race (black/white), and marital status. Here, a diverse‐case strategy of case selection would identify one case within each of these intersecting cells—a total of eight cases. Things become slightly more complicated when one or more of the factors is continuous, rather than categorical. Here, the diversity of case values do not fall neatly into cells. Rather, these cells must be created by fiat—e.g. high, medium, low.

It will be seen that where multiple variables are under consideration, the logic of diverse‐case analysis rests upon the logic of typological theorizing—where different combinations of variables are assumed to have effects on an outcome that vary across types ( Elman 2005 ; George and Bennett 2005 , 235; Lazarsfeld and Barton 1951 ). George and Smoke, for example, wish to explore different types of deterrence failure—by “fait accompli,” by “limited probe,” and by “controlled pressure.” Consequently, they wish to find cases that exemplify each type of causal mechanism. 4

Diversity may thus refer to a range of variation on X or Y , or to a particular combination of causal factors (with or without a consideration of the outcome). In each instance, the goal of case selection is to capture the full range of variation along the dimension(s) of interest.

Since diversity can mean many things, its employment in a large‐ N setting is necessarily dependent upon how this key term is defined. If it is understood to pertain only to a single variable ( X   1 or Y ), then the task is fairly simple. A categorical variable mandates the choice of at least one case from each category—two if dichotomous, three if trichotomous, and so forth. A continuous variable suggests the choice of at least one “high” and “low” value, and perhaps one drawn from the mean or median. But other choices might also be justified, according to one's hunch about the underlying causal relationship or according to natural thresholds found in the data, which may be grouped into discrete categories. Single‐variable traits are usually easy to discover in a large‐ N setting through descriptive statistics or through visual inspection of the data.

Where diversity refers to particular combinations of variables, the relevant cross‐ case technique is some version of stratified random sampling (in a probabilistic setting) or Qualitative Comparative Analysis (in a deterministic setting) ( Ragin 2000 ). If the researcher suspects that a causal relationship is affected not only by combinations of factors but also by their sequencing , then the technique of analysis must incorporate temporal elements ( Abbott 2001 ; Abbott and Forrest 1986 ; Abbott and Tsay 2000 ). Thus, the method of identifying causal types rests upon whatever method of identifying causal relationships is employed in the large‐ N sample.

Note that the identification of distinct case types is intended to identify groups of cases that are internally homogeneous (in all respects that might affect the causal relationship of interest). Thus, the choice of cases within each group should not be problematic, and may be accomplished through random sampling or purposive case selection. However, if there is suspected diversity within each category, then measures should be taken to assure that the chosen cases are typical of each category. A case study should not focus on an atypical member of a subgroup.

Indeed, considerations of diversity and typicality often go together. Thus, in a study of globalization and social welfare systems, Duane Swank (2002) first identifies three distinctive groups of welfare states: “universalistic” (social democratic), “corporatist conservative,” and “liberal.” Next, he looks within each group to find the most‐typical cases. He decides that the Nordic countries are more typical of the universalistic model than the Netherlands since the latter has “some characteristics of the occupationally based program structure and a political context of Christian Democratic‐led governments typical of the corporatist conservative nations” ( Swank 2002 , 11; see also Esping‐Andersen 1990 ). Thus, the Nordic countries are chosen as representative cases within the universalistic case type, and are accompanied in the case‐study portion of his analysis by other cases chosen to represent the other welfare state types (corporatist conservative and liberal).

Evidently, when a sample encompasses a full range of variation on relevant parameters one is likely to enhance the representativeness of that sample (relative to some population). This is a distinct advantage. Of course, the inclusion of a full range of variation may distort the actual distribution of cases across this spectrum. If there are more “high” cases than “low” cases in a population and the researcher chooses only one high case and one low case, the resulting sample of two is not perfectly representative. Even so, the diverse‐case method probably has stronger claims to representativeness than any other small‐ N sample (including the standalone typical case). The selection of diverse cases has the additional advantage of introducing variation on the key variables of interest. A set of diverse cases is, by definition, a set of cases that encompasses a range of high and low values on relevant dimensions. There is, therefore, much to recommend this method of case selection. I suspect that these advantages are commonly understood and are applied on an intuitive level by case‐study researchers. However, the lack of a recognizable name—and an explicit methodological defense—has made it difficult for case‐study researchers to utilize this method of case selection, and to do so in an explicit and self‐conscious fashion. Neologism has its uses.

3 Extreme Case

The extreme‐case method selects a case because of its extreme value on an independent ( X   1 ) or dependent ( Y ) variable of interest. Thus, studies of domestic violence may choose to focus on extreme instances of abuse ( Browne 1987 ). Studies of altruism may focus on those rare individuals who risked their lives to help others (e.g. Holocaust resisters) ( Monroe 1996 ). Studies of ethnic politics may focus on the most heterogeneous societies (e.g. Papua New Guinea) in order to better understand the role of ethnicity in a democratic setting ( Reilly 2000–1 ). Studies of industrial policy often focus on the most successful countries (i.e. the NICS) ( Deyo 1987 ). And so forth. 5

Often an extreme case corresponds to a case that is considered to be prototypical or paradigmatic of some phenomena of interest. This is because concepts are often defined by their extremes, i.e. their ideal types. Italian Fascism defines the concept of Fascism, in part, because it offered the most extreme example of that phenomenon. However, the methodological value of this case, and others like it, derives from its extremity (along some dimension of interest), not its theoretical status or its status in the literature on a subject.

The notion of “extreme” may now be defined more precisely. An extreme value is an observation that lies far away from the mean of a given distribution. This may be measured (if there are sufficient observations) by a case's “Z score”—the number of standard deviations between a case and the mean value for that sample. Extreme cases have high Z scores, and for this reason may serve as useful subjects for intensive analysis.

For a continuous variable, the distance from the mean may be in either direction (positive or negative). For a dichotomous variable (present/absent), extremeness may be interpreted as unusual . If most cases are positive along a given dimension, then a negative case constitutes an extreme case. If most cases are negative, then a positive case constitutes an extreme case. It should be clear that researchers are not simply concerned with cases where something “happened,” but also with cases where something did not. It is the rareness of the value that makes a case valuable, in this context, not its positive or negative value. 6 Thus, if one is studying state capacity, a case of state failure is probably more informative than a case of state endurance simply because the former is more unusual. Similarly, if one is interested in incest taboos a culture where the incest taboo is absent or weak is probably more useful than a culture where it is present or strong. Fascism is more important than nonfascism. And so forth. There is a good reason, therefore, why case studies of revolution tend to focus on “revolutionary” cases. Theda Skocpol (1979) had much more to learn from France than from Austro‐Hungary since France was more unusual than Austro‐Hungary within the population of nation states that Skocpol was concerned to explain. The reason is quite simple: There are fewer revolutionary cases than nonrevolutionary cases; thus, the variation that we explore as a clue to causal relationships is encapsulated in these cases, against a background of nonrevolutionary cases.

Note that the extreme‐case method of case selection appears to violate the social science folk wisdom warning us not to “select on the dependent variable.” 7 Selecting cases on the dependent variable is indeed problematic if a number of cases are chosen, all of which lie on one end of a variable's spectrum (they are all positive or negative), and if the researcher then subjects this sample to cross‐case analysis as if it were representative of a population. 8 Results for this sort of analysis would almost assuredly be biased. Moreover, there will be little variation to explain since the values of each case are explicitly constrained.

However, this is not the proper employment of the extreme‐case method. (It is more appropriately labeled an extreme‐ sample method.) The extreme‐case method actually refers back to a larger sample of cases that lie in the background of the analysis and provide a full range of variation as well as a more representative picture of the population. It is a self‐conscious attempt to maximize variance on the dimension of interest, not to minimize it. If this population of cases is well understood— either through the author's own cross‐case analysis, through the work of others, or through common sense—then a researcher may justify the selection of a single case exemplifying an extreme value for within‐case analysis. If not, the researcher may be well advised to follow a diverse‐case method, as discussed above.

By way of conclusion, let us return to the problem of representativeness. It will be seen that an extreme case may be typical or deviant. There is simply no way to tell because the researcher has not yet specified an X   1 / Y causal proposition. Once such a causal proposition has been specified one may then ask whether the case in question is similar to some population of cases in all respects that might affect the X   1 / Y relationship of interest (i.e. unit homogeneous). It is at this point that it becomes possible to say, within the context of a cross‐case statistical model, whether a case lies near to, or far from, the regression line. However, this sort of analysis means that the researcher is no longer pursuing an extreme‐case method. The extreme‐case method is purely exploratory—a way of probing possible causes of Y , or possible effects of X , in an open‐ended fashion. If the researcher has some notion of what additional factors might affect the outcome of interest, or of what relationship the causal factor of interest might have with Y , then she ought to pursue one of the other methods explored in this chapter. This also implies that an extreme‐case method may transform into a different kind of approach as a study evolves; that is, as a more specific hypothesis comes to light. Useful extreme cases at the outset of a study may prove less useful at a later stage of analysis.

4 Deviant Case

The deviant‐case method selects that case(s) which, by reference to some general understanding of a topic (either a specific theory or common sense), demonstrates a surprising value. It is thus the contrary of the typical case. Barbara Geddes (2003) notes the importance of deviant cases in medical science, where researchers are habitually focused on that which is “pathological” (according to standard theory and practice). The New England Journal of Medicine , one of the premier journals of the field, carries a regular feature entitled Case Records of the Massachusetts General Hospital. These articles bear titles like the following: “An 80‐Year‐Old Woman with Sudden Unilateral Blindness” or “A 76‐Year‐Old Man with Fever, Dyspnea, Pulmonary Infiltrates, Pleural Effusions, and Confusion.” 9 Another interesting example drawn from the field of medicine concerns the extensive study now devoted to a small number of persons who seem resistant to the AIDS virus ( Buchbinder and Vittinghoff 1999 ; Haynes, Pantaleo, and Fauci 1996 ). Why are they resistant? What is different about these people? What can we learn about AIDS in other patients by observing people who have built‐in resistance to this disease?

Likewise, in psychology and sociology case studies may be comprised of deviant (in the social sense) persons or groups. In economics, case studies may consist of countries or businesses that overperform (e.g. Botswana; Microsoft) or underperform (e.g. Britain through most of the twentieth century; Sears in recent decades) relative to some set of expectations. In political science, case studies may focus on countries where the welfare state is more developed (e.g. Sweden) or less developed (e.g. the United States) than one would expect, given a set of general expectations about welfare state development. The deviant case is closely linked to the investigation of theoretical anomalies. Indeed, to say deviant is to imply “anomalous.” 10

Note that while extreme cases are judged relative to the mean of a single distribution (the distribution of values along a single variable), deviant cases are judged relative to some general model of causal relations. The deviant‐case method selects cases which, by reference to some (presumably) general relationship, demonstrate a surprising value. They are “deviant” in that they are poorly explained by the multivariate model. The important point is that deviant‐ness can only be assessed relative to the general (quantitative or qualitative) model. This means that the relative deviant‐ness of a case is likely to change whenever the general model is altered. For example, the United States is a deviant welfare state when this outcome is gauged relative to societal wealth. But it is less deviant—and perhaps not deviant at all—when certain additional (political and societal) factors are included in the model, as discussed in the epilogue. Deviance is model dependent. Thus, when discussing the concept of the deviant case it is helpful to ask the following question: Relative to what general model (or set of background factors) is Case A deviant?

Conceptually, we have said that the deviant case is the logical contrary of the typical case. This translates into a directly contrasting statistical measurement. While the typical case is one with a low residual (in some general model of causal relations), a deviant case is one with a high residual. This means, following our previous discussion, that the deviant case is likely to be an un representative case, and in this respect appears to violate the supposition that case‐study samples should seek to reproduce features of a larger population.

However, it must be borne in mind that the primary purpose of a deviant‐case analysis is to probe for new—but as yet unspecified—explanations. (If the purpose is to disprove an extant theory I shall refer to the study as crucial‐case, as discussed below.) The researcher hopes that causal processes identified within the deviant case will illustrate some causal factor that is applicable to other (more or less deviant) cases. This means that a deviant‐case study usually culminates in a general proposition, one that may be applied to other cases in the population. Once this general proposition has been introduced into the overall model, the expectation is that the chosen case will no longer be an outlier. Indeed, the hope is that it will now be typical , as judged by its small residual in the adjusted model. (The exception would be a circumstance in which a case's outcome is deemed to be “accidental,” and therefore inexplicable by any general model.)

This feature of the deviant‐case study should help to resolve questions about its representativeness. Even if it is not possible to measure the new causal factor (and thus to introduce it into a large‐ N cross‐case model), it may still be plausible to assert (based on general knowledge of the phenomenon) that the chosen case is representative of a broader population.

5 Influential Case

Sometimes, the choice of a case is motivated solely by the need to verify the assumptions behind a general model of causal relations. Here, the analyst attempts to provide a rationale for disregarding a problematic case or a set of problematic cases. That is to say, she attempts to show why apparent deviations from the norm are not really deviant, or do not challenge the core of the theory, once the circumstances of the special case or cases are fully understood. A cross‐case analysis may, after all, be marred by several classes of problems including measurement error, specification error, errors in establishing proper boundaries for the inference (the scope of the argument), and stochastic error (fluctuations in the phenomenon under study that are treated as random, given available theoretical resources). If poorly fitting cases can be explained away by reference to these kinds of problems, then the theory of interest is that much stronger. This sort of deviant‐case analysis answers the question, “What about Case A (or cases of type A)? How does that, seemingly disconfirming, case fit the model?”

Because its underlying purpose is different from the usual deviant‐case study, I offer a new term for this method. The influential case is a case that casts doubt upon a theory, and for that reason warrants close inspection. This investigation may reveal, after all, that the theory is validated—perhaps in some slightly altered form. In this guise, the influential case is the “case that proves the rule.” In other instances, the influential‐case analysis may contribute to disconfirming, or reconceptualizing, a theory. The key point is that the value of the case is judged relative to some extant cross‐case model.

A simple version of influential‐case analysis involves the confirmation of a key case's score on some critical dimension. This is essentially a question of measurement. Sometimes cases are poorly explained simply because they are poorly understood. A close examination of a particular context may reveal that an apparently falsifying case has been miscoded. If so, the initial challenge presented by that case to some general theory has been obviated.

However, the more usual employment of the influential‐case method culminates in a substantive reinterpretation of the case—perhaps even of the general model. It is not just a question of measurement. Consider Thomas Ertman's (1997) study of state building in Western Europe, as summarized by Gerardo Munck. This study argues

that the interaction of a) the type of local government during the first period of statebuilding, with b) the timing of increases in geopolitical competition, strongly influences the kind of regime and state that emerge. [Ertman] tests this hypothesis against the historical experience of Europe and finds that most countries fit his predictions. Denmark, however, is a major exception. In Denmark, sustained geopolitical competition began relatively late and local government at the beginning of the statebuilding period was generally participatory, which should have led the country to develop “patrimonial constitutionalism.” But in fact, it developed “bureaucratic absolutism.” Ertman carefully explores the process through which Denmark came to have a bureaucratic absolutist state and finds that Denmark had the early marks of a patrimonial constitutionalist state. However, the country was pushed off this developmental path by the influence of German knights, who entered Denmark and brought with them German institutions of local government. Ertman then traces the causal process through which these imported institutions pushed Denmark to develop bureaucratic absolutism, concluding that this development was caused by a factor well outside his explanatory framework. ( Munck 2004 , 118)

Ertman's overall framework is confirmed insofar as he has been able to show, by an in‐depth discussion of Denmark, that the causal processes stipulated by the general theory hold even in this apparently disconfirming case. Denmark is still deviant, but it is so because of “contingent historical circumstances” that are exogenous to the theory ( Ertman 1997 , 316).

Evidently, the influential‐case analysis is similar to the deviant‐case analysis. Both focus on outliers. However, as we shall see, they focus on different kinds of outliers. Moreover, the animating goals of these two research designs are quite different. The influential‐case study begins with the aim of confirming a general model, while the deviant‐case study has the aim of generating a new hypothesis that modifies an existing general model. The confusion stems from the fact that the same case study may fulfill both objectives—qualifying a general model and, at the same time, confirming its core hypothesis.

Thus, in their study of Roberto Michels's “iron law of oligarchy,” Lipset, Trow, and Coleman (1956) choose to focus on an organization—the International Typographical Union—that appears to violate the central presupposition. The ITU, as noted by one of the authors, has “a long‐term two‐party system with free elections and frequent turnover in office” and is thus anything but oligarchic ( Lipset 1959 , 70). As such, it calls into question Michels's grand generalization about organizational behavior. The authors explain this curious result by the extraordinarily high level of education among the members of this union. Michels's law is shown to be true for most organizations, but not all. It is true, with qualifications. Note that the respecification of the original model (in effect, Lipset, Trow, and Coleman introduce a new control variable or boundary condition) involves the exploration of a new hypothesis. In this instance, therefore, the use of an influential case to confirm an existing theory is quite similar to the use of a deviant case to explore a new theory.

In a quantitative idiom, influential cases are those that, if counterfactually assigned a different value on the dependent variable, would most substantially change the resulting estimates. They may or may not be outliers (high‐residual cases). Two quantitative measures of influence are commonly applied in regression diagnostics ( Belsey, Kuh, and Welsch 2004 ). The first, often referred to as the leverage of a case, derives from what is called the hat matrix . Based solely on each case's scores on the independent variables, the hat matrix tells us how much a change in (or a measurement error on) the dependent variable for that case would affect the overall regression line. The second is Cook's distance , a measure of the extent to which the estimates of all the parameters would change if a given case were omitted from the analysis. Cases with a large leverage or Cook's distance contribute quite a lot to the inferences drawn from a cross‐case analysis. In this sense, such cases are vital for maintaining analytic conclusions. Discovering a significant measurement error on the dependent variable or an important omitted variable for such a case may dramatically revise estimates of the overall relationships. Hence, it may be quite sensible to select influential cases for in‐depth study.

Note that the use of an influential‐case strategy of case selection is limited to instances in which a researcher has reason to be concerned that her results are being driven by one or a few cases. This is most likely to be true in small to moderate‐sized samples. Where N is very large—greater than 1,000, let us say—it is extremely unlikely that a small set of cases (much less an individual case) will play an “influential” role. Of course, there may be influential sets of cases, e.g. countries within a particular continent or cultural region, or persons of Irish extraction. Sets of influential observations are often problematic in a time‐series cross‐section data‐set where each unit (e.g. country) contains multiple observations (through time), and hence may have a strong influence on aggregate results. Still, the general rule is: the larger the sample, the less important individual cases are likely to be and, hence, the less likely a researcher is to use an influential‐case approach to case selection.

6 Crucial Case

Of all the extant methods of case selection perhaps the most storied—and certainly the most controversial—is the crucial‐case method, introduced to the social science world several decades ago by Harry Eckstein. In his seminal essay, Eckstein (1975 , 118) describes the crucial case as one “that must closely fit a theory if one is to have confidence in the theory's validity, or, conversely, must not fit equally well any rule contrary to that proposed.” A case is crucial in a somewhat weaker—but much more common—sense when it is most, or least, likely to fulfill a theoretical prediction. A “most‐likely” case is one that, on all dimensions except the dimension of theoretical interest, is predicted to achieve a certain outcome, and yet does not. It is therefore used to disconfirm a theory. A “least‐likely” case is one that, on all dimensions except the dimension of theoretical interest, is predicted not to achieve a certain outcome, and yet does so. It is therefore used to confirm a theory. In all formulations, the crucial‐case offers a most‐difficult test for an argument, and hence provides what is perhaps the strongest sort of evidence possible in a nonexperimental, single‐case setting.

Since the publication of Eckstein's influential essay, the crucial‐case approach has been claimed in a multitude of studies across several social science disciplines and has come to be recognized as a staple of the case‐study method. 11 Yet the idea of any single case playing a crucial (or “critical”) role is not widely accepted among most methodologists (e.g. Sekhon 2004 ). (Even its progenitor seems to have had doubts.)

Let us begin with the confirmatory (a.k.a. least‐likely) crucial case. The implicit logic of this research design may be summarized as follows. Given a set of facts, we are asked to contemplate the probability that a given theory is true. While the facts matter, to be sure, the effectiveness of this sort of research also rests upon the formal properties of the theory in question. Specifically, the degree to which a theory is amenable to confirmation is contingent upon how many predictions can be derived from the theory and on how “risky” each individual prediction is. In Popper's (1963 , 36) words, “Confirmations should count only if they are the result of risky predictions ; that is to say, if, unenlightened by the theory in question, we should have expected an event which was incompatible with the theory—and event which would have refuted the theory. Every ‘good’ scientific theory is a prohibition; it forbids certain things to happen. The more a theory forbids, the better it is” (see also Popper 1934/1968 ). A risky prediction is therefore one that is highly precise and determinate, and therefore unlikely to be achieved by the product of other causal factors (external to the theory of interest) or through stochastic processes. A theory produces many such predictions if it is fully elaborated, issuing predictions not only on the central outcome of interest but also on specific causal mechanisms, and if it is broad in purview. (The notion of riskiness may also be conceptualized within the Popperian lexicon as degrees of falsifiability .)

These points can also be articulated in Bayesian terms. Colin Howson and Peter Urbach explain: “The degree to which h [a hypothesis] is confirmed by e [a set of evidence] depends … on the extent to which P(eČh) exceeds P (e) , that is, on how much more probable e is relative to the hypothesis and background assumptions than it is relative just to background assumptions.” Again, “confirmation is correlated with how much more probable the evidence is if the hypothesis is true than if it is false” ( Howson and Urlbach 1989 , 86). Thus, the stranger the prediction offered by a theory—relative to what we would normally expect—the greater the degree of confirmation that will be afforded by the evidence. As an intuitive example, Howson and Urbach (1989 , 86) offer the following:

If a soothsayer predicts that you will meet a dark stranger sometime and you do in fact, your faith in his powers of precognition would not be much enhanced: you would probably continue to think his predictions were just the result of guesswork. However, if the prediction also gave the correct number of hairs on the head of that stranger, your previous scepticism would no doubt be severely shaken.

While these Popperian/Bayesian notions 12 are relevant to all empirical research designs, they are especially relevant to case‐study research designs, for in these settings a single case (or, at most, a small number of cases) is required to bear a heavy burden of proof. It should be no surprise, therefore, that Popper's idea of “riskiness” was to be appropriated by case‐study researchers like Harry Eckstein to validate the enterprise of single‐case analysis. (Although Eckstein does not cite Popper the intellectual lineage is clear.) Riskiness, here, is analogous to what is usually referred to as a “most‐ difficult” research design, which in a case‐study research design would be understood as a “least‐likely” case. Note also that the distinction between a “must‐fit” case and a least‐likely case—that, in the event, actually does fit the terms of a theory—is a matter of degree. Cases are more or less crucial for confirming theories. The point is that, in some circumstances, a paucity of empirical evidence may be compensated by the riskiness of the theory.

The crucial‐case research design is, perforce, a highly deductive enterprise; much depends on the quality of the theory under investigation. It follows that the theories most amenable to crucial‐case analysis are those which are lawlike in their precision, degree of elaboration, consistency, and scope. The more a theory attains the status of a causal law, the easier it will be to confirm, or to disconfirm, with a single case. Indeed, risky predictions are common in natural science fields such as physics, which in turn served as the template for the deductive‐nomological (“covering‐law”) model of science that influenced Eckstein and others in the postwar decades (e.g. Hempel 1942 ).

A frequently cited example is the first important empirical demonstration of the theory of relativity, which took the form of a single‐event prediction on the occasion of the May 29, 1919, solar eclipse ( Eckstein 1975 ; Popper 1963 ). Stephen Van Evera (1997 , 66–7) describes the impact of this prediction on the validation of Einstein's theory.

Einstein's theory predicted that gravity would bend the path of light toward a gravity source by a specific amount. Hence it predicted that during a solar eclipse stars near the sun would appear displaced—stars actually behind the sun would appear next to it, and stars lying next to the sun would appear farther from it—and it predicted the amount of apparent displacement. No other theory made these predictions. The passage of this one single‐case‐study test brought the theory wide acceptance because the tested predictions were unique—there was no plausible competing explanation for the predicted result—hence the passed test was very strong.

The strength of this test is the extraordinary fit between the theory and a set of facts found in a single case, and the corresponding lack of fit between all other theories and this set of facts. Einstein offered an explanation of a particular set of anomalous findings that no other existing theory could make sense of. Of course, one must assume that there was no—or limited—measurement error. And one must assume that the phenomenon of interest is largely invariant; light does not bend differently at different times and places (except in ways that can be understood through the theory of relativity). And one must assume, finally, that the theory itself makes sense on other grounds (other than the case of special interest); it is a plausible general theory. If one is willing to accept these a priori assumptions, then the 1919 “case study” provides a very strong confirmation of the theory. It is difficult to imagine a stronger proof of the theory from within an observational (nonexperimental) setting.

In social science settings, by contrast, one does not commonly find single‐case studies offering knockout evidence for a theory. This is, in my view, largely a product of the looseness (the underspecification) of most social science theories. George and Bennett point out that while the thesis of the democratic peace is as close to a “law” as social science has yet seen, it cannot be confirmed (or refuted) by looking at specific causal mechanisms because the causal pathways mandated by the theory are multiple and diverse. Under the circumstances, no single‐case test can offer strong confirmation of the theory ( George and Bennett 2005 , 209).

However, if one adopts a softer version of the crucial‐case method—the least‐likely (most difficult) case—then possibilities abound. Indeed, I suspect that, implicitly , most case‐study work that makes a positive argument focusing on a single case (without a corresponding cross‐case analysis) relies largely on the logic of the least‐ likely case. Rarely is this logic made explicit, except perhaps in a passing phrase or two. Yet the deductive logic of the “risky” prediction is central to the case‐study enterprise. Whether a case study is convincing or not often rests on the reader's evaluation of how strong the evidence for an argument might be, and this in turn—wherever cross‐ case evidence is limited and no manipulated treatment can be devised—rests upon an estimation of the degree of “fit” between a theory and the evidence at hand, as discussed.

Lily Tsai's (2007) investigation of governance at the village level in China employs several in‐depth case studies of villages which are chosen (in part) because of their least‐likely status relative to the theory of interest. Tsai's hypothesis is that villages with greater social solidarity (based on preexisting religious or familial networks) will develop a higher level of social trust and mutual obligation and, as a result, will experience better governance. Crucial cases, therefore, are villages that evidence a high level of social solidarity but which, along other dimensions, would be judged least likely to develop good governance, e.g. they are poor, isolated, and lack democratic institutions or accountability mechanisms from above. “Li Settlement,” in Fujian province, is such a case. The fact that this impoverished village nonetheless boasts an impressive set of infrastructural accomplishments such as paved roads with drainage ditches (a rarity in rural China) suggests that something rather unusual is going on here. Because her case is carefully chosen to eliminate rival explanations, Tsai's conclusions about the special role of social solidarity are difficult to gainsay. How else is one to explain this otherwise anomalous result? This is the strength of the least‐likely case, where all other plausible causal factors for an outcome have been minimized. 13

Jack Levy (2002 , 144) refers to this, evocatively, as a “Sinatra inference:” if it can make it here, it can make it anywhere (see also Khong 1992 , 49; Sagan 1995 , 49; Shafer 1988 , 14–6). Thus, if social solidarity has the hypothesized effect in Li Settlement it should have the same effect in more propitious settings (e.g. where there is greater economic surplus). The same implicit logic informs many case‐study analyses where the intent of the study is to confirm a hypothesis on the basis of a single case.

Another sort of crucial case is employed for the purpose of dis confirming a causal hypothesis. A central Popperian insight is that it is easier to disconfirm an inference than to confirm that same inference. (Indeed, Popper doubted that any inference could be fully confirmed, and for this reason preferred the term “corroborate.”) This is particularly true of case‐study research designs, where evidence is limited to one or several cases. The key proviso is that the theory under investigation must take a consistent (a.k.a. invariant, deterministic) form, even if its predictions are not terrifically precise, well elaborated, or broad.

As it happens, there are a fair number of invariant propositions floating around the social science disciplines (Goertz and Levy forthcoming; Goertz and Starr 2003 ). It used to be argued, for example, that political stability would occur only in countries that are relatively homogeneous, or where existing heterogeneities are mitigated by cross‐cutting cleavages ( Almond 1956 ; Bentley 1908/1967 ; Lipset 1960/1963 ; Truman 1951 ). Arend Lijphart's (1968) study of the Netherlands, a peaceful country with reinforcing social cleavages, is commonly viewed as refuting this theory on the basis of a single in‐depth case analysis. 14

Granted, it may be questioned whether presumed invariant theories are really invariant; perhaps they are better understood as probabilistic. Perhaps, that is, the theory of cross‐cutting cleavages is still true, probabilistically, despite the apparent Dutch exception. Or perhaps the theory is still true, deterministically, within a subset of cases that does not include the Netherlands. (This sort of claim seems unlikely in this particular instance, but it is quite plausible in many others.) Or perhaps the theory is in need of reframing; it is true, deterministically, but applies only to cross‐ cutting ethnic/racial cleavages, not to cleavages that are primarily religious. One can quibble over what it means to “disconfirm” a theory. The point is that the crucial case has, in all these circumstances, provided important updating of a theoretical prior.

Heretofore, I have treated causal factors as dichotomous. Countries have either reinforcing or cross‐cutting cleavages and they have regimes that are either peaceful or conflictual. Evidently, these sorts of parameters are often matters of degree. In this reading of the theory, cases are more or less crucial. Accordingly, the most useful—i.e. most crucial—case for Lijphart's purpose is one that has the most segregated social groups and the most peaceful and democratic track record. In these respects, the Netherlands was a very good choice. Indeed, the degree of disconfirmation offered by this case study is probably greater than the degree of disconfirmation that might have been provided by other cases such as India or Papua New Guinea—countries where social peace has not always been secure. The point is that where variables are continuous rather than dichotomous it is possible to evaluate potential cases in terms of their degree of crucialness .

Note that the crucial‐case method of case‐selection, whether employed in a confirmatory or disconfirmatory mode, cannot be employed in a large‐ N context. This is because an explicit cross‐case model would render the crucial‐case study redundant. Once one identifies the relevant parameters and the scores of all cases on those parameters, one has in effect constructed a cross‐case model that confirms or disconfirms the theory in question. The case study is thenceforth irrelevant, at least as a means of decisive confirmation or disconfirmation. 15 It remains highly relevant as a means of exploring causal mechanisms, of course. Yet, because this objective is quite different from that which is usually associated with the term, I enlist a new term for this technique.

7 Pathway Case

One of the most important functions of case‐study research is the elucidation of causal mechanisms. But which sort of case is most useful for this purpose? Although all case studies presumably shed light on causal mechanisms, not all cases are equally transparent. In situations where a causal hypothesis is clear and has already been confirmed by cross‐case analysis, researchers are well advised to focus on a case where the causal effect of X   1 on Y can be isolated from other potentially confounding factors ( X   2 ). I shall call this a pathway case to indicate its uniquely penetrating insight into causal mechanisms. In contrast to the crucial case, this sort of method is practicable only in circumstances where cross‐case covariational patterns are well studied and where the mechanism linking X   1 and Y remains dim. Because the pathway case builds on prior cross‐case analysis, the problem of case selection must be situated within that sample. There is no standalone pathway case.

The logic of the pathway case is clearest in situations of causal sufficiency—where a causal factor of interest, X   1 , is sufficient by itself (though perhaps not necessary) to account for Y 's value (0 or 1). The other causes of Y , about which we need make no assumptions, are designated as a vector, X   2 .

Note that wherever various causal factors are substitutable for one another, each factor is conceptualized (individually) as sufficient ( Braumoeller 2003 ). Thus, situations of causal equifinality presume causal sufficiency on the part of each factor or set of conjoint factors. An example is provided by the literature on democratization, which stipulates three main avenues of regime change: leadership‐initiated reform, a controlled opening to opposition, or the collapse of an authoritarian regime ( Colomer 1991 ). The case‐study format constrains us to analyze one at a time, so let us limit our scope to the first one—leadership‐initiated reform. So considered, a causal‐pathway case would be one with the following features: (a) democratization, (b) leadership‐initiated reform, (c) no controlled opening to the opposition, (d) no collapse of the previous authoritarian regime, and (e) no other extraneous factors that might affect the process of democratization. In a case of this type, the causal mechanisms by which leadership‐initiated reform may lead to democratization will be easiest to study. Note that it is not necessary to assume that leadership‐initiated reform always leads to democratization; it may or may not be a deterministic cause. But it is necessary to assume that leadership‐initiated reform can sometimes lead to democratization on its own (given certain background features).

Now let us move from these examples to a general‐purpose model. For heuristic purposes, let us presume that all variables in that model are dichotomous (coded as 0 or 1) and that the model is complete (all causes of Y are included). All causal relationships will be coded so as to be positive: X   1 and Y covary as do X   2 and Y . This allows us to visualize a range of possible combinations at a glance.

Recall that the pathway case is always focused, by definition, on a single causal factor, denoted X   1 . (The researcher's focus may shift to other causal factors, but may only focus on one causal factor at a time.) In this scenario, and regardless of how many additional causes of Y there might be (denoted X   2 , a vector of controls), there are only eight relevant case types, as illustrated in Table 28.2 . Identifying these case types is a relatively simple matter, and can be accomplished in a small‐ N sample by the construction of a truth‐table (modeled after Table 28.2 ) or in a large‐ N sample by the use of cross‐tabs.

Notes : X   1 = the variable of theoretical interest. X   2 = a vector of controls (a score of 0 indicates that all control variables have a score of 0, while a score of 1 indicates that all control variables have a score of 1). Y = the outcome of interest. A–H = case types (the N for each case type is indeterminate). G, H = possible pathway cases. Sample size = indeterminate.

Assumptions : (a) all variables can be coded dichotomously (a binary coding of the concept is valid); (b) all independent variables are positively correlated with Y in the general case; ( c ) X   1 is (at least sometimes) a sufficient cause of Y .

Note that the total number of combinations of values depends on the number of control variables, which we have represented with a single vector, X   2 . If this vector consists of a single variable then there are only eight case types. If this vector consists of two variables ( X   2a , X   2b ) then the total number of possible combinations increases from eight (2 3 ) to sixteen (2 4 ). And so forth. However, none of these combinations is relevant for present purposes except those where X   2a and X   2b have the same value (0 or 1). “Mixed” cases are not causal pathway cases, for reasons that should become clear.

The pathway case, following the logic of the crucial case, is one where the causal factor of interest, X   1 , correctly predicts Y while all other possible causes of Y (represented by the vector, X   2 ) make “wrong” predictions. If X   1 is—at least in some circumstances—a sufficient cause of Y , then it is these sorts of cases that should be most useful for tracing causal mechanisms. There are only two such cases in Ta b l e 28.2—G and H. In all other cases, the mechanism running from X   1 to Y would be difficult to discern either because X   1 and Y are not correlated in the usual way (constituting an unusual case, in the terms of our hypothesis) or because other confounding factors ( X   2 ) intrude. In case A, for example, the positive value on Y could be a product of X   1 or X   2 . An in‐depth examination of this case is not likely to be very revealing.

Keep in mind that because the researcher already knows from her cross‐case examination what the general causal relationships are, she knows (prior to the case‐ study investigation) what constitutes a correct or incorrect prediction. In the crucial‐ case method, by contrast, these expectations are deductive rather than empirical. This is what differentiates the two methods. And this is why the causal pathway case is useful principally for elucidating causal mechanisms rather than verifying or falsifying general propositions (which are already more or less apparent from the cross‐case evidence). Of course, we must leave open the possibility that the investigation of causal mechanisms would invalidate a general claim, if that claim is utterly contingent upon a specific set of causal mechanisms and the case study shows that no such mechanisms are present. However, this is rather unlikely in most social science settings. Usually, the result of such a finding will be a reformulation of the causal processes by which X   1 causes Y —or, alternatively, a realization that the case under investigation is aberrant (atypical of the general population of cases).

Sometimes, the research question is framed as a unidirectional cause: one is interested in why 0 becomes 1 (or vice versa) but not in why 1 becomes 0. In our previous example, we asked why democracies fail, not why countries become democratic or authoritarian. So framed, there can be only one type of causal‐pathway case. (Whether regime failure is coded as 0 or 1 is a matter of taste.) Where researchers are interested in bidirectional causality—a movement from 0 to 1 as well as from 1 to 0—there are two possible causal‐pathway cases, G and H. In practice, however, one of these case types is almost always more useful than the other. Thus, it seems reasonable to employ the term “pathway case” in the singular. In order to determine which of these two case types will be more useful for intensive analysis the researcher should look to see whether each case type exhibits desirable features such as: (a) a rare (unusual) value on X   1 or Y (designated “extreme” in our previous discussion), (b) observable temporal variation in X   1 , ( c ) an X   1 / Y relationship that is easier to study (it has more visible features; it is more transparent), or (d) a lower residual (thus indicating a more typical case, within the terms of the general model). Usually, the choice between G and H is intuitively obvious.

Now, let us consider a scenario in which all (or most) variables of concern to the model are continuous, rather than dichotomous. Here, the job of case selection is considerably more complex, for causal “sufficiency” (in the usual sense) cannot be invoked. It is no longer plausible to assume that a given cause can be entirely partitioned, i.e. rival factors eliminated. However, the search for a pathway case may still be viable. What we are looking for in this scenario is a case that satisfies two criteria: (1) it is not an outlier (or at least not an extreme outlier) in the general model and (2) its score on the outcome ( Y ) is strongly influenced by the theoretical variable of interest ( X   1 ), taking all other factors into account ( X   2 ). In this sort of case it should be easiest to “see” the causal mechanisms that lie between X   1 and Y .

Achieving the second desiderata requires a bit of manipulation. In order to determine which (nonoutlier) cases are most strongly affected by X   1 , given all the other parameters in the model, one must compare the size of the residuals for each case in a reduced form model, Y = Constant + X   2 + Res reduced , with the size of the residuals for each case in a full model, Y = Constant + X   2 + X   1 + Res full . The pathway case is that case, or set of cases, which shows the greatest difference between the residual for the reduced‐form model and the full model (ΔResidual). Thus,

Note that the residual for a case must be smaller in the full model than in the reduced‐ form model; otherwise, the addition of the variable of interest ( X   1 ) pulls the case away from the regression line. We want to find a case where the addition of X   1 pushes the case towards the regression line, i.e. it helps to “explain” that case.

As an example, let us suppose that we are interested in exploring the effect of mineral wealth on the prospects for democracy in a society. According to a good deal of work on this subject, countries with a bounty of natural resources—particularly oil—are less likely to democratize (or once having undergone a democratic transition, are more likely to revert to authoritarian rule) ( Barro 1999 ; Humphreys 2005 ; Ross 2001 ). The cross‐country evidence is robust. Yet as is often the case, the causal mechanisms remain rather obscure. In order to better understand this phenomenon it may be worthwhile to exploit the findings of cross‐country regression models in order to identify a country whose regime type (i.e. its democracy “score” on some general index) is strongly affected by its natural‐research wealth, all other things held constant. An analysis of this sort identifies two countries— the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait—with high Δ Residual values and modest residuals in the full model (signifying that these cases are not outliers). Researchers seeking to explore the effect of oil wealth on regime type might do well to focus on these two cases since their patterns of democracy cannot be well explained by other factors—e.g. economic development, religion, European influence, or ethnic fractionalization. The presence of oil wealth in these countries would appear to have a strong independent effect on the prospects for democratization in these cases, an effect that is well modeled by general theory and by the available cross‐case evidence.

To reiterate, the logic of causal “elimination” is much more compelling where variables are dichotomous and where causal sufficiency can be assumed ( X   1 is sufficient by itself, at least in some circumstances, to cause Y ). Where variables are continuous, the strategy of the pathway case is more dubious, for potentially confounding causal factors ( X   2 ) cannot be neatly partitioned. Even so, we have indicated why the selection of a pathway case may be a logical approach to case‐study analysis in many circumstances.

The exceptions may be briefly noted. Sometimes, where all variables in a model are dichotomous, there are no pathway cases, i.e. no cases of type G or H (in Table 28.2 ). This is known as the “empty cell” problem, or a problem of severe causal multicollinearity. The universe of observational data does not always oblige us with cases that allow us to independently test a given hypothesis. Where variables are continuous, the analogous problem is that of a causal variable of interest ( X   1 ) that has only minimal effects on the outcome of interest. That is, its role in the general model is quite minor. In these situations, the only cases that are strongly affected by X   1 —if there are any at all—may be extreme outliers, and these sorts of cases are not properly regarded as providing confirmatory evidence for a proposition, for reasons that are abundantly clear by now.

Finally, it should be clarified that the identification of a causal pathway case does not obviate the utility of exploring other cases. One might, for example, want to compare both sorts of potential pathway cases—G and H—with each other. Many other combinations suggest themselves. However, this sort of multi‐case investigation moves beyond the logic of the causal‐pathway case.

8 Most‐similar Cases

The most‐similar method employs a minimum of two cases. 16 In its purest form, the chosen pair of cases is similar in all respects except the variable(s) of interest. If the study is exploratory (i.e. hypothesis generating), the researcher looks for cases that differ on the outcome of theoretical interest but are similar on various factors that might have contributed to that outcome, as illustrated in Table 28.3 (A) . This is a common form of case selection at the initial stage of research. Often, fruitful analysis begins with an apparent anomaly: two cases are apparently quite similar, and yet demonstrate surprisingly different outcomes. The hope is that intensive study of these cases will reveal one—or at most several—factors that differ across these cases. These differing factors ( X   1 ) are looked upon as putative causes. At this stage, the research may be described by the second diagram in Table 28.3 (B) . Sometimes, a researcher begins with a strong hypothesis, in which case her research design is confirmatory (hypothesis testing) from the get‐go. That is, she strives to identify cases that exhibit different outcomes, different scores on the factor of interest, and similar scores on all other possible causal factors, as illustrated in the second (hypothesis‐testing) diagram in Table 28.3 (B) .

The point is that the purpose of a most‐similar research design, and hence its basic setup, often changes as a researcher moves from an exploratory to a confirmatory mode of analysis. However, regardless of where one begins, the results, when published, look like a hypothesis‐testing research design. Question marks have been removed: (A) becomes (B) in Table 28.3 .

As an example, let us consider Leon Epstein's classic study of party cohesion, which focuses on two “most‐similar” countries, the United States and Canada. Canada has highly disciplined parties whose members vote together on the floor of the House of Commons while the United States has weak, undisciplined parties, whose members often defect on floor votes in Congress. In explaining these divergent outcomes, persistent over many years, Epstein first discusses possible causal factors that are held more or less constant across the two cases. Both the United States and Canada inherited English political cultures, both have large territories and heterogeneous populations, both are federal, and both have fairly loose party structures with strong regional bases and a weak center. These are the “control” variables. Where they differ is in one constitutional feature: Canada is parliamentary while the United States is presidential. And it is this institutional difference that Epstein identifies as the crucial (differentiating) cause. (For further examples of the most‐similar method see Brenner 1976 ; Hamilton 1977 ; Lipset 1968 ; Miguel 2004 ; Moulder 1977 ; Posner 2004 .)

X   1 = the variable of theoretical interest. X   2 = a vector of controls. Y = the outcome of interest.

Several caveats apply to any most‐similar analysis (in addition to the usual set of assumptions applying to all case‐study analysis). First, each causal factor is understood as having an independent and additive effect on the outcome; there are no “interaction” effects. Second, one must code cases dichotomously (high/low, present/absent). This is straightforward if the underlying variables are also dichotomous (e.g. federal/unitary). However, it is often the case that variables of concern in the model are continuous (e.g. party cohesion). In this setting, the researcher must “dichotomize” the scoring of cases so as to simplify the two‐case analysis. (Some flexibility is admissible on the vector of controls ( X   2 ) that are “held constant” across the cases. Nonidentity is tolerable if the deviation runs counter to the predicted hypothesis. For example, Epstein describes both the United States and Canada as having strong regional bases of power, a factor that is probably more significant in recent Canadian history than in recent American history. However, because regional bases of power should lead to weaker parties, rather than stronger parties, this element of nonidentity does not challenge Epstein's conclusions. Indeed, it sets up a most‐difficult research scenario, as discussed above.)

In one respect the requirements for case control are not so stringent. Specifically, it is not usually necessary to measure control variables (at least not with a high degree of precision) in order to control for them. If two countries can be assumed to have similar cultural heritages one needn't worry about constructing variables to measure that heritage. One can simply assert that, whatever they are, they are more or less constant across the two cases. This is similar to the technique employed in a randomized experiment, where the researcher typically does not attempt to measure all the factors that might affect the causal relationship of interest. She assumes, rather, that these unknown factors have been neutralized across the treatment and control groups by randomization or by the choice of a sample that is internally homogeneous.

The most useful statistical tool for identifying cases for in‐depth analysis in a most‐ similar setting is probably some variety of matching strategy—e.g. exact matching, approximate matching, or propensity‐score matching. 17 The product of this procedure is a set of matched cases that can be compared in whatever way the researcher deems appropriate. These are the “most‐similar” cases. Rosenbaum and Silber (2001 , 223) summarize:

Unlike model‐based adjustments, where [individuals] vanish and are replaced by the coefficients of a model, in matching, ostensibly comparable patterns are compared directly, one by one. Modern matching methods involve statistical modeling and combinatorial algorithms, but the end result is a collection of pairs or sets of people who look comparable, at least on average. In matching, people retain their integrity as people, so they can be examined and their stories can be told individually.

Matching, conclude the authors, “facilitates, rather than inhibits, thick description” ( Rosenbaum and Silber 2001 , 223).

In principle, the same matching techniques that have been used successfully in observational studies of medical treatments might also be adapted to the study of nation states, political parties, cities, or indeed any traditional paired cases in the social sciences. Indeed, the current popularity of matching among statisticians—relative, that is, to garden‐variety regression models—rests upon what qualitative researchers would recognize as a “case‐based” approach to causal analysis. If Rosenbaum and Silber are correct, it may be perfectly reasonable to appropriate this large‐ N method of analysis for case‐study purposes.

As with other methods of case selection, the most‐similar method is prone to problems of nonrepresentativeness. If employed in a qualitative fashion (without a systematic cross‐case selection strategy), potential biases in the chosen case must be addressed in a speculative way. If the researcher employs a matching technique of case selection within a large‐ N sample, the problem of potential bias can be addressed by assuring the choice of cases that are not extreme outliers, as judged by their residuals in the full model. Most‐similar cases should also be “typical” cases, though some scope for deviance around the regression line may be acceptable for purposes of finding a good fit among cases.

X   1 = the variable of theoretical interest. X   2a–d = a vector of controls. Y = the outcome of interest.

9 Most‐different Cases

A final case‐selection method is the reverse image of the previous method. Here, variation on independent variables is prized, while variation on the outcome is eschewed. Rather than looking for cases that are most‐similar, one looks for cases that are most‐ different . Specifically, the researcher tries to identify cases where just one independent variable ( X   1 ), as well as the dependent variable ( Y ), covary, while all other plausible factors ( X   2a–d ) show different values. 18

The simplest form of this two‐case comparison is illustrated in Table 28.4 . Cases A and B are deemed “most different,” though they are similar in two essential respects— the causal variable of interest and the outcome.

As an example, I follow Marc Howard's (2003) recent work, which explores the enduring impact of Communism on civil society. 19 Cross‐national surveys show a strong correlation between former Communist regimes and low social capital, controlling for a variety of possible confounders. It is a strong result. Howard wonders why this relationship is so strong and why it persists, and perhaps even strengthens, in countries that are no longer socialist or authoritarian. In order to answer this question, he focuses on two most‐different cases, Russia and East Germany. These two countries were quite different—in all ways other than their Communist experience— prior to the Soviet era, during the Soviet era (since East Germany received substantial subsidies from West Germany), and in the post‐Soviet era, as East Germany was absorbed into West Germany. Yet, they both score near the bottom of various cross‐ national indices intended to measure the prevalence of civic engagement in the current era. Thus, Howard's (2003 , 6–9) case selection procedure meets the requirements of the most‐different research design: Variance is found on all (or most) dimensions aside from the key factor of interest (Communism) and the outcome (civic engagement).

What leverage is brought to the analysis from this approach? Howard's case studies combine evidence drawn from mass surveys and from in‐depth interviews of small, stratified samples of Russians and East Germans. (This is a good illustration, incidentally, of how quantitative and qualitative evidence can be fruitfully combined in the intensive study of several cases.) The product of this analysis is the identification of three causal pathways that, Howard (2003 , 122) claims, help to explain the laggard status of civil society in post‐Communist polities: “the mistrust of communist organizations, the persistence of friendship networks, and the disappointment with post‐communism.” Simply put, Howard (2003 , 145) concludes, “a great number of citizens in Russia and Eastern Germany feel a strong and lingering sense of distrust of any kind of public organization, a general satisfaction with their own personal networks (accompanied by a sense of deteriorating relations within society overall), and disappointment in the developments of post‐communism.”

The strength of this most‐different case analysis is that the results obtained in East Germany and Russia should also apply in other post‐Communist polities (e.g. Lithuania, Poland, Bulgaria, Albania). By choosing a heterogeneous sample, Howard solves the problem of representativeness in his restricted sample. However, this sample is demonstrably not representative across the population of the inference, which is intended to cover all countries of the world.

More problematic is the lack of variation on key causal factors of interest— Communism and its putative causal pathways. For this reason, it is difficult to reach conclusions about the causal status of these factors on the basis of the most‐different analysis alone. It is possible, that is, that the three causal pathways identified by Howard also operate within polities that never experienced Communist rule.

Nor does it seem possible to conclusively eliminate rival hypotheses on the basis of this most‐different analysis. Indeed, this is not Howard's intention. He wishes merely to show that whatever influence on civil society might be attributed to economic, cultural, and other factors does not exhaust this subject.

My considered judgment is that the most‐different research design provides minimal leverage into the problem of why Communist systems appear to suppress civic engagement, years after their disappearance. Fortunately, this is not the only research design employed by Howard in his admirable study. Indeed, the author employs two other small‐ N cross‐case methods, as well as a large‐ N cross‐country statistical analysis. These methods do most of the analytic work. East Germany may be regarded as a causal pathway case (see above). It has all the attributes normally assumed to foster civic engagement (e.g. a growing economy, multiparty competition, civil liberties, a free press, close association with Western European culture and politics), but nonetheless shows little or no improvement on this dimension during the post‐ transition era ( Howard 2003 , 8). It is plausible to attribute this lack of change to its Communist past, as Howard does, in which case East Germany should be a fruitful case for the investigation of causal mechanisms. The contrast between East and West Germany provides a most‐similar analysis since the two polities share virtually everything except a Communist past. This variation is also deftly exploited by Howard.

I do not wish to dismiss the most‐different research method entirely. Surely, Howard's findings are stronger with the intensive analysis of Russia than they would be without. Yet his book would not stand securely on the empirical foundation provided by most‐different analysis alone. If one strips away the pathway‐case (East Germany) and the most‐similar analysis (East/West Germany) there is little left upon which to base an analysis of causal relations (aside from the large‐ N cross‐national analysis). Indeed, most scholars who employ the most‐different method do so in conjunction with other methods. 20 It is rarely, if ever, a standalone method. 21

Generalizing from this discussion of Marc Howard's work, I offer the following summary remarks on the most‐different method of case analysis. (I leave aside issues faced by all case‐study analyses, issues that are explored in Gerring 2007 .)

Let us begin with a methodological obstacle that is faced by both Millean styles of analysis—the necessity of dichotomizing every variable in the analysis. Recall that, as with most‐similar analysis, differences across cases must generally be sizeable enough to be interpretable in an essentially dichotomous fashion (e.g. high/low, present/absent) and similarities must be close enough to be understood as essentially identical (e.g. high/high, present/present). Otherwise the results of a Millean style analysis are not interpretable. The problem of “degrees” is deadly if the variables under consideration are, by nature, continuous (e.g. GDP). This is a particular concern in Howard's analysis, where East Germany scores somewhat higher than Russia in civic engagement; they are both low, but Russia is quite a bit lower. Howard assumes that this divergence is minimal enough to be understood as a difference of degrees rather than of kinds, a judgment that might be questioned. In these respects, most‐different analysis is no more secure—but also no less—than most‐similar analysis.

In one respect, most‐different analysis is superior to most‐similar analysis. If the coding assumptions are sound, the most‐different research design may be quite useful for eliminating necessary causes . Causal factors that do not appear across the chosen cases—e.g. X   2a–d in Table 28.4 —are evidently unnecessary for the production of Y . However, it does not follow that the most‐different method is the best method for eliminating necessary causes. Note that the defining feature of this method is the shared element across cases— X   1 in Table 28.4 . This feature does not help one to eliminate necessary causes. Indeed, if one were focused solely on eliminating necessary causes one would presumably seek out cases that register the same outcomes and have maximum diversity on other attributes. In Table 28.4 , this would be a set of cases that satisfy conditions X   2a–d , but not X   1 . Thus, even the presumed strength of the most‐different analysis is not so strong.

Usually, case‐study analysis is focused on the identification (or clarification) of causal relations, not the elimination of possible causes. In this setting, the most‐ different technique is useful, but only if assumptions of causal uniqueness hold. By “causal uniqueness,” I mean a situation in which a given outcome is the product of only one cause: Y cannot occur except in the presence of X . X is necessary, and in some situations (given certain background conditions) sufficient, to cause Y . 22

Consider the following hypothetical example. Suppose that a new disease, about which little is known, has appeared in Country A. There are hundreds of infected persons across dozens of affected communities in that country. In Country B, located at the other end of the world, several new cases of the disease surface in a single community. In this setting, we can imagine two sorts of Millean analyses. The first examines two similar communities within Country A, one of which has developed the disease and the other of which has not. This is the most‐similar style of case comparison, and focuses accordingly on the identification of a difference between the two cases that might account for variation across the sample. A second approach focuses on communities where the disease has appeared across the two countries and searches for any similarities that might account for these similar outcomes. This is the most‐different research design.

Both are plausible approaches to this particular problem, and we can imagine epidemiologists employing them simultaneously. However, the most‐different design demands stronger assumptions about the underlying factors at work. It supposes that the disease arises from the same cause in any setting. This is often a reasonable operating assumption when one is dealing with natural phenomena, though there are certainly many exceptions. Death, for example, has many causes. For this reason, it would not occur to us to look for most‐different cases of high mortality around the world. In order for the most‐different research design to effectively identify a causal factor at work in a given outcome, the researcher must assume that X   1 —the factor held constant across the diverse cases—is the only possible cause of Y (see Table 28.4 ). This assumption rarely holds in social‐scientific settings. Most outcomes of interest to anthropologists, economists, political scientists, and sociologists have multiple causes. There are many ways to win an election, to build a welfare state, to get into a war, to overthrow a government, or—returning to Marc Howard's work—to build a strong civil society. And it is for this reason that most‐different analysis is rarely applied in social science work and, where applied, is rarely convincing.

If this seems a tad severe, there is a more charitable way of approaching the most‐different method. Arguably, this is not a pure “method” at all but merely a supplement, a way of incorporating diversity in the sub‐sample of cases that provide the unusual outcome of interest. If the unusual outcome is revolutions, one might wish to encompass a wide variety of revolutions in one's analysis. If the unusual outcome is post‐Communist civil society, it seems appropriate to include a diverse set of post‐Communist polities in one's sample of case studies, as Marc Howard does. From this perspective, the most‐different method (so‐called) might be better labeled a diverse‐case method, as explored above.

10 Conclusions

In order to be a case of something broader than itself, the chosen case must be representative (in some respects) of a larger population. Otherwise—if it is purely idiosyncratic (“unique”)—it is uninformative about anything lying outside the borders of the case itself. A study based on a nonrepresentative sample has no (or very little) external validity. To be sure, no phenomenon is purely idiosyncratic; the notion of a unique case is a matter that would be difficult to define. One is concerned, as always, with matters of degree. Cases are more or less representative of some broader phenomenon and, on that score, may be considered better or worse subjects for intensive analysis. (The one exception, as noted, is the influential case.)

Of all the problems besetting case‐study analysis, perhaps the most persistent— and the most persistently bemoaned—is the problem of sample bias ( Achen and Snidal 1989 ; Collier and Mahoney 1996 ; Geddes 1990 ; King, Keohane, and Verba 1994 ; Rohlfing 2004 ; Sekhon 2004 ). Lisa Martin (1992 , 5) finds that the overemphasis of international relations scholars on a few well‐known cases of economic sanctions— most of which failed to elicit any change in the sanctioned country—“has distorted analysts view of the dynamics and characteristics of economic sanctions.” Barbara Geddes (1990) charges that many analyses of industrial policy have focused exclusively on the most successful cases—primarily the East Asian NICs—leading to biased inferences. Anna Breman and Carolyn Shelton (2001) show that case‐study work on the question of structural adjustment is systematically biased insofar as researchers tend to focus on disaster cases—those where structural adjustment is associated with very poor health and human development outcomes. These cases, often located in sub‐Saharan Africa, are by no means representative of the entire population. Consequently, scholarship on the question of structural adjustment is highly skewed in a particular ideological direction (against neoliberalism) (see also Gerring, Thacker, and Moreno 2005) .

These examples might be multiplied many times. Indeed, for many topics the most‐studied cases are acknowledged to be less than representative. It is worth reflecting upon the fact that our knowledge of the world is heavily colored by a few “big” (populous, rich, powerful) countries, and that a good portion of the disciplines of economics, political science, and sociology are built upon scholars' familiarity with the economics, political science, and sociology of one country, the United States. 23 Case‐study work is particularly prone to problems of investigator bias since so much rides on the researcher's selection of one (or a few) cases. Even if the investigator is unbiased, her sample may still be biased simply by virtue of “random” error (which may be understood as measurement error, error in the data‐generation process, or as an underlying causal feature of the universe).

There are only two situations in which a case‐study researcher need not be concerned with the representativeness of her chosen case. The first is the influential case research design, where a case is chosen because of its possible influence on a cross‐case model, and hence is not expected to be representative of a larger sample. The second is the deviant‐case method, where the chosen case is employed to confirm a broader cross‐case argument to which the case stands as an apparent exception. Yet even here the chosen case is expected to be representative of a broader set of cases—those, in particular, that are poorly explained by the extant model.

In all other circumstances, cases must be representative of the population of interest in whatever ways might be relevant to the proposition in question. Note that where a researcher is attempting to disconfirm a deterministic proposition the question of representativeness is perhaps more appropriately understood as a question of classification: Is the chosen case appropriately classified as a member of the designated population? If so, then it is fodder for a disconfirming case study.

If the researcher is attempting to confirm a deterministic proposition, or to make probabilistic arguments about a causal relationship, then the problem of representativeness is of the more usual sort: Is case A unit‐homogeneous relative to other cases in the population? This is not an easy matter to test. However, in a large‐ N context the residual for that case (in whatever model the researcher has greatest confidence in) is a reasonable place to start. Of course, this test is only as good as the model at hand. Any incorrect specifications or incorrect modeling procedures will likely bias the results and give an incorrect assessment of each case's “typicality.” In addition, there is the possibility of stochastic error, errors that cannot be modeled in a general framework. Given the explanatory weight that individual cases are asked to bear in a case‐study analysis, it is wise to consider more than just the residual test of representativeness. Deductive logic and an in‐depth knowledge of the case in question are often more reliable tools than the results of a cross‐case model.

In any case, there is no dispensing with the question. Case studies (with the two exceptions already noted) rest upon an assumed synecdoche: The case should stand for a population. If this is not true, or if there is reason to doubt this assumption, then the utility of the case study is brought severely into question.

Fortunately, there is some safety in numbers. Insofar as case‐study evidence is combined with cross‐case evidence the issue of sample bias is mitigated. Indeed, the suspicion of case‐study work that one finds in the social sciences today is, in my view, a product of a too‐literal interpretation of the case‐study method. A case study tout court is thought to mean a case study tout seul . Insofar as case studies and cross‐case studies can be enlisted within the same investigation (either in the same study or by reference to other studies in the same subfield), problems of representativeness are less worrisome. This is the virtue of cross‐level work, a.k.a. “triangulation.”

11 Ambiguities

Before concluding, I wish to draw attention to two ambiguities in case‐selection strategies in case‐study research. The first concerns the admixture of several case‐ selection strategies. The second concerns the changing status of a case as a study proceeds.

Some case studies follow only one strategy of case selection. They are typical , diverse , extreme , deviant , influential , crucial , pathway , most‐similar , or most‐different research designs, as discussed. However, many case studies mix and match among these case‐selection strategies. Indeed, insofar as all case studies seek representative samples, they are always in search of “typical” cases. Thus, it is common for writers to declare that their case is, for example, both extreme and typical; it has an extreme value on X   1 or Y but is not, in other respects, idiosyncratic. There is not much that one can say about these combinations of strategies except that, where the cases allow for a variety of empirical strategies, there is no reason not to pursue them. And where the same cases can serve several functions at once (without further effort on the researcher's part), there is little cost to a multi‐pronged approach to case analysis.

The second issue that deserves emphasis is the changing status of a case during the course of a researcher's investigation—which may last for years, if not decades. The problem is acute wherever a researcher begins in an exploratory mode and proceeds to hypothesis‐testing (that is, she develops a specific X   1 / Y proposition) or where the operative hypothesis or key control variable changes (a new causal factor is discovered or another outcome becomes the focus of analysis). Things change. And it is the mark of a good researcher to keep her mind open to new evidence and new insights. Too often, methodological discussions give the misleading impression that hypotheses are clear and remain fixed over the course of a study's development. Nothing could be further from the truth. The unofficial transcripts of academia— accessible in informal settings, where researchers let their guards down (particularly if inebriated)—are filled with stories about dead‐ends, unexpected findings, and drastically revised theory chapters. It would be interesting, in this vein, to compare published work with dissertation prospectuses and fellowship applications. I doubt if the correlation between these two stages of research is particularly strong.

Research, after all, is about discovery, not simply the verification or falsification of static hypotheses. That said, it is also true that research on a particular topic should move from hypothesis generating to hypothesis‐testing. This marks the progress of a field, and of a scholar's own work. As a rule, research that begins with an open‐ended ( X ‐ or Y ‐centered) analysis should conclude with a determinate X   1 / Y hypothesis.

The problem is that research strategies that are ideal for exploration are not always ideal for confirmation. The extreme‐case method is inherently exploratory since there is no clear causal hypothesis; the researcher is concerned merely to explore variation on a single dimension ( X or Y ). Other methods can be employed in either an open‐ ended (exploratory) or a hypothesis‐testing (confirmatory/disconfirmatory) mode. The difficulty is that once the researcher has arrived at a determinate hypothesis the originally chosen research design may no longer appear to be so well designed.

This is unfortunate, but inevitable. One cannot construct the perfect research design until (a) one has a specific hypothesis and (b) one is reasonably certain about what one is going to find “out there” in the empirical world. This is particularly true of observational research designs, but it also applies to many experimental research designs: Usually, there is a “good” (informative) finding, and a finding that is less insightful. In short, the perfect case‐study research design is usually apparent only ex post facto .

There are three ways to handle this. One can explain, straightforwardly, that the initial research was undertaken in an exploratory fashion, and therefore not constructed to test the specific hypothesis that is—now—the primary argument. Alternatively, one can try to redesign the study after the new (or revised) hypothesis has been formulated. This may require additional field research or perhaps the integration of additional cases or variables that can be obtained through secondary sources or through consultation of experts. A final approach is to simply jettison, or de‐emphasize, the portion of research that no longer addresses the (revised) key hypothesis. A three‐case study may become a two‐case study, and so forth. Lost time and effort are the costs of this downsizing.

In the event, practical considerations will probably determine which of these three strategies, or combinations of strategies, is to be followed. (They are not mutually exclusive.) The point to remember is that revision of one's cross‐case research design is normal and perhaps to be expected. Not all twists and turns on the meandering trail of truth can be anticipated.

12 Are There Other Methods of Case Selection?

At the outset of this chapter I summarized the task of case selection as a matter of achieving two objectives: representativeness (typicality) and variation (causal leverage). Evidently, there are other objectives as well. For example, one wishes to identify cases that are independent of each other. If chosen cases are affected by each other (sometimes known as Galton's problem or a problem of diffusion), this problem must be corrected before analysis can take place. I have neglected this issue because it is usually apparent to the researcher and, in any case, there are no simple techniques that might be utilized to correct for such biases. (For further discussion of this and other factors impinging upon case selection see Gerring 2001 , 178–81.)

I have also disregarded pragmatic/logistical issues that might affect case selection. Evidently, case selection is often influenced by a researcher's familiarity with the language of a country, a personal entrée into that locale, special access to important data, or funding that covers one archive rather than another. Pragmatic considerations are often—and quite rightly—decisive in the case‐selection process.

A final consideration concerns the theoretical prominence of a particular case within the literature on a subject. Researchers are sometimes obliged to study cases that have received extensive attention in previous studies. These are sometimes referred to as “paradigmatic” cases or “exemplars” ( Flyvbjerg 2004 , 427).

However, neither pragmatic/logistical utility nor theoretical prominence qualifies as a methodological factor in case selection. That is, these features of a case have no bearing on the validity of the findings stemming from a study. As such, it is appropriate to grant these issues a peripheral status in this chapter.

One final caveat must be issued. While it is traditional to distinguish among the tasks of case selection and case analysis, a close look at these processes shows them to be indistinct and overlapping. One cannot choose a case without considering the sort of analysis that it might be subjected to, and vice versa. Thus, the reader should consider choosing cases by employing the nine techniques laid out in this chapter along with any considerations that might be introduced by virtue of a case's quasi‐experimental qualities, a topic taken up elsewhere ( Gerring 2007 , ch. 6 ).

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Gujarati (2003) ; Kennedy (2003) . Interestingly, the potential of cross‐case statistics in helping to choose cases for in‐depth analysis is recognized in some of the earliest discussions of the case‐study method (e.g. Queen 1928 , 226).

This expands on Mill (1843/1872 , 253), who wrote of scientific enquiry as twofold: “either inquiries into the cause of a given effect or into the effects or properties of a given cause.”

This method has not received much attention on the part of qualitative methodologists; hence, the absence of a generally recognized name. It bears some resemblance to J. S. Mill's Joint Method of Agreement and Difference ( Mill 1843/1872 ), which is to say a mixture of most‐similar and most‐different analysis, as discussed below. Patton (2002 , 234) employs the concept of “maximum variation (heterogeneity) sampling.”

More precisely, George and Smoke (1974 , 534, 522–36, ch. 18 ; see also discussion in Collier and Mahoney 1996 , 78) set out to investigate causal pathways and discovered, through the course of their investigation of many cases, these three causal types. Yet, for our purposes what is important is that the final sample includes at least one representative of each “type.”

For further examples see Collier and Mahoney (1996) ; Geddes (1990) ; Tendler (1997) .

Traditionally, methodologists have conceptualized cases as having “positive” or “negative” values (e.g. Emigh 1997 ; Mahoney and Goertz 2004 ; Ragin 2000 , 60; 2004 , 126).

Geddes (1990) ; King, Keohane, and Verba (1994) . See also discussion in Brady and Collier (2004) ; Collier and Mahoney (1996) ; Rogowski (1995) .

The exception would be a circumstance in which the researcher intends to disprove a deterministic argument ( Dion 1998 ).

Geddes (2003 , 131). For other examples of casework from the annals of medicine see “Clinical reports” in the Lancet , “Case studies” in Canadian Medical Association Journal , and various issues of the Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology , often devoted to clinical cases (discussed in Jenicek 2001 , 7). For examples from the subfield of comparative politics see Kazancigil (1994) .

For a discussion of the important role of anomalies in the development of scientific theorizing see Elman (2003) ; Lakatos (1978) . For examples of deviant‐case research designs in the social sciences see Amenta (1991) ; Coppedge (2004) ; Eckstein (1975) ; Emigh (1997) ; Kendall and Wolf (1949/1955) .

For examples of the crucial‐case method see Bennett, Lepgold, and Unger (1994) ; Desch (2002) ; Goodin and Smitsman (2000) ; Kemp (1986) ; Reilly and Phillpot (2003) . For general discussion see George and Bennett (2005) ; Levy (2002) ; Stinchcombe (1968 , 24–8).

A third position, which purports to be neither Popperian or Bayesian, has been articulated by Mayo (1996 , ch. 6 ). From this perspective, the same idea is articulated as a matter of “severe tests.”

It should be noted that Tsai's conclusions do not rest solely on this crucial case. Indeed, she employs a broad range of methodological tools, encompassing case‐study and cross‐case methods.

See also the discussion in Eckstein (1975) and Lijphart (1969) . For additional examples of case studies disconfirming general propositions of a deterministic nature see Allen (1965); Lipset, Trow, and Coleman (1956) ; Njolstad (1990) ; Reilly (2000–1) ; and discussion in Dion (1998) ; Rogowski (1995) .

Granted, insofar as case‐study analysis provides a window into causal mechanisms, and causal mechanisms are integral to a given theory, a single case may be enlisted to confirm or disconfirm a proposition. However, if the case study upholds a posited pattern of X/Y covariation, and finds fault only with the stipulated causal mechanism, it would be more accurate to say that the study forces the reformulation of a given theory, rather than its confirmation or disconfirmation. See further discussion in the following section.

Sometimes, the most‐similar method is known as the “method of difference,” after its inventor ( Mill 1843/1872 ). For later treatments see Cohen and Nagel (1934) ; Eggan (1954) ; Gerring (2001 , ch. 9 ); Lijphart (1971 ; 1975) ; Meckstroth (1975) ; Przeworski and Teune (1970) ; Skocpol and Somers (1980) .

For good introductions see Ho et al. (2004) ; Morgan and Harding (2005) ; Rosenbaum (2004) ; Rosenbaum and Silber (2001) . For a discussion of matching procedures in Stata see Abadie et al. (2001) .

The most‐different method is also sometimes referred to as the “method of agreement,” following its inventor, J. S. Mill (1843/1872) . See also De Felice (1986) ; Gerring (2001 , 212–14); Lijphart (1971 ; 1975) ; Meckstroth (1975) ; Przeworski and Teune (1970) ; Skocpol and Somers (1980) . For examples of this method see Collier and Collier (1991/2002) ; Converse and Dupeux (1962) ; Karl (1997) ; Moore (1966) ; Skocpol (1979) ; Yashar (2005 , 23). However, most of these studies are described as combining most‐similar and most‐different methods.

In the following discussion I treat the terms social capital, civil society, and civic engagement interchangeably.

E.g. Collier and Collier (1991/2002) ; Karl (1997) ; Moore (1966) ; Skocpol (1979) ; Yashar (2005 , 23). Karl (1997) , which affects to be a most‐different system analysis (20), is a particularly clear example of this. Her study, focused ostensibly on petro‐states (states with large oil reserves), makes two sorts of inferences. The first concerns the (usually) obstructive role of oil in political and economic development. The second sort of inference concerns variation within the population of petro‐states, showing that some countries (e.g. Norway, Indonesia) manage to avoid the pathologies brought on elsewhere by oil resources. When attempting to explain the constraining role of oil on petro‐states, Karl usually relies on contrasts between petro‐states and nonpetro‐states (e.g. ch. 10 ). Only when attempting to explain differences among petro‐states does she restrict her sample to petro‐states. In my opinion, very little use is made of the most‐different research design.

This was recognized, at least implicitly, by Mill (1843/1872 , 258–9). Skepticism has been echoed by methodologists in the intervening years (e.g. Cohen and Nagel 1934 , 251–6; Gerring 2001 ; Skocpol and Somers 1980 ). Indeed, explicit defenses of the most‐different method are rare (but see De Felice 1986 ).

Another way of stating this is to say that X is a “nontrivial necessary condition” of Y .

Wahlke (1979 , 13) writes of the failings of the “behavioralist” mode of political science analysis: “It rarely aims at generalization; research efforts have been confined essentially to case studies of single political systems, most of them dealing …with the American system.”

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12 Interpretive research

Chapter 11 introduced interpretive research—or more specifically, interpretive case research. This chapter will explore other kinds of interpretive research. Recall that positivist or deductive methods—such as laboratory experiments and survey research—are those that are specifically intended for theory (or hypotheses) testing. Interpretive or inductive methods—such as action research and ethnography—one the other hand, are intended for theory building. Unlike a positivist method, where the researcher tests existing theoretical postulates using empirical data, in interpretive methods, the researcher tries to derive a theory about the phenomenon of interest from the existing observed data.

The term ‘interpretive research’ is often used loosely and synonymously with ‘qualitative research’, although the two concepts are quite different. Interpretive research is a research paradigm (see Chapter 3) that is based on the assumption that social reality is not singular or objective. Rather, it is shaped by human experiences and social contexts (ontology), and is therefore best studied within its sociohistoric context by reconciling the subjective interpretations of its various participants (epistemology). Because interpretive researchers view social reality as being embedded within—and therefore impossible to abstract from—their social settings, they ‘interpret’ the reality though a ‘sense-making’ process rather than a hypothesis testing process. This is in contrast to the positivist or functionalist paradigm that assumes that the reality is relatively independent of the context, can be abstracted from their contexts, and studied in a decomposable functional manner using objective techniques such as standardised measures. Whether a researcher should pursue interpretive or positivist research depends on paradigmatic considerations about the nature of the phenomenon under consideration and the best way to study it.

However, qualitative versus quantitative research refers to empirical or data-oriented considerations about the type of data to collect and how to analyse it. Qualitative research relies mostly on non-numeric data, such as interviews and observations, in contrast to quantitative research which employs numeric data such as scores and metrics. Hence, qualitative research is not amenable to statistical procedures such as regression analysis, but is coded using techniques like content analysis. Sometimes, coded qualitative data is tabulated quantitatively as frequencies of codes, but this data is not statistically analysed. Many puritan interpretive researchers reject this coding approach as a futile effort to seek consensus or objectivity in a social phenomenon which is essentially subjective.

Although interpretive research tends to rely heavily on qualitative data, quantitative data may add more precision and clearer understanding of the phenomenon of interest than qualitative data. For example, Eisenhardt (1989), [1] in her interpretive study of decision-making in high-velocity firms (discussed in the previous chapter on case research), collected numeric data on how long it took each firm to make certain strategic decisions—which ranged from approximately six weeks to 18 months—how many decision alternatives were considered for each decision, and surveyed her respondents to capture their perceptions of organisational conflict. Such numeric data helped her clearly distinguish the high-speed decision-making firms from the low-speed decision-makers without relying on respondents’ subjective perceptions, which then allowed her to examine the number of decision alternatives considered by and the extent of conflict in high-speed versus low-speed firms. Interpretive research should attempt to collect both qualitative and quantitative data pertaining to the phenomenon of interest, and so should positivist research as well. Joint use of qualitative and quantitative data—often called ‘mixed-mode design’—may lead to unique insights, and is therefore highly prized in the scientific community.

Interpretive research came into existence in the early nineteenth century—long before positivist techniques were developed—and has its roots in anthropology, sociology, psychology, linguistics, and semiotics. Many positivist researchers view interpretive research as erroneous and biased, given the subjective nature of the qualitative data collection and interpretation process employed in such research. However, since the 1970s, many positivist techniques’ failure to generate interesting insights or new knowledge has resulted in a resurgence of interest in interpretive research—albeit with exacting methods and stringent criteria to ensure the reliability and validity of interpretive inferences.

Distinctions from positivist research

In addition to the fundamental paradigmatic differences in ontological and epistemological assumptions discussed above, interpretive and positivist research differ in several other ways. First, interpretive research employs a theoretical sampling strategy, where study sites, respondents, or cases are selected based on theoretical considerations such as whether they fit the phenomenon being studied (e.g., sustainable practices can only be studied in organisations that have implemented sustainable practices), whether they possess certain characteristics that make them uniquely suited for the study (e.g., a study of the drivers of firm innovations should include some firms that are high innovators and some that are low innovators, in order to draw contrast between these firms), and so forth. In contrast, positivist research employs random sampling —or a variation of this technique—in which cases are chosen randomly from a population for the purpose of generalisability. Hence, convenience samples and small samples are considered acceptable in interpretive research—as long as they fit the nature and purpose of the study—but not in positivist research.

Second, the role of the researcher receives critical attention in interpretive research. In some methods such as ethnography, action research, and participant observation, the researcher is considered part of the social phenomenon, and their specific role and involvement in the research process must be made clear during data analysis. In other methods, such as case research, the researcher must take a ’neutral’ or unbiased stance during the data collection and analysis processes, and ensure that their personal biases or preconceptions do not taint the nature of subjective inferences derived from interpretive research. In positivist research, however, the researcher is considered to be external to and independent of the research context, and is not presumed to bias the data collection and analytic procedures.

Third, interpretive analysis is holistic and contextual, rather than being reductionist and isolationist. Interpretive interpretations tend to focus on language, signs, and meanings from the perspective of the participants involved in the social phenomenon, in contrast to statistical techniques that are employed heavily in positivist research. Rigor in interpretive research is viewed in terms of systematic and transparent approaches to data collection and analysis, rather than statistical benchmarks for construct validity or significance testing.

Lastly, data collection and analysis can proceed simultaneously and iteratively in interpretive research. For instance, the researcher may conduct an interview and code it before proceeding to the next interview. Simultaneous analysis helps the researcher correct potential flaws in the interview protocol or adjust it to capture the phenomenon of interest better. The researcher may even change their original research question if they realise that their original research questions are unlikely to generate new or useful insights. This is a valuable—but often understated—benefit of interpretive research, and is not available in positivist research, where the research project cannot be modified or changed once the data collection has started without redoing the entire project from the start.

Benefits and challenges of interpretive research

Interpretive research has several unique advantages. First, it is well-suited for exploring hidden reasons behind complex, interrelated, or multifaceted social processes—such as inter-firm relationships or inter-office politics—where quantitative evidence may be biased, inaccurate, or otherwise difficult to obtain. Second, it is often helpful for theory construction in areas with no or insufficient a priori theory. Third, it is also appropriate for studying context-specific, unique, or idiosyncratic events or processes. Fourth, interpretive research can also help uncover interesting and relevant research questions and issues for follow-up research.

At the same time, interpretive research also has its own set of challenges. First, this type of research tends to be more time and resource intensive than positivist research in data collection and analytic efforts. Too little data can lead to false or premature assumptions, while too much data may not be effectively processed by the researcher. Second, interpretive research requires well-trained researchers who are capable of seeing and interpreting complex social phenomenon from the perspectives of the embedded participants, and reconciling the diverse perspectives of these participants, without injecting their personal biases or preconceptions into their inferences. Third, all participants or data sources may not be equally credible, unbiased, or knowledgeable about the phenomenon of interest, or may have undisclosed political agendas which may lead to misleading or false impressions. Inadequate trust between the researcher and participants may hinder full and honest self-representation by participants, and such trust building takes time. It is the job of the interpretive researcher to ‘see through the smoke’ (i.e., hidden or biased agendas) and understand the true nature of the problem. Fourth, given the heavily contextualised nature of inferences drawn from interpretive research, such inferences do not lend themselves well to replicability or generalisability. Finally, interpretive research may sometimes fail to answer the research questions of interest or predict future behaviours.

Characteristics of interpretive research

All interpretive research must adhere to a common set of principles, as described below.

Naturalistic inquiry: Social phenomena must be studied within their natural setting.

Because interpretive research assumes that social phenomena are situated within—and cannot be isolated from—their social context, interpretations of such phenomena must be grounded within their sociohistorical context. This implies that contextual variables should be observed and considered in seeking explanations of a phenomenon of interest, even though context sensitivity may limit the generalisability of inferences.

Researcher as instrument: Researchers are often embedded within the social context that they are studying, and are considered part of the data collection instrument in that they must use their observational skills, their trust with the participants, and their ability to extract the correct information. Further, their personal insights, knowledge, and experiences of the social context are critical to accurately interpreting the phenomenon of interest. At the same time, researchers must be fully aware of their personal biases and preconceptions, and not let such biases interfere with their ability to present a fair and accurate portrayal of the phenomenon.

Interpretive analysis: Observations must be interpreted through the eyes of the participants embedded in the social context. Interpretation must occur at two levels. The first level involves viewing or experiencing the phenomenon from the subjective perspectives of the social participants. The second level is to understand the meaning of the participants’ experiences in order to provide a ‘thick description’ or a rich narrative story of the phenomenon of interest that can communicate why participants acted the way they did.

Use of expressive language: Documenting the verbal and non-verbal language of participants and the analysis of such language are integral components of interpretive analysis. The study must ensure that the story is viewed through the eyes of a person, and not a machine, and must depict the emotions and experiences of that person, so that readers can understand and relate to that person. Use of imageries, metaphors, sarcasm, and other figures of speech are very common in interpretive analysis.

Temporal nature: Interpretive research is often not concerned with searching for specific answers, but with understanding or ‘making sense of’ a dynamic social process as it unfolds over time. Hence, such research requires the researcher to immerse themself in the study site for an extended period of time in order to capture the entire evolution of the phenomenon of interest.

Hermeneutic circle: Interpretive interpretation is an iterative process of moving back and forth from pieces of observations (text), to the entirety of the social phenomenon (context), to reconcile their apparent discord, and to construct a theory that is consistent with the diverse subjective viewpoints and experiences of the embedded participants. Such iterations between the understanding/meaning of a phenomenon and observations must continue until ‘theoretical saturation’ is reached, whereby any additional iteration does not yield any more insight into the phenomenon of interest.

Interpretive data collection

Data is collected in interpretive research using a variety of techniques. The most frequently used technique is interviews (face-to-face, telephone, or focus groups). Interview types and strategies are discussed in detail in Chapter 9. A second technique is observation . Observational techniques include direct observation , where the researcher is a neutral and passive external observer, and is not involved in the phenomenon of interest (as in case research), and participant observation , where the researcher is an active participant in the phenomenon, and their input or mere presence influence the phenomenon being studied (as in action research). A third technique is documentation , where external and internal documents—such as memos, emails, annual reports, financial statements, newspaper articles, or websites—may be used to cast further insight into the phenomenon of interest or to corroborate other forms of evidence.

Interpretive research designs

Case research . As discussed in the previous chapter, case research is an intensive longitudinal study of a phenomenon at one or more research sites for the purpose of deriving detailed, contextualised inferences, and understanding the dynamic process underlying a phenomenon of interest. Case research is a unique research design in that it can be used in an interpretive manner to build theories, or in a positivist manner to test theories. The previous chapter on case research discusses both techniques in depth and provides illustrative exemplars. Furthermore, the case researcher is a neutral observer (direct observation) in the social setting, rather than an active participant (participant observation). As with any other interpretive approach, drawing meaningful inferences from case research depends heavily on the observational skills and integrative abilities of the researcher.

Action research . Action research is a qualitative but positivist research design aimed at theory testing rather than theory building. This is an interactive design that assumes that complex social phenomena are best understood by introducing changes, interventions, or ‘actions’ into those phenomena, and observing the outcomes of such actions on the phenomena of interest. In this method, the researcher is usually a consultant or an organisational member embedded into a social context —such as an organisation—who initiates an action in response to a social problem, and examines how their action influences the phenomenon, while also learning and generating insights about the relationship between the action and the phenomenon. Examples of actions may include organisational change programs—such as the introduction of new organisational processes, procedures, people, or technology or the replacement of old ones—initiated with the goal of improving an organisation’s performance or profitability. The researcher’s choice of actions must be based on theory, which should explain why and how such actions may bring forth the desired social change. The theory is validated by the extent to which the chosen action is successful in remedying the targeted problem. Simultaneous problem-solving and insight generation are the central feature that distinguishes action research from other research methods (which may not involve problem solving), and from consulting (which may not involve insight generation). Hence, action research is an excellent method for bridging research and practice.

There are several variations of the action research method. The most popular of these methods is participatory action research , designed by Susman and Evered (1978). [2] This method follows an action research cycle consisting of five phases: diagnosing, action-planning, action-taking, evaluating, and learning (see Figure 12.1). Diagnosing involves identifying and defining a problem in its social context. Action-planning involves identifying and evaluating alternative solutions to the problem, and deciding on a future course of action based on theoretical rationale. Action-taking is the implementation of the planned course of action. The evaluation stage examines the extent to which the initiated action is successful in resolving the original problem—i.e., whether theorised effects are indeed realised in practice. In the learning phase, the experiences and feedback from action evaluation are used to generate insights about the problem and suggest future modifications or improvements to the action. Based on action evaluation and learning, the action may be modified or adjusted to address the problem better, and the action research cycle is repeated with the modified action sequence. It is suggested that the entire action research cycle be traversed at least twice so that learning from the first cycle can be implemented in the second cycle. The primary mode of data collection is participant observation, although other techniques such as interviews and documentary evidence may be used to corroborate the researcher’s observations.

Ethnography . The ethnographic research method—derived largely from the field of anthropology—emphasises studying a phenomenon within the context of its culture. The researcher must be deeply immersed in the social culture over an extended period of time—usually eight months to two years—and should engage, observe, and record the daily life of the studied culture and its social participants within their natural setting. The primary mode of data collection is participant observation, and data analysis involves a ‘sense-making’ approach. In addition, the researcher must take extensive field notes, and narrate her experience in descriptive detail so that readers may experience the same culture as the researcher. In this method, the researcher has two roles: rely on her unique knowledge and engagement to generate insights (theory), and convince the scientific community of the transsituational nature of the studied phenomenon.

The classic example of ethnographic research is Jane Goodall’s study of primate behaviours. While living with chimpanzees in their natural habitat at Gombe National Park in Tanzania, she observed their behaviours, interacted with them, and shared their lives. During that process, she learnt and chronicled how chimpanzees seek food and shelter, how they socialise with each other, their communication patterns, their mating behaviours, and so forth. A more contemporary example of ethnographic research is Myra Bluebond-Langer’s (1996) [3] study of decision-making in families with children suffering from life-threatening illnesses, and the physical, psychological, environmental, ethical, legal, and cultural issues that influence such decision-making. The researcher followed the experiences of approximately 80 children with incurable illnesses and their families for a period of over two years. Data collection involved participant observation and formal/informal conversations with children, their parents and relatives, and healthcare providers to document their lived experience.

Phenomenology. Phenomenology is a research method that emphasises the study of conscious experiences as a way of understanding the reality around us. It is based on the ideas of early twentieth century German philosopher, Edmund Husserl, who believed that human experience is the source of all knowledge. Phenomenology is concerned with the systematic reflection and analysis of phenomena associated with conscious experiences such as human judgment, perceptions, and actions. Its goal is (appreciating and describing social reality from the diverse subjective perspectives of the participants involved, and understanding the symbolic meanings (‘deep structure’) underlying these subjective experiences. Phenomenological inquiry requires that researchers eliminate any prior assumptions and personal biases, empathise with the participant’s situation, and tune into existential dimensions of that situation so that they can fully understand the deep structures that drive the conscious thinking, feeling, and behaviour of the studied participants.

Some researchers view phenomenology as a philosophy rather than as a research method. In response to this criticism, Giorgi and Giorgi (2003) [4] developed an existential phenomenological research method to guide studies in this area. This method, illustrated in Figure 12.2, can be grouped into data collection and data analysis phases. In the data collection phase, participants embedded in a social phenomenon are interviewed to capture their subjective experiences and perspectives regarding the phenomenon under investigation. Examples of questions that may be asked include ‘Can you describe a typical day?’ or ‘Can you describe that particular incident in more detail?’. These interviews are recorded and transcribed for further analysis. During data analysis , the researcher reads the transcripts to: get a sense of the whole, and establish ‘units of significance’ that can faithfully represent participants’ subjective experiences. Examples of such units of significance are concepts such as ‘felt-space’ and ‘felt-time’, which are then used to document participants’ psychological experiences. For instance, did participants feel safe, free, trapped, or joyous when experiencing a phenomenon (‘felt-space’)? Did they feel that their experience was pressured, slow, or discontinuous (‘felt-time’)? Phenomenological analysis should take into account the participants’ temporal landscape (i.e., their sense of past, present, and future), and the researcher must transpose his/herself in an imaginary sense into the participant’s situation (i.e., temporarily live the participant’s life). The participants’ lived experience is described in the form of a narrative or using emergent themes. The analysis then delves into these themes to identify multiple layers of meaning while retaining the fragility and ambiguity of subjects’ lived experiences.

Rigor in interpretive research

While positivist research employs a ‘reductionist’ approach by simplifying social reality into parsimonious theories and laws, interpretive research attempts to interpret social reality through the subjective viewpoints of the embedded participants within the context where the reality is situated. These interpretations are heavily contextualised, and are naturally less generalisable to other contexts. However, because interpretive analysis is subjective and sensitive to the experiences and insight of the embedded researcher, it is often considered less rigorous by many positivist (functionalist) researchers. Because interpretive research is based on a different set of ontological and epistemological assumptions about social phenomena than positivist research, the positivist notions of rigor—such as reliability, internal validity, and generalisability—do not apply in a similar manner. However, Lincoln and Guba (1985) [5] provide an alternative set of criteria that can be used to judge the rigor of interpretive research.

Dependability. Interpretive research can be viewed as dependable or authentic if two researchers assessing the same phenomenon, using the same set of evidence, independently arrive at the same conclusions, or the same researcher, observing the same or a similar phenomenon at different times arrives at similar conclusions. This concept is similar to that of reliability in positivist research, with agreement between two independent researchers being similar to the notion of inter-rater reliability, and agreement between two observations of the same phenomenon by the same researcher akin to test-retest reliability. To ensure dependability, interpretive researchers must provide adequate details about their phenomenon of interest and the social context in which it is embedded, so as to allow readers to independently authenticate their interpretive inferences.

Credibility. Interpretive research can be considered credible if readers find its inferences to be believable. This concept is akin to that of internal validity in functionalistic research. The credibility of interpretive research can be improved by providing evidence of the researcher’s extended engagement in the field, by demonstrating data triangulation across subjects or data collection techniques, and by maintaining meticulous data management and analytic procedures—such as verbatim transcription of interviews, accurate records of contacts and interviews—and clear notes on theoretical and methodological decisions, that can allow an independent audit of data collection and analysis if needed.

Confirmability. Confirmability refers to the extent to which the findings reported in interpretive research can be independently confirmed by others—typically, participants. This is similar to the notion of objectivity in functionalistic research. Since interpretive research rejects the notion of an objective reality, confirmability is demonstrated in terms of ‘intersubjectivity’—i.e., if the study’s participants agree with the inferences derived by the researcher. For instance, if a study’s participants generally agree with the inferences drawn by a researcher about a phenomenon of interest—based on a review of the research paper or report—then the findings can be viewed as confirmable.

Transferability. Transferability in interpretive research refers to the extent to which the findings can be generalised to other settings. This idea is similar to that of external validity in functionalistic research. The researcher must provide rich, detailed descriptions of the research context (‘thick description’) and thoroughly describe the structures, assumptions, and processes revealed from the data so that readers can independently assess whether and to what extent the reported findings are transferable to other settings.

• Eisenhardt, K. M. (1989). Making fast strategic decisions in high-velocity environments. Academy of Management Journal , 32(3), 543–576. ↵
• Susman, G. I. and Evered, R. D. (1978) An assessment of the scientific merits of action research. Administrative Science Quarterly , 23, 582–603. ↵
• Bluebond-Langer, M. (1996). In the shadow of illness: Parents and siblings of the chronically ill child . Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ↵
• Giorgi, A., & Giorgi, B. (2003). Phenomenology. In J. A. Smith (ed.), Qualitative psychology: A practical guide to research methods (pp. 25–50). London: Sage Publications ↵
• Lincoln, Y. S., & Guba, E. G. (1985). Naturalistic inquiry . Beverly Hills: Sage Publications. ↵

Social Science Research: Principles, Methods and Practices (Revised edition) Copyright © 2019 by Anol Bhattacherjee is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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• Published: 17 May 2024

Navigating the nexus: unraveling technological innovation, economic growth, trade openness, ICT, and CO 2 emissions through symmetric and asymmetric analysis

• Ha Junsheng 1 , 2 ,
• Yuning Mu 3 ,
• Muhammad Mehedi Masud 4 ,
• Rulia Akhtar 5 ,
• Abu Naser Mohammad Saif   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7078-6780 6 , 7 ,
• K. M. Anwarul Islam 8 &
• Nusrat Hafiz 9  

Humanities and Social Sciences Communications volume  11 , Article number:  634 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

Metrics details

• Business and management
• Information systems and information technology

In Malaysia’s rapid economic growth and industrialization, environmental degradation and carbon emissions pose significant challenges. As urbanization continues to rise, there is a growing recognition of the imperative to tackle CO 2 emissions. Trade openness and globalization drive economic activity but also heighten environmental pressures, including CO 2 emissions from transportation and industry. Information communication technology (ICT) usage, shaped by infrastructure and regulations, can either improve energy efficiency or increase energy consumption. The study examines the impacts of economic growth (EG), trade openness (TON), technological innovation (TIN), and ICT on CO 2 emissions in Malaysia, using both symmetric and asymmetric methods from 1985 to 2021. While many studies have explored environmental degradation, focusing on CO 2 emissions and ecological footprint indicators, only a limited number have delved into the combined impact of sustainable EG, TON, ICT, and TIN on Malaysia’s CO 2 emissions. Notably, these studies have often neglected the utilization of both symmetric and asymmetric methodologies. Hence, this study employed auto-regressive distributed lag (ARDL) and non-linear ARDL approaches to investigate the dynamic effects of the studied variables. The key findings from the symmetric analysis demonstrate that EG, TON, and ICT together take part in the increase of CO 2 emissions in both the short and long run. Particularly, technological innovation plays a significant role in reducing CO 2 emissions in the short term through the adoption of cleaner technologies. However, the results of the NARDL bound test reveal asymmetric long-term consequences of technological innovation, economic growth, and ICT on CO 2 emissions. The study underscores the need for CO 2 reduction policies in Malaysia, advocating for measures, such as incentivizing cleaner technologies and upgrading energy infrastructure. It also recommends implementing carbon pricing mechanisms for production and trade, alongside awareness campaigns to foster behavioral changes aimed at reducing emissions.

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Introduction.

Climate change has evolved into an intensifying threat to sustainable development in recent decades, igniting a fervent global discourse (Destek & Sarkodie, 2019 ; Nathaniel & Khan, 2020 ). With the rise of environmental degradation casting a shadow on nations worldwide, the imperative of fostering sustainable growth has taken center stage, amplifying concerns regarding environmental limitations on progress and economic choices (Sun et al., 2020 ; Niinimäki et al., 2020 ). The increase in greenhouse gas emissions (GHGs) in recent decades has brought environmental pollutants to the forefront of global issues, representing a significant and critical concern (Dogan & Seker, 2016 ; Khan et al., 2017 ). Strikingly, despite the projected consequences of unchecked GHG emissions, they continue to surge unabated. This unrelenting trajectory has wielded considerable influence over environmental policy, enmeshed with the complexities of economic growth and CO 2 emissions. Given the pressing climate crisis, prioritizing sustainable economic growth has become paramount for economies worldwide (Azam et al., 2022 ). This emphasis is crucial, considering that achieving sustainable development remains unattainable until environmental sustainability is effectively established (Zafar et al., 2019 ). Notably, the surge in CO 2 emissions parallels the escalating use of fossil fuels, which is a consequence of the recent rapid expansion of modern industrial civilization (Bhui, 2021 ; Kanwal et al., 2022 ). These milestones comprise the establishment of the UNFCCC in 1992, the Tokyo Protocol in 1997, the significant Copenhagen Agreement of 2009, the China-USA Agreement of 2014, and the highly anticipated Paris Agreement set for 2015.

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) underscores the pivotal role of innovation and technological advancement in curbing carbon emissions, emphasizing that the pace and scale of technological progress will shape future carbon reduction (Usman et al., 2021 ). Furthermore, information communication technology (ICT) plays a dual role: it is indispensable for industrialization, which impacts the environment and drives economic advancement (Khan and Qianli, 2017 ; Danish et al., 2018 ). While some researchers propose a robust and negative correlation between the expansion of the ICT sector and CO 2 emissions (Asongu et al., 2017 ; Danish, 2019 ; Haini, 2021 ), others assert its significance in monitoring, managing, and transitioning to a green economy amidst climate change (Usman et al., 2021 ). Despite its importance in mature economies, ICT’s contribution to pollution remains uncertain. Notably, specific research points out that ICT can enhance environmental management and production processes, offering a potential avenue for environmental benefit (Heidari et al., 2019 ; Zhou et al., 2019 ; Awan et al., 2021 ).

Malaysia has set forth an ambitious goal to slash GHG emissions intensity by 45% by 2030, which includes an unconditional 35% reduction and a conditional 10% decrease. Committed to this trajectory, the 12 th Malaysia Plan outlines a vision for carbon neutrality by 2050. Yet, without a proactive and comprehensive approach to climate change, Malaysia risks falling short of fulfilling its Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) within the Paris Agreement. To honor its commitments, Malaysia must preserve carbon sinks and expedite the transition from fossil fuel-based energy to renewable and alternative sources. However, the transformative shift from agriculture to industry between 1970 and 1980 significantly altered Malaysia’s energy consumption dynamics, impacting its trajectory (Begum et al., 2015 ; Zhang et al., 2021 ). As the energy-intensive services sector gains prominence in Malaysia’s GDP composition, achieving a 45% reduction in emission intensity remains a formidable challenge without a substantial pivot toward low-carbon technologies.

Within the empirical domain, numerous investigations have examined environmental degradation through the lens of CO 2 emissions and ecological footprint indicators (Hassan et al., 2023 ; Danish & Hassan, 2023 ; Li et al., 2023 ). However, only a limited number of studies have delved into the combined impact of sustainable economic growth (EG), trade openness (TON), technological innovation (TIN), and ICT on Malaysia’s CO 2 emissions. Notably, these studies have often neglected to utilize both symmetric and asymmetric methodologies. This research targets to bridge this gap by closely studying the intricate relationship between sustainable EG, TON, TIN, ICT, and CO 2 emissions in Malaysia. Employing both auto-regressive distributed lag (ARDL) and non-linear ARDL approaches, this investigation provides a comprehensive exploration of this multifaceted relationship.

The research offers diverse fresh perspectives that significantly enhance our comprehension of environmental sustainability and economic progress in Malaysia. (I) By assessing the interplay of EG, TON, TIN, and ICT on CO 2 emissions, the study provides a holistic understanding of these factors’ combined effects. This nuanced analysis offers insights into the intricate dependencies among these variables, contributing to a comprehensive view of their impact on emissions. (II) The study’s discovery of technological innovation’s potential to drive short-term reductions in CO 2 emissions through cleaner technologies offers a new perspective. This finding suggests opportunities for the Ministry of Science and Technology to develop environmentally conscious ICT frameworks, fostering sustainable development. (III) Identifying the unequal long-term effects of TIN, EG, and ICT on CO 2 emissions complicates our understanding of Malaysia’s economic and technological context. This insight deepens our comprehension of the intricate connections within the country’s developmental path. (IV) The study’s identification of the connection between TIN and CO 2 emissions, distinguishing between positive and adverse advancements, adds a new dimension to the discourse on technology’s environmental impact. This finding highlights the importance of aligning technological development with environmental sustainability goals. (V) The study’s observation of the impact of ICT usage on CO 2 emissions, with escalating usage having a constructive influence while diminished usage correlates with adverse effects, sheds light on the critical role of digitalization in shaping environmental outcomes in Malaysia. This perspective offers valuable insights for policymakers and industry stakeholders. Finally, alongside its empirical findings, the study provides policy recommendations targeted at mitigating emissions and fostering sustainable development. These recommendations, such as supporting the integration of renewable energy and implementing financing mechanisms for green ICT, offer practical strategies for policymakers to tackle environmental challenges while promoting economic growth.

Literature review

Technological innovation and co 2 emission.

The technology effect is concerned with ongoing innovation and the deployment of new technologies, which encourage increased resource efficiency and productivity and lessen the harm that production activities cause to the environment (Wang et al., 2023 ). Cutting-edge technology is essential to an economy’s ability to expand both environmentally and economically (Meirun et al., 2021 ; Wang et al., 2024 ). Scholars have extensively reconnoitred the impact of TIN on CO 2 emissions, attributing it to the increasing global capabilities in innovation (Zaho et al., 2021 ). The growing awareness among government officials and academics regarding TIN’s potential to reduce CO 2 emissions has fueled ongoing technological advancements (Huang et al., 2020 ; Xie et al., 2021 ; Shan et al., 2021 ). Previous studies, such as those by Mensah et al. ( 2018 ), Lin and Zhu ( 2019 ), and Ganda ( 2019 ), have investigated the influence of patents on emissions as a proxy for technical advancement. However, it’s worth noting that technical advancement has been associated with higher CO 2 emissions (Amin et al., 2020 ; Erdogan, 2021 ; Shahbaz et al., 2020 ). Conversely, renewable energy, TIN, and human capital have been found to inversely impact CO 2 emissions (Wang et al., 2021 ). Li et al. ( 2021 ) discovered a strong inverse correlation between technology innovation and CO 2 emissions in China. However, studies by Chen and Lee ( 2020 ) and Samargandi ( 2017 ) suggest that TIN does not necessarily have a negative impact on global CO 2 emissions. Decreased energy intensity, CO 2 emissions, EG, and TON have been linked to higher energy use due to technical development (Pata and Caglar, 2021 ; Adebayo et al., 2022 ;). Sharif et al. ( 2022 ) found a significant inverse correlation between these factors. Additionally, Wang et al. ( 2021 ) study noted a decline in Japan’s energy density due to innovation spending. Long et al. ( 2018 ) and Erdogan ( 2021 ) contend that innovation in Chinese agriculture leads to a detrimental impact on carbon emissions. Lin and Xu ( 2020 ) underscore the significance of energy efficiency in curbing carbon emissions within China’s central region. Wang et al. ( 2021 ) suggest that innovation’s impact on emissions varies by industry, with the industrial sector strongly driving reduction. The expansion of patents and trademarks affects carbon emissions positively in affluent nations but negatively in underdeveloped countries (Demircan Cakar et al., 2021 ). Local research and development (R&D) and innovation in the energy sector contribute to carbon emissions reduction (Shahbaz et al., 2020 ). Liang et al. ( 2019 ) found a link between the number of patents and carbon emissions, indicating that a decrease in patent numbers might lead to a more sustainable environment.

Economic growth and CO 2 emission

Economic activity significantly influences CO 2 emissions, with specialized sectors generating more CO 2 per production unit often correlating with economic growth (Akhtar et al., 2023 ; Lin and Guan, 2023 ). Over time, the intertwining of economic expansion and CO 2 emissions leads to ecological harm as economies grow (Gao, 2023 ; Ahmad et al., 2023 ). Such growth yields negative outcomes, including reduced agricultural productivity, increased insecurity, disease prevalence, and poverty, largely attributed to climate change (FAO, 2019 ; Kogo et al., 2021 ; Fajobi et al., 2023 ). Ironically, the industries and agricultural sectors, which are particularly susceptible to climate change, are its primary contributors. A substantial 73% of GHG emissions arise from energy consumption linked to industrial and agricultural processes (World Resources Institute, 2020 ). Consequently, climate change hampers economic progress and prosperity, necessitating prompt mitigation strategies in these sectors. Economic growth and development notably shape environmental degradation and CO 2 emissions. As wealth per capita increases, environmental degradation tends to rise (Khan et al., 2022 ). Economic growth also influences long-term energy use and emissions (Ang, 2008 ), highlighting the interconnectedness among energy, the environment, and economic progress (Shang et al., 2023 ). Trade liberalization holds a dual impact on emissions: it can reduce them through methodological changes but potentially increase them due to the income-pollution relationship (Mahmood et al., 2019 ; Yang et al., 2020 ). Environmental considerations are vital for fostering sustainable economic development (Abbas et al., 2023 ). Strategic approaches are necessary to achieve equilibrium between growth and environmental conservation due to the complex interplay among economic expansion, CO 2 emissions, and environmental regulations.

Trade openness and CO 2 emission

The emergence of clean energy, predominantly driven by renewable sources, along with the continuous advancement of globalization and trade liberalization, has brought about significant structural shifts in energy, trade, economy, and society. This transition has been accompanied by the growth of service sectors and urbanization (Li et al., 2021 ). Trade openness has a growing positive impact on national economies, especially when considering the interdependence of financial systems, which boosts economic growth (Zhang et al., 2024 ; Ashiq et al., 2023 ). However, trade openness carries dual disadvantages: while it promotes economic growth, it also adversely affects the environment and climate (Zhang et al., 2023 ). The association between trade and carbon emissions remains debated, whether direct or indirect (Kolcava et al., 2019 ; Xie et al., 2020 ). Literature often focuses on trade’s direct emission impact, potentially overlooking socio-economic factors (Vural, 2020 ). Trade’s influence on emissions is notably influenced by Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) (Zubair et al., 2020 ). According to Usman et al. ( 2022 ), trade openness markedly deteriorates Pakistan’s environmental quality. Prior studies yielded varied results, with trade openness shown to negatively affect the environment or contribute to pollution reduction (Wang and Zhang, 2021 ; Azam et al., 2022 ). Irfan et al. ( 2023 ) discovered a short-term equilibrium correlation between trade openness and carbon emissions in Sri Lanka, but no such correlation existed in the long term. They also observed that trade openness stimulates investment, thereby fostering economic growth. Jakada et al. ( 2023 ) unveiled the adverse indirect impacts of trade openness on CO 2 emissions in the long run, offset by positive direct effects in both the short and long terms. Mahmood et al. ( 2019 ) indicated that trade openness has asymmetric effects on CO 2 emissions, with different levels of openness yielding inconsistent and inconsequential outcomes.

ICT and CO 2 emission

The expanding role of ICT in the global GDP encompasses various industries. However, while it brings about favorable effects on economic growth, it also presents limitations in terms of resources and poses environmental difficulties (Jahanger and Usman, 2023 ; Saqib et al., 2024 ; Haldar et al., 2023 ). Technology and the environment have a complex interaction, as noted by Kumar et al. ( 2020 ). As a low-carbon enabler, ICT fosters ecological sustainability by boosting energy efficiency and curbing GHG emissions in sectors like power, transport, and construction (Abdollahbeigi & Salehi, 2020 ; Zafar et al., 2019 ; Tzeremes et al., 2023 ). In order to combat the effects of climate change and advance a green, circular economy, information and communication technology (ICT) is essential (Yang et al., 2023 ; Durán-Romero et al., 2020 ). Energy consumption, economic growth, population, and greenhouse gas emissions all increased in line with Malaysia’s 25-year spike in internet users (Fakher et al., 2023 ). The ICT industry’s share of GHG emissions grows due to environment-linked ICT component production (Villanthenkodath et al., 2022 ). Increased utilization of devices, such as computers, smartphones, and online connectivity, leads to heightened demand for energy, one of the main causes of environmental deterioration (Adebayo et al., 2022 ; Dedaj et al., 2022 ). There are significant environmental concerns due to the growing economy and increased energy usage, as evidenced by Hassan et al. ( 2023 ), Uzar ( 2020 ), Raihan and Tuspekova ( 2022 ). Pan & Dong ( 2023 ) illustrate that the growth of the Internet has the feasibility to decrease urban CO 2 emissions through the enhancement of industrial structures, the stimulation of eco-friendly innovation, and the reinforcement of environmental regulations. Additionally, the Internet can steer cities dependent on resource extraction toward a trajectory of low-carbon development.

Research methods

ARDL and NARDL are considered advanced econometric techniques for analyzing time series data. These techniques are employed to represent and comprehend the dynamic interactions between variables, especially in the context of co-integration and long-run relationships among economic or time series variables. They are particularly useful in examining non-linear relationships, lagged effects, and short- and long-term dynamics in economic models.

Data origin and characteristics

In this research, an investigation was conducted into the enduring and immediate connections between CO 2 emissions, EG, TIN, TON, and ICT. This was carried out through the utilization of both the linear and non-linear ARDL approach. To fulfill the research objectives, time series data spanning from 1985 to 2021 were extracted from the World Development Indicator (WDI) dataset specifically for Malaysia (World Bank, 2022 ). Further insights regarding the data can be found in Table 1 .

Non-linear ARDL model

A number of studies, such as Ramli et al. ( 2022 ), Ozturk and Ullah ( 2022 ), Sun et al. ( 2022 ) used a similar method for analysis. Shin et al. ( 2014 ) introduced a non-linear ARDL methodology, which is adopted in this study to investigate potential asymmetrical relationships among variables. This involves examining both positive and negative changes within the independent variable. This approach is taken because the conventional symmetric assumption regarding the linear impact of independent variables on the dependent variable is employed to establish the long-term relationship through co-integration testing. To assess this, the constructive separation of positive and negative shifts in EG, ICT, and TIN is conducted by generating two additional sets of series, following the methodology outlined by Qamruzzaman and Jianguo ( 2018 ). This process leads to the formulation of the subsequent equations.

Equations ( 5 ), ( 6 ), and ( 7 ) are incorporated into Eq. ( 3 ) to constitute our NARDL model, which can be represented as:

In the equations provided above, the coefficients λ 1 to λ 8 represent the elasticity coefficients in the long run, while φi signifies the elasticity coefficients in the short run.

Results and discussions

Primary outcome.

Before commencing any regression analysis, it is crucial to meticulously examine the fundamental characteristics of the variables and their correlations. Descriptive statistics concerning the primary variables are outlined in Table 2 . The data highlights that ICT demonstrates the lowest mean value (2.578), while CO 2 emissions exhibit the highest mean value (11.684). In terms of standard deviation, the most pronounced volatility is observed in the information communication technology variable, indicating a higher degree of variability, while trade openness demonstrates the least volatility. All variables perform well in terms of standard deviation, as they all have values lower than their respective average values. This indicates that they are suitable for estimation purposes. The trends of endogenous variables are illustrated in Fig. 1 . Most endogenous variables exhibit clear upward trajectories over time. However, the trade openness for carbon emissions showcases an irregular pattern, as depicted in Fig. 1 .

The figure depicts the trend of the study variables.

Furthermore, our approach mandates a series of evaluations to ensure the appropriateness of implementing NARDL models, encompassing examinations, such as structural break and unit root tests. The outcome of the Chow structural break test yields an F -statistic of 0.41, which falls below the critical value at the 5% significance level (0.84). Notably, there are no indications of structural breaks evident within our dataset. This implies that significant changes with the potential to impact the empirical outcomes have not occurred. Table 3 shows the outcomes of the unit root test. Together, the Phillips-Perron (P-P) test (Phillips & Perron, 1988 ), the Augmented Dickey-Fuller’s t -test (DF-GLS), and the Augmented Dickey-Fuller (ADF) test (Dickey & Fuller, 1979 ) provide a range of insights into the idea of stationarity. To be more precise, CO 2 exhibits level stationarity in the ADF and P-P tests, whereas TIN exhibits level stationarity in the ADF and DF-GLS tests. The ADF, DF-GLS, and P-P tests consistently demonstrate the significance of the variables at the first difference. Given these outcomes signaling stationarity, our recommendation is to employ the ARDL econometric technique, which accommodates variables that are stationary both at the level and in their first differences.

The results related to the identification of co-integration, as displayed in Table 4 , demonstrate a value of 7.939, exceeding the critical threshold of 5.914 set by Narayan ( 2005 ). Hence, at the 1% significance level, the null hypothesis is maintained. As a result, the measured co-integration results support the co-integration verification. But in order to thoroughly inspect the empirical association between the variables that are being examined, we can apply the NARDL test, which takes into account both favorable and adverse shocks.

Upon conducting the co-integration test, the subsequent step involves conducting both linearity and non-linearity tests. This aims to explore potential non-linearity within the data series. In this context, we have utilized the BDS test as suggested by Broock et al. ( 1996 ), with the null hypothesis stating “series are linearly dependent.” The outcomes presented in Table 5 validate the significance of the series in every dimension, indicating that the variables exhibit non-linear dependence. Consequently, the appropriate approach entails the application of the non-linear ARDL test instead of the conventional ARDL test.

Estimation of linear ARDL model

Table 6 presents our empirical findings concerning the immediate and prolonged influences of independent variables on CO 2 emissions in Malaysia. The ARDL results demonstrate a noteworthy and positive correlation between economic growth and CO 2 emissions, both in the short and long term. This suggests that EG contributes to environmental deterioration over varying timeframes. These results align with earlier research by Kirikkaleli ( 2020 ) in China, Karaaslan, and Çamkaya ( 2022 ) in Turkey, Behera and Dash ( 2017 ) in developing countries with low to middle incomes, and Mikayilov et al. ( 2018 ) in Azerbaijan. Moreover, Mahmood et al. ( 2019 ) argue that economic growth accelerates environmental degradation earlier in the developmental stages, attributing CO 2 emissions to this growth. They found a strong positive correlation between TON and CO 2 emissions, which held true for both short and long durations. This aligns with the asymmetric impact of TON and FDI on carbon intensity as observed by Wang and Wang ( 2021 ). Additionally, there is a notable and positive relationship between ICT and CO 2 emissions, a trend also observed in research by Zhou et al. ( 2019 ) in China. Their research showed that the ICT sector does not have a good environmental impact when taking into account its projected carbon consequences, which are many times bigger than its direct effects. ICT creation and disposal, according to Haini ( 2021 ), Ishida ( 2015 ), and Williams ( 2011 ), cause environmental impact. Technological progress has a significantly negative short-term effect on CO 2 emissions. The result aligns with the conclusions drawn in Zaho et al.‘s 2021 study, which associated the rise in global innovation capabilities with the impact of TIN on CO 2 emissions. Scholars and public authorities are becoming more conscious of how technology innovation might help cut CO 2 emissions (Huang et al., 2020 ; Xie et al., 2021 ; Shan et al,. 2021 ).

Estimation of non-linear ARDL model

To assess the influence of favorable and adverse shifts in independent variables on dependent variables, the non-linear ARDL approach is employed, and the outcomes are exhibited in Table 7 . At the outset, a positive and enduring alteration in EG establishes a direct and substantial correlation with CO 2 emissions in Malaysia. On the other hand, a negative alteration in economic growth (EG) results in outcomes that lack significance for both the short run and the long run. Over time, a complex interplay emerges between economic expansion and CO 2 emissions. It is noteworthy that EG and developments exert a discernible influence on environmental degradation and CO 2 emissions (Gao, 2023 ; Liu et al., 2022 ; Musa et al., 2023 ). The study emphasizes that both in the short and long term, a positive change in ICT has a significant and direct effect on CO 2 emissions. Subsequent research has also pointed out that ICT advancement plays a leading role in increasing CO 2 emissions, thereby exacerbating environmental challenges (Awad, 2022 ; Ramzan et al., 2022 ; Ebaidalla and Abusin, 2022 ). Awan et al. ( 2022 ) illustrated that long-term internet use upsurges CO 2 emissions in EU member states, particularly in those where green ICT use is still below ideal levels. Furthermore, as per Amari et al. ( 2022 ), the progress of ICT in sub-Saharan African nations has an adverse impact on environmental quality, contributing to a notable rise in CO 2 emissions linked to increased energy consumption and economic expansion. Similarly, Weili et al. ( 2022 ) demonstrated that productivity gains resulting from ICT advancement result in heightened energy utilization and consequent carbon dioxide emissions. Conversely, a decrease in ICT advancement has a considerable negative effect on CO 2 emissions in the long term. A number of studies have demonstrated an association between ICT development and lower CO 2 emissions in nations participating in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) (Danish, 2019 ); these countries also include the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) and other developing economies (Batool et al., 2022 ). Interregional commerce in ICT products has been demonstrated by Zhou et al. ( 2022 ) to increase energy consumption, carbon intensity, and carbon emissions, all of which have a detrimental effect on the environment. Thus, the relationship between ICT advancement and CO 2 emissions across different countries, as observed through empirical data or through the prism of economic theory, is contingent upon the relative strength of two opposing forces: a negative relationship attributable to increased energy efficiency and a positive correlation driven by the expansion of production scale. For both the short and long term, there is a negative correlation between CO 2 emissions and the positive change in technological innovation. A 1% increase in technological innovation results in a decrease of 0.123% in CO 2 emissions in the long run and 0.029% in the short run. The impact of technological advancements on CO 2 emissions is of utmost significance. By promoting technological innovation, countries can create avenues to devise more efficient strategies for addressing aspects that have adverse effects on environmental quality. This approach involves enhancing energy efficiency and decreasing energy consumption. Additionally, nations can leverage technological advancements to optimize the effectiveness of their existing energy sources. Furthermore, TIN can act as a crucial driver in promoting the development of new eco-friendly energy resources (Khattak et al., 2020 ; Ahmad & Zheng, 2021 ; Adebayo et al., 2023 ). However, it’s recognized that not all TINs influence CO 2 emissions. Consequently, it becomes vital to spotlight innovations specifically geared toward improving energy efficiency and facilitating the transition to green energy sources. These targeted innovations can encourage the adoption of renewable energy while simultaneously reducing reliance on fossil fuels.

Numerous scholars, like Cheng et al. ( 2022 ) and Shahbaz et al. ( 2020 ), contend that technical innovation is essential to reducing CO 2 emissions. Cleaner technologies are incorporated into production processes and energy efficiency is increased as a result. Our conclusions about how technological innovation affects CO 2 emissions align with the results of other empirical studies (e.g., Rahman et al., 2022 ; Lin & Ma 2022 ). China’s accomplishments in energy conservation and carbon reduction through increased technical innovation have been highlighted by Cheng et al. ( 2022 ). Notably, energy-focused technological initiatives in Brazil and China have led to significant reductions in carbon emissions. The consensus underlying this phenomenon is that technological innovation, particularly in the field of environmental technologies, is integral to addressing environmental challenges while simultaneously enhancing energy efficiency. The advancement of technologies geared towards environmental preservation directly curbs environmental degradation, such as by curbing waste disposal, underscoring the multifaceted role of technological innovation in safeguarding environmental quality. Moreover, TIN can additionally contribute to environmental enhancement by facilitating the progression of energy transition. Notably, as TIN fosters energy transition, it holds the potential to bolster the capacity for generating renewable energy. This anticipated outcome is poised to yield further improvements in environmental well-being. Furthermore, the statistically significant coefficient of ECM at a 1% level of significance indicates a substantial 72% annual adjustment for attaining long-term equilibrium.

Based on the results of diagnostic tests presented in the lower section of Table 7 , the null hypothesis concerning homoscedasticity is rejected. This conclusion is supported by the non-significant chi-square values obtained from both the Breusch-Pagan-Godfrey heteroscedasticity test and the ARCH test. Additionally, we conducted the Jarque-Bera test to assess normality and detect the presence of serial correlation, alongside the Breusch-Godfrey Serial Correlation LM test. In both cases, the resulting probability chi-square values were statistically insignificant, affirming the model’s conformity to normality and lack of serial correlation. To evaluate the dynamic stability of our model, we employed the CUSUM and CUSUMQ tests, following the methodology outlined by Brown et al. (2003). The graphical representations of these tests, as shown in Fig. 2 , provide evidence of the model’s overall stability.

The figure exhibits the cumulative sum and sum square of recursive residuals plot.

Lastly, Fig. 3 shows how the explanatory variables (LGDP, ICT, and LTIN) were adjusted using NARDL multipliers to the new equilibrium equations after prior optimistic and adverse shocks. The thick and thin red-dotted lines demarcate an asymmetric pattern and delineate the essential boundaries, respectively. The solid black and black-dotted lines show how CO 2 adjusts asymmetrically to positive and negative shocks. The asymmetric relationship between GDP, ICT, and TIN with CO 2 is confirmed by the phase patterns in Fig. 3 .

The figure depicts the multipliers for GDP, ICT, LTIN.

The results of the causality test

While we have analyzed both the short- and long-term impacts of regressors on the dependent variable, assessing the causal connection between variables is equally vital in formulating policy recommendations. We employed the Granger procedure within the VAR (Vector Autoregression) causality test to determine the symmetric causal relationship between variables. This decision was made because the asymmetric model only examines a restricted set of variables, rendering asymmetric causality inapplicable in such scenarios (Engle & Granger, 1987 ). The long-run feedback effects between CO 2 , EG, TON, mobile subscriptions, and technical innovation are shown in Table 8 ’s long-run causality results. At 5%, 1%, and 10% significant levels, respectively, there is evidence of bidirectional causality from technical innovation, TON to CO 2 , TON to mobile subscriptions, which is consistent with the long-run and short-run findings. Furthermore, GDP Granger influences trade openness and technical innovation at significance levels of 1% and 5%, respectively. There is a unidirectional link between CO 2 and mobile subscriptions, as well as between mobile subscriptions and technological innovation, at a 1% level of relevance.

In addition, all explanatory factors and CO 2 emissions are tested for causal links using the Granger causality test. Table 9 provides a summary of the findings. These results demonstrate a one-way causal relationship between ICT and CO 2 emissions. Furthermore, there is evidence of bidirectional causality between CO 2 emissions and TON emissions as well as between TIN and CO 2 emissions.

Robustness analysis

By employing single-equation estimator methods, such as FMOLS, DOLS, and CCR, we were able to reinforce the validity of the long-term estimates obtained from the ARDL estimator. The FMOLS estimate operates under the assumption of a single co-integration and employs a semi-parametric correction to address estimation challenges arising from the long-term linkage between co-integration and stochastic issues. On the other hand, the CCR estimate, akin to FMOLS, addresses co-integration issues rather than making modifications to stationary data. The DOLS test’s main advantages are that it removes endogeneity, minimizes sample size bias, and accounts for different order integration of variables in the co-integrated frame (Alcantara and Padilla, 2009 ). Table 10 displays the results of the FMOLS, DOLS, and CCR. It demonstrates that the long-run ARDL estimation results and GDP, TON, and ICT have comparable signs. The findings of FMOLS, DOLS, and CCR are also supported by the long-run results of non-linear ARDL for GDP, TON, ICT, and TIN.

Conclusion and policy implications

This study delves into the symmetrical and asymmetrical impacts of TIN, EG, TON, and ICT on CO 2 emissions in Malaysia spanning the period from 1985 to 2021. Our linear model’s findings demonstrate how ICT, TON, and EG both temporarily and permanently cut CO 2 emissions. Technological advancement has a destructive and considerable immediate effect on carbon emissions. The NARDL study, on the other hand, demonstrates that ICT and CO 2 emission in Malaysia have a strong and dynamic asymmetrical connection over short and long durations. Both beneficial and poor consequences of ICT’s positive and negative shock can be seen in Malaysia’s carbon emissions. Technology advancement has the potential to provide a variety of positive effects, both now and in the future. Because it conserves energy, technological innovation lowers energy use and CO 2 emissions.

Furthermore, economic expansion has an optimistic and notable effect on carbon emissions. Economic expansion is directly related to energy use. A larger-scale transition from less energy-efficient to more energy-efficient technology may be required to satisfy Malaysia’s objectives for CO 2 emission reduction and economic growth. This transition might be accelerated by implementing collaborative public-private initiatives and programs to encourage the development of renewable and energy-efficient technology. The findings of this study carry significant policy implications for Malaysia as a developing nation. Firstly, Malaysia can prioritize eco-friendly technology research and adoption to achieve short-term CO 2 emissions reduction through clean innovations. Secondly, for the long-term effects of TIN, EG, and ICT on emissions, a balanced approach to technological progress can be adopted. Encouraging cleaner technologies while mitigating the negative impacts of adverse changes can promote sustainable growth. Thirdly, leveraging ICT for emissions reduction emphasizes the importance of digitalization. Supporting digital infrastructure expansion and technology-driven solutions can enhance efficiency and reduce emissions. Fourthly, acknowledging EG’s significant impact on emissions suggests aligning economic development with emission reduction strategies through cleaner production methods and green practices. Fifthly, recognizing the two-way causal link between trade openness and emissions emphasizes incorporating environmental considerations into trade policies. Malaysia can pursue sustainable trade practices for resource-efficient production and responsible consumption. Sixthly, a holistic approach integrating policies across sectors can address the interconnectedness of emission-contributing variables. Seventhly, facing challenges from adverse technological advancements and increasing emissions, implementing carbon pricing mechanisms and social campaigns for awareness can be considered. Eighthly, prioritizing the transition to low-carbon technologies through incentives for renewables, energy efficiency, and clean production methods can leverage TIN’s potential. Ninthly, long-term policy planning can incorporate both immediate benefits and sustained environmental improvements.

Lastly, international collaboration can share best practices, technology, and knowledge exchange to accelerate sustainable development progress. However, this study has some limitations. Firstly, it focuses solely on employing both linear and non-linear ARDL methods. Future studies could explore alternative methodological approaches. Additionally, this research only examines the relationship among technological innovation, economic growth, trade openness, ICT, and CO 2 emissions within a single country through symmetric and asymmetric analysis. Future research could expand its scope by conducting cross-country comparisons, incorporating new variables, and extending the study period.

Data availability

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Acknowledgements

The authors thank the Universiti Malaya for the continuous support and the UM Living Lab Grant Program–UMSDC, under grant no. LL2023ECO011. This research is funded by the Key Basic Research Project of the Shaanxi Provincial Education Department (project no. 20JZ088): “Impact of Renewable Energy on Quality Economic Development and Policy Research in the Context of the Digital Economy,” the National Social Science Fund Project of China (23BTJ019), and the first author is funded by the China Scholarship Council (CSC) from the Ministry of Education of the P.R. China.

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In the collaborative effort, Ha Junsheng and Yuning Mu focused on crafting the introduction and conclusion sections, whereas Muhammad Mehedi Masud took charge of the methodology and analysis components. Rulia Akhtar meticulously reviewed and thoroughly examined the entire text, providing valuable input to refine the manuscript. Abu Naser Mohammad Saif’s role encompassed tasks related to literature review, manuscript editing, and overall formatting. K.M. Anwarul Islam and Nusrat Hafiz watched over the entire working procedure and provided significant feedback. All authors have examined the findings and approved the manuscript’s final version.

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Junsheng, H., Mu, Y., Masud, M.M. et al. Navigating the nexus: unraveling technological innovation, economic growth, trade openness, ICT, and CO 2 emissions through symmetric and asymmetric analysis. Humanit Soc Sci Commun 11 , 634 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-024-03092-4

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Organizing Your Social Sciences Research Paper: Writing a Case Study

• Purpose of Guide
• Design Flaws to Avoid
• Independent and Dependent Variables
• Glossary of Research Terms
• Narrowing a Topic Idea
• Broadening a Topic Idea
• Extending the Timeliness of a Topic Idea
• Academic Writing Style
• Choosing a Title
• Making an Outline
• Paragraph Development
• Executive Summary
• The C.A.R.S. Model
• Background Information
• The Research Problem/Question
• Theoretical Framework
• Citation Tracking
• Content Alert Services
• Evaluating Sources
• Reading Research Effectively
• Primary Sources
• Secondary Sources
• Tiertiary Sources
• What Is Scholarly vs. Popular?
• Qualitative Methods
• Quantitative Methods
• Using Non-Textual Elements
• Limitations of the Study
• Common Grammar Mistakes
• Writing Concisely
• Avoiding Plagiarism
• Footnotes or Endnotes?
• Further Readings
• Annotated Bibliography
• Dealing with Nervousness
• Using Visual Aids
• Grading Someone Else's Paper
• Types of Structured Group Activities
• Group Project Survival Skills
• Multiple Book Review Essay
• Reviewing Collected Essays
• Writing a Case Study
• About Informed Consent
• Writing Field Notes
• Writing a Policy Memo
• Writing a Research Proposal
• Bibliography

The term case study refers to both a method of analysis and a specific research design for examining a problem, both of which are used in most circumstances to generalize across populations. This tab focuses on the latter--how to design and organize a research paper in the social sciences that analyzes a specific case.

A case study research paper examines a person, place, event, phenomenon, or other type of subject of analysis in order to extrapolate  key themes and results that help predict future trends, illuminate previously hidden issues that can be applied to practice, and/or provide a means for understanding an important research problem with greater clarity. A case study paper usually examines a single subject of analysis, but case study papers can also be designed as a comparative investigation that shows relationships between two or among more than two subjects. The methods used to study a case can rest within a quantitative, qualitative, or mixed-method investigative paradigm.

Case Studies . Writing@CSU. Colorado State University; Mills, Albert J. , Gabrielle Durepos, and Eiden Wiebe, editors. Encyclopedia of Case Study Research . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2010 ; “What is a Case Study?” In Swanborn, Peter G. Case Study Research: What, Why and How? London: SAGE, 2010.

How to Approach Writing a Case Study Research Paper

General information about how to choose a topic to investigate can be found under the " Choosing a Research Problem " tab in this writing guide. Review this page because it may help you identify a subject of analysis that can be investigated using a single case study design.

However, identifying a case to investigate involves more than choosing the research problem . A case study encompasses a problem contextualized around the application of in-depth analysis, interpretation, and discussion, often resulting in specific recommendations for action or for improving existing conditions. As Seawright and Gerring note, practical considerations such as time and access to information can influence case selection, but these issues should not be the sole factors used in describing the methodological justification for identifying a particular case to study. Given this, selecting a case includes considering the following:

• Does the case represent an unusual or atypical example of a research problem that requires more in-depth analysis? Cases often represent a topic that rests on the fringes of prior investigations because the case may provide new ways of understanding the research problem. For example, if the research problem is to identify strategies to improve policies that support girl's access to secondary education in predominantly Muslim nations, you could consider using Azerbaijan as a case study rather than selecting a more obvious nation in the Middle East. Doing so may reveal important new insights into recommending how governments in other predominantly Muslim nations can formulate policies that support improved access to education for girls.
• Does the case provide important insight or illuminate a previously hidden problem? In-depth analysis of a case can be based on the hypothesis that the case study will reveal trends or issues that have not been exposed in prior research or will reveal new and important implications for practice. For example, anecdotal evidence may suggest drug use among homeless veterans is related to their patterns of travel throughout the day. Assuming prior studies have not looked at individual travel choices as a way to study access to illicit drug use, a case study that observes a homeless veteran could reveal how issues of personal mobility choices facilitate regular access to illicit drugs. Note that it is important to conduct a thorough literature review to ensure that your assumption about the need to reveal new insights or previously hidden problems is valid and evidence-based.
• Does the case challenge and offer a counter-point to prevailing assumptions? Over time, research on any given topic can fall into a trap of developing assumptions based on outdated studies that are still applied to new or changing conditions or the idea that something should simply be accepted as "common sense," even though the issue has not been thoroughly tested in practice. A case may offer you an opportunity to gather evidence that challenges prevailing assumptions about a research problem and provide a new set of recommendations applied to practice that have not been tested previously. For example, perhaps there has been a long practice among scholars to apply a particular theory in explaining the relationship between two subjects of analysis. Your case could challenge this assumption by applying an innovative theoretical framework [perhaps borrowed from another discipline] to the study a case in order to explore whether this approach offers new ways of understanding the research problem. Taking a contrarian stance is one of the most important ways that new knowledge and understanding develops from existing literature.
• Does the case provide an opportunity to pursue action leading to the resolution of a problem? Another way to think about choosing a case to study is to consider how the results from investigating a particular case may result in findings that reveal ways in which to resolve an existing or emerging problem. For example, studying the case of an unforeseen incident, such as a fatal accident at a railroad crossing, can reveal hidden issues that could be applied to preventative measures that contribute to reducing the chance of accidents in the future. In this example, a case study investigating the accident could lead to a better understanding of where to strategically locate additional signals at other railroad crossings in order to better warn drivers of an approaching train, particularly when visibility is hindered by heavy rain, fog, or at night.
• Does the case offer a new direction in future research? A case study can be used as a tool for exploratory research that points to a need for further examination of the research problem. A case can be used when there are few studies that help predict an outcome or that establish a clear understanding about how best to proceed in addressing a problem. For example, after conducting a thorough literature review [very important!], you discover that little research exists showing the ways in which women contribute to promoting water conservation in rural communities of Uganda. A case study of how women contribute to saving water in a particular village can lay the foundation for understanding the need for more thorough research that documents how women in their roles as cooks and family caregivers think about water as a valuable resource within their community throughout rural regions of east Africa. The case could also point to the need for scholars to apply feminist theories of work and family to the issue of water conservation.

Eisenhardt, Kathleen M. “Building Theories from Case Study Research.” Academy of Management Review 14 (October 1989): 532-550; Emmel, Nick. Sampling and Choosing Cases in Qualitative Research: A Realist Approach . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2013; Gerring, John. “What Is a Case Study and What Is It Good for?” American Political Science Review 98 (May 2004): 341-354; Mills, Albert J. , Gabrielle Durepos, and Eiden Wiebe, editors. Encyclopedia of Case Study Research . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2010; Seawright, Jason and John Gerring. "Case Selection Techniques in Case Study Research." Political Research Quarterly 61 (June 2008): 294-308.

Structure and Writing Style

The purpose of a paper in the social sciences designed around a case study is to thoroughly investigate a subject of analysis in order to reveal a new understanding about the research problem and, in so doing, contributing new knowledge to what is already known from previous studies. In applied social sciences disciplines [e.g., education, social work, public administration, etc.], case studies may also be used to reveal best practices, highlight key programs, or investigate interesting aspects of professional work. In general, the structure of a case study research paper is not all that different from a standard college-level research paper. However, there are subtle differences you should be aware of. Here are the key elements to organizing and writing a case study research paper.

I.  Introduction

As with any research paper, your introduction should serve as a roadmap for your readers to ascertain the scope and purpose of your study . The introduction to a case study research paper, however, should not only describe the research problem and its significance, but you should also succinctly describe why the case is being used and how it relates to addressing the problem. The two elements should be linked. With this in mind, a good introduction answers these four questions:

• What was I studying? Describe the research problem and describe the subject of analysis you have chosen to address the problem. Explain how they are linked and what elements of the case will help to expand knowledge and understanding about the problem.
• Why was this topic important to investigate? Describe the significance of the research problem and state why a case study design and the subject of analysis that the paper is designed around is appropriate in addressing the problem.
• What did we know about this topic before I did this study? Provide background that helps lead the reader into the more in-depth literature review to follow. If applicable, summarize prior case study research applied to the research problem and why it fails to adequately address the research problem. Describe why your case will be useful. If no prior case studies have been used to address the research problem, explain why you have selected this subject of analysis.
• How will this study advance new knowledge or new ways of understanding? Explain why your case study will be suitable in helping to expand knowledge and understanding about the research problem.

Each of these questions should be addressed in no more than a few paragraphs. Exceptions to this can be when you are addressing a complex research problem or subject of analysis that requires more in-depth background information.

II.  Literature Review

The literature review for a case study research paper is generally structured the same as it is for any college-level research paper. The difference, however, is that the literature review is focused on providing background information and  enabling historical interpretation of the subject of analysis in relation to the research problem the case is intended to address . This includes synthesizing studies that help to:

• Place relevant works in the context of their contribution to understanding the case study being investigated . This would include summarizing studies that have used a similar subject of analysis to investigate the research problem. If there is literature using the same or a very similar case to study, you need to explain why duplicating past research is important [e.g., conditions have changed; prior studies were conducted long ago, etc.].
• Describe the relationship each work has to the others under consideration that informs the reader why this case is applicable . Your literature review should include a description of any works that support using the case to study the research problem and the underlying research questions.
• Identify new ways to interpret prior research using the case study . If applicable, review any research that has examined the research problem using a different research design. Explain how your case study design may reveal new knowledge or a new perspective or that can redirect research in an important new direction.
• Resolve conflicts amongst seemingly contradictory previous studies . This refers to synthesizing any literature that points to unresolved issues of concern about the research problem and describing how the subject of analysis that forms the case study can help resolve these existing contradictions.
• Point the way in fulfilling a need for additional research . Your review should examine any literature that lays a foundation for understanding why your case study design and the subject of analysis around which you have designed your study may reveal a new way of approaching the research problem or offer a perspective that points to the need for additional research.
• Expose any gaps that exist in the literature that the case study could help to fill . Summarize any literature that not only shows how your subject of analysis contributes to understanding the research problem, but how your case contributes to a new way of understanding the problem that prior research has failed to do.
• Locate your own research within the context of existing literature [very important!] . Collectively, your literature review should always place your case study within the larger domain of prior research about the problem. The overarching purpose of reviewing pertinent literature in a case study paper is to demonstrate that you have thoroughly identified and synthesized prior studies in the context of explaining the relevance of the case in addressing the research problem.

III.  Method

In this section, you explain why you selected a particular subject of analysis to study and the strategy you used to identify and ultimately decide that your case was appropriate in addressing the research problem. The way you describe the methods used varies depending on the type of subject of analysis that frames your case study.

If your subject of analysis is an incident or event . In the social and behavioral sciences, the event or incident that represents the case to be studied is usually bounded by time and place, with a clear beginning and end and with an identifiable location or position relative to its surroundings. The subject of analysis can be a rare or critical event or it can focus on a typical or regular event. The purpose of studying a rare event is to illuminate new ways of thinking about the broader research problem or to test a hypothesis. Critical incident case studies must describe the method by which you identified the event and explain the process by which you determined the validity of this case to inform broader perspectives about the research problem or to reveal new findings. However, the event does not have to be a rare or uniquely significant to support new thinking about the research problem or to challenge an existing hypothesis. For example, Walo, Bull, and Breen conducted a case study to identify and evaluate the direct and indirect economic benefits and costs of a local sports event in the City of Lismore, New South Wales, Australia. The purpose of their study was to provide new insights from measuring the impact of a typical local sports event that prior studies could not measure well because they focused on large "mega-events." Whether the event is rare or not, the methods section should include an explanation of the following characteristics of the event: a) when did it take place; b) what were the underlying circumstances leading to the event; c) what were the consequences of the event.

If your subject of analysis is a person. Explain why you selected this particular individual to be studied and describe what experience he or she has had that provides an opportunity to advance new understandings about the research problem. Mention any background about this person which might help the reader understand the significance of his/her experiences that make them worthy of study. This includes describing the relationships this person has had with other people, institutions, and/or events that support using him or her as the subject for a case study research paper. It is particularly important to differentiate the person as the subject of analysis from others and to succinctly explain how the person relates to examining the research problem.

If your subject of analysis is a place. In general, a case study that investigates a place suggests a subject of analysis that is unique or special in some way and that this uniqueness can be used to build new understanding or knowledge about the research problem. A case study of a place must not only describe its various attributes relevant to the research problem [e.g., physical, social, cultural, economic, political, etc.], but you must state the method by which you determined that this place will illuminate new understandings about the research problem. It is also important to articulate why a particular place as the case for study is being used if similar places also exist [i.e., if you are studying patterns of homeless encampments of veterans in open spaces, why study Echo Park in Los Angeles rather than Griffith Park?]. If applicable, describe what type of human activity involving this place makes it a good choice to study [e.g., prior research reveals Echo Park has more homeless veterans].

If your subject of analysis is a phenomenon. A phenomenon refers to a fact, occurrence, or circumstance that can be studied or observed but with the cause or explanation to be in question. In this sense, a phenomenon that forms your subject of analysis can encompass anything that can be observed or presumed to exist but is not fully understood. In the social and behavioral sciences, the case usually focuses on human interaction within a complex physical, social, economic, cultural, or political system. For example, the phenomenon could be the observation that many vehicles used by ISIS fighters are small trucks with English language advertisements on them. The research problem could be that ISIS fighters are difficult to combat because they are highly mobile. The research questions could be how and by what means are these vehicles used by ISIS being supplied to the militants and how might supply lines to these vehicles be cut? How might knowing the suppliers of these trucks from overseas reveal larger networks of collaborators and financial support? A case study of a phenomenon most often encompasses an in-depth analysis of a cause and effect that is grounded in an interactive relationship between people and their environment in some way.

NOTE:   The choice of the case or set of cases to study cannot appear random. Evidence that supports the method by which you identified and chose your subject of analysis should be linked to the findings from the literature review. Be sure to cite any prior studies that helped you determine that the case you chose was appropriate for investigating the research problem.

IV.  Discussion

The main elements of your discussion section are generally the same as any research paper, but centered around interpreting and drawing conclusions about the key findings from your case study. Note that a general social sciences research paper may contain a separate section to report findings. However, in a paper designed around a case study, it is more common to combine a description of the findings with the discussion about their implications. The objectives of your discussion section should include the following:

Reiterate the Research Problem/State the Major Findings Briefly reiterate the research problem you are investigating and explain why the subject of analysis around which you designed the case study were used. You should then describe the findings revealed from your study of the case using direct, declarative, and succinct proclamation of the study results. Highlight any findings that were unexpected or especially profound.

Explain the Meaning of the Findings and Why They are Important Systematically explain the meaning of your case study findings and why you believe they are important. Begin this part of the section by repeating what you consider to be your most important or surprising finding first, then systematically review each finding. Be sure to thoroughly extrapolate what your analysis of the case can tell the reader about situations or conditions beyond the actual case that was studied while, at the same time, being careful not to misconstrue or conflate a finding that undermines the external validity of your conclusions.

Relate the Findings to Similar Studies No study in the social sciences is so novel or possesses such a restricted focus that it has absolutely no relation to previously published research. The discussion section should relate your case study results to those found in other studies, particularly if questions raised from prior studies served as the motivation for choosing your subject of analysis. This is important because comparing and contrasting the findings of other studies helps to support the overall importance of your results and it highlights how and in what ways your case study design and the subject of analysis differs from prior research about the topic.

Consider Alternative Explanations of the Findings It is important to remember that the purpose of social science research is to discover and not to prove. When writing the discussion section, you should carefully consider all possible explanations for the case study results, rather than just those that fit your hypothesis or prior assumptions and biases. Be alert to what the in-depth analysis of the case may reveal about the research problem, including offering a contrarian perspective to what scholars have stated in prior research.

Acknowledge the Study's Limitations You can state the study's limitations in the conclusion section of your paper but describing the limitations of your subject of analysis in the discussion section provides an opportunity to identify the limitations and explain why they are not significant. This part of the discussion section should also note any unanswered questions or issues your case study could not address. More detailed information about how to document any limitations to your research can be found here .

Suggest Areas for Further Research Although your case study may offer important insights about the research problem, there are likely additional questions related to the problem that remain unanswered or findings that unexpectedly revealed themselves as a result of your in-depth analysis of the case. Be sure that the recommendations for further research are linked to the research problem and that you explain why your recommendations are valid in other contexts and based on the original assumptions of your study.

V.  Conclusion

As with any research paper, you should summarize your conclusion in clear, simple language; emphasize how the findings from your case study differs from or supports prior research and why. Do not simply reiterate the discussion section. Provide a synthesis of key findings presented in the paper to show how these converge to address the research problem. If you haven't already done so in the discussion section, be sure to document the limitations of your case study and needs for further research.

The function of your paper's conclusion is to: 1)  restate the main argument supported by the findings from the analysis of your case; 2) clearly state the context, background, and necessity of pursuing the research problem using a case study design in relation to an issue, controversy, or a gap found from reviewing the literature; and, 3) provide a place for you to persuasively and succinctly restate the significance of your research problem, given that the reader has now been presented with in-depth information about the topic.

Consider the following points to help ensure your conclusion is appropriate:

• If the argument or purpose of your paper is complex, you may need to summarize these points for your reader.
• If prior to your conclusion, you have not yet explained the significance of your findings or if you are proceeding inductively, use the conclusion of your paper to describe your main points and explain their significance.
• Move from a detailed to a general level of consideration of the case study's findings that returns the topic to the context provided by the introduction or within a new context that emerges from your case study findings.

Note that, depending on the discipline you are writing in and your professor's preferences, the concluding paragraph may contain your final reflections on the evidence presented applied to practice or on the essay's central research problem. However, the nature of being introspective about the subject of analysis you have investigated will depend on whether you are explicitly asked to express your observations in this way.

Problems to Avoid

Overgeneralization One of the goals of a case study is to lay a foundation for understanding broader trends and issues applied to similar circumstances. However, be careful when drawing conclusions from your case study. They must be evidence-based and grounded in the results of the study; otherwise, it is merely speculation. Looking at a prior example, it would be incorrect to state that a factor in improving girls access to education in Azerbaijan and the policy implications this may have for improving access in other Muslim nations is due to girls access to social media if there is no documentary evidence from your case study to indicate this. There may be anecdotal evidence that retention rates were better for girls who were on social media, but this observation would only point to the need for further research and would not be a definitive finding if this was not a part of your original research agenda.

Failure to Document Limitations No case is going to reveal all that needs to be understood about a research problem. Therefore, just as you have to clearly state the limitations of a general research study , you must describe the specific limitations inherent in the subject of analysis. For example, the case of studying how women conceptualize the need for water conservation in a village in Uganda could have limited application in other cultural contexts or in areas where fresh water from rivers or lakes is plentiful and, therefore, conservation is understood differently than preserving access to a scarce resource.

Failure to Extrapolate All Possible Implications Just as you don't want to over-generalize from your case study findings, you also have to be thorough in the consideration of all possible outcomes or recommendations derived from your findings. If you do not, your reader may question the validity of your analysis, particularly if you failed to document an obvious outcome from your case study research. For example, in the case of studying the accident at the railroad crossing to evaluate where and what types of warning signals should be located, you failed to take into consideration speed limit signage as well as warning signals. When designing your case study, be sure you have thoroughly addressed all aspects of the problem and do not leave gaps in your analysis.

Case Studies . Writing@CSU. Colorado State University; Gerring, John. Case Study Research: Principles and Practices . New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007; Merriam, Sharan B. Qualitative Research and Case Study Applications in Education . Rev. ed. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 1998; Miller, Lisa L. “The Use of Case Studies in Law and Social Science Research.” Annual Review of Law and Social Science 14 (2018): TBD; Mills, Albert J., Gabrielle Durepos, and Eiden Wiebe, editors. Encyclopedia of Case Study Research . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2010; Putney, LeAnn Grogan. "Case Study." In Encyclopedia of Research Design , Neil J. Salkind, editor. (Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2010), pp. 116-120; Simons, Helen. Case Study Research in Practice . London: SAGE Publications, 2009;  Kratochwill,  Thomas R. and Joel R. Levin, editors. Single-Case Research Design and Analysis: New Development for Psychology and Education .  Hilldsale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1992; Swanborn, Peter G. Case Study Research: What, Why and How? London : SAGE, 2010; Yin, Robert K. Case Study Research: Design and Methods . 6th edition. Los Angeles, CA, SAGE Publications, 2014; Walo, Maree, Adrian Bull, and Helen Breen. “Achieving Economic Benefits at Local Events: A Case Study of a Local Sports Event.” Festival Management and Event Tourism 4 (1996): 95-106.

Writing Tip

At Least Five Misconceptions about Case Study Research

Social science case studies are often perceived as limited in their ability to create new knowledge because they are not randomly selected and findings cannot be generalized to larger populations. Flyvbjerg examines five misunderstandings about case study research and systematically "corrects" each one. To quote, these are:

Misunderstanding 1 :  General, theoretical [context-independent knowledge is more valuable than concrete, practical (context-dependent) knowledge. Misunderstanding 2 :  One cannot generalize on the basis of an individual case; therefore, the case study cannot contribute to scientific development. Misunderstanding 3 :  The case study is most useful for generating hypotheses; that is, in the first stage of a total research process, whereas other methods are more suitable for hypotheses testing and theory building. Misunderstanding 4 :  The case study contains a bias toward verification, that is, a tendency to confirm the researcher’s preconceived notions. Misunderstanding 5 :  It is often difficult to summarize and develop general propositions and theories on the basis of specific case studies [p. 221].

While writing your paper, think introspectively about how you addressed these misconceptions because to do so can help you strengthen the validity and reliability of your research by clarifying issues of case selection, the testing and challenging of existing assumptions, the interpretation of key findings, and the summation of case outcomes. Think of a case study research paper as a complete, in-depth narrative about the specific properties and key characteristics of your subject of analysis applied to the research problem.

Flyvbjerg, Bent. “Five Misunderstandings About Case-Study Research.” Qualitative Inquiry 12 (April 2006): 219-245.

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Published: 5 April 2024 Contributors: Tim Mucci, Cole Stryker

Big data analytics refers to the systematic processing and analysis of large amounts of data and complex data sets, known as big data, to extract valuable insights. Big data analytics allows for the uncovering of trends, patterns and correlations in large amounts of raw data to help analysts make data-informed decisions. This process allows organizations to leverage the exponentially growing data generated from diverse sources, including internet-of-things (IoT) sensors, social media, financial transactions and smart devices to derive actionable intelligence through advanced analytic techniques.

In the early 2000s, advances in software and hardware capabilities made it possible for organizations to collect and handle large amounts of unstructured data. With this explosion of useful data, open-source communities developed big data frameworks to store and process this data. These frameworks are used for distributed storage and processing of large data sets across a network of computers. Along with additional tools and libraries, big data frameworks can be used for:

• Predictive modeling by incorporating artificial intelligence (AI) and statistical algorithms
• Statistical analysis for in-depth data exploration and to uncover hidden patterns
• What-if analysis to simulate different scenarios and explore potential outcomes
• Processing diverse data sets, including structured, semi-structured and unstructured data from various sources.

Four main data analysis methods  – descriptive, diagnostic, predictive and prescriptive  – are used to uncover insights and patterns within an organization's data. These methods facilitate a deeper understanding of market trends, customer preferences and other important business metrics.

IBM named a Leader in the 2024 Gartner® Magic Quadrant™ for Augmented Data Quality Solutions.

Structured vs unstructured data

What is data management?

The main difference between big data analytics and traditional data analytics is the type of data handled and the tools used to analyze it. Traditional analytics deals with structured data, typically stored in relational databases . This type of database helps ensure that data is well-organized and easy for a computer to understand. Traditional data analytics relies on statistical methods and tools like structured query language (SQL) for querying databases.

Big data analytics involves massive amounts of data in various formats, including structured, semi-structured and unstructured data. The complexity of this data requires more sophisticated analysis techniques. Big data analytics employs advanced techniques like machine learning and data mining to extract information from complex data sets. It often requires distributed processing systems like Hadoop to manage the sheer volume of data.

These are the four methods of data analysis at work within big data:

The "what happened" stage of data analysis. Here, the focus is on summarizing and describing past data to understand its basic characteristics.

The “why it happened” stage. By delving deep into the data, diagnostic analysis identifies the root patterns and trends observed in descriptive analytics.

The “what will happen” stage. It uses historical data, statistical modeling and machine learning to forecast trends.

Describes the “what to do” stage, which goes beyond prediction to provide recommendations for optimizing future actions based on insights derived from all previous.

The following dimensions highlight the core challenges and opportunities inherent in big data analytics.

The sheer volume of data generated today, from social media feeds, IoT devices, transaction records and more, presents a significant challenge. Traditional data storage and processing solutions are often inadequate to handle this scale efficiently. Big data technologies and cloud-based storage solutions enable organizations to store and manage these vast data sets cost-effectively, protecting valuable data from being discarded due to storage limitations.

Data is being produced at unprecedented speeds, from real-time social media updates to high-frequency stock trading records. The velocity at which data flows into organizations requires robust processing capabilities to capture, process and deliver accurate analysis in near real-time. Stream processing frameworks and in-memory data processing are designed to handle these rapid data streams and balance supply with demand.

Today's data comes in many formats, from structured to numeric data in traditional databases to unstructured text, video and images from diverse sources like social media and video surveillance. This variety demans flexible data management systems to handle and integrate disparate data types for comprehensive analysis. NoSQL databases , data lakes and schema -on-read technologies provide the necessary flexibility to accommodate the diverse nature of big data.

Data reliability and accuracy are critical, as decisions based on inaccurate or incomplete data can lead to negative outcomes. Veracity refers to the data's trustworthiness, encompassing data quality, noise and anomaly detection issues. Techniques and tools for data cleaning, validation and verification are integral to ensuring the integrity of big data, enabling organizations to make better decisions based on reliable information.

Big data analytics aims to extract actionable insights that offer tangible value. This involves turning vast data sets into meaningful information that can inform strategic decisions, uncover new opportunities and drive innovation. Advanced analytics, machine learning and AI are key to unlocking the value contained within big data, transforming raw data into strategic assets.

Data professionals, analysts, scientists and statisticians prepare and process data in a data lakehouse, which combines the performance of a data lakehouse with the flexibility of a data lake to clean data and ensure its quality. The process of turning raw data into valuable insights encompasses several key stages:

• Collect data: The first step involves gathering data, which can be a mix of structured and unstructured forms from myriad sources like cloud, mobile applications and IoT sensors. This step is where organizations adapt their data collection strategies and integrate data from varied sources into central repositories like a data lake, which can automatically assign metadata for better manageability and accessibility.
• Process data: After being collected, data must be systematically organized, extracted, transformed and then loaded into a storage system to ensure accurate analytical outcomes. Processing involves converting raw data into a format that is usable for analysis, which might involve aggregating data from different sources, converting data types or organizing data into structure formats. Given the exponential growth of available data, this stage can be challenging. Processing strategies may vary between batch processing, which handles large data volumes over extended periods and stream processing, which deals with smaller real-time data batches.
• Clean data: Regardless of size, data must be cleaned to ensure quality and relevance. Cleaning data involves formatting it correctly, removing duplicates and eliminating irrelevant entries. Clean data prevents the corruption of output and safeguard’s reliability and accuracy.
• Analyze data: Advanced analytics, such as data mining, predictive analytics, machine learning and deep learning, are employed to sift through the processed and cleaned data. These methods allow users to discover patterns, relationships and trends within the data, providing a solid foundation for informed decision-making.

Under the Analyze umbrella, there are potentially many technologies at work, including data mining, which is used to identify patterns and relationships within large data sets; predictive analytics, which forecasts future trends and opportunities; and deep learning , which mimics human learning patterns to uncover more abstract ideas.

Deep learning uses an artificial neural network with multiple layers to model complex patterns in data. Unlike traditional machine learning algorithms, deep learning learns from images, sound and text without manual help. For big data analytics, this powerful capability means the volume and complexity of data is not an issue.

Natural language processing (NLP) models allow machines to understand, interpret and generate human language. Within big data analytics, NLP extracts insights from massive unstructured text data generated across an organization and beyond.

Structured Data

Structured data refers to highly organized information that is easily searchable and typically stored in relational databases or spreadsheets. It adheres to a rigid schema, meaning each data element is clearly defined and accessible in a fixed field within a record or file. Examples of structured data include:

• Customer names and addresses in a customer relationship management (CRM) system
• Transactional data in financial records, such as sales figures and account balances
• Employee data in human resources databases, including job titles and salaries

Structured data's main advantage is its simplicity for entry, search and analysis, often using straightforward database queries like SQL. However, the rapidly expanding universe of big data means that structured data represents a relatively small portion of the total data available to organizations.

Unstructured Data

Unstructured data lacks a pre-defined data model, making it more difficult to collect, process and analyze. It comprises the majority of data generated today, and includes formats such as:

• Textual content from documents, emails and social media posts
• Multimedia content, including images, audio files and videos
• Data from IoT devices, which can include a mix of sensor data, log files and time-series data

The primary challenge with unstructured data is its complexity and lack of uniformity, requiring more sophisticated methods for indexing, searching and analyzing. NLP, machine learning and advanced analytics platforms are often employed to extract meaningful insights from unstructured data.

Semi-structured data

Semi-structured data occupies the middle ground between structured and unstructured data. While it does not reside in a relational database, it contains tags or other markers to separate semantic elements and enforce hierarchies of records and fields within the data. Examples include:

• JSON (JavaScript Object Notation) and XML (eXtensible Markup Language) files, which are commonly used for web data interchange
• Email, where the data has a standardized format (e.g., headers, subject, body) but the content within each section is unstructured
• NoSQL databases, can store and manage semi-structured data more efficiently than traditional relational databases

Semi-structured data is more flexible than structured data but easier to analyze than unstructured data, providing a balance that is particularly useful in web applications and data integration tasks.

Ensuring data quality and integrity, integrating disparate data sources, protecting data privacy and security and finding the right talent to analyze and interpret data can present challenges to organizations looking to leverage their extensive data volumes. What follows are the benefits organizations can realize once they see success with big data analytics:

Real-time intelligence

One of the standout advantages of big data analytics is the capacity to provide real-time intelligence. Organizations can analyze vast amounts of data as it is generated from myriad sources and in various formats. Real-time insight allows businesses to make quick decisions, respond to market changes instantaneously and identify and act on opportunities as they arise.

Better-informed decisions

With big data analytics, organizations can uncover previously hidden trends, patterns and correlations. A deeper understanding equips leaders and decision-makers with the information needed to strategize effectively, enhancing business decision-making in supply chain management, e-commerce, operations and overall strategic direction.  

Cost savings

Big data analytics drives cost savings by identifying business process efficiencies and optimizations. Organizations can pinpoint wasteful expenditures by analyzing large datasets, streamlining operations and enhancing productivity. Moreover, predictive analytics can forecast future trends, allowing companies to allocate resources more efficiently and avoid costly missteps.

Better customer engagement

Understanding customer needs, behaviors and sentiments is crucial for successful engagement and big data analytics provides the tools to achieve this understanding. Companies gain insights into consumer preferences and tailor their marketing strategies by analyzing customer data.

Optimized risk management strategies

Big data analytics enhances an organization's ability to manage risk by providing the tools to identify, assess and address threats in real time. Predictive analytics can foresee potential dangers before they materialize, allowing companies to devise preemptive strategies.

As organizations across industries seek to leverage data to drive decision-making, improve operational efficiencies and enhance customer experiences, the demand for skilled professionals in big data analytics has surged. Here are some prominent career paths that utilize big data analytics:

Data scientist

Data scientists analyze complex digital data to assist businesses in making decisions. Using their data science training and advanced analytics technologies, including machine learning and predictive modeling, they uncover hidden insights in data.

Data analyst

Data analysts turn data into information and information into insights. They use statistical techniques to analyze and extract meaningful trends from data sets, often to inform business strategy and decisions.

Data engineer

Data engineers prepare, process and manage big data infrastructure and tools. They also develop, maintain, test and evaluate data solutions within organizations, often working with massive datasets to assist in analytics projects.

Machine learning engineer

Machine learning engineers focus on designing and implementing machine learning applications. They develop sophisticated algorithms that learn from and make predictions on data.

Business intelligence analyst

Business intelligence (BI) analysts help businesses make data-driven decisions by analyzing data to produce actionable insights. They often use BI tools to convert data into easy-to-understand reports and visualizations for business stakeholders.

Data visualization specialist

These specialists focus on the visual representation of data. They create data visualizations that help end users understand the significance of data by placing it in a visual context.

Data architect

Data architects design, create, deploy and manage an organization's data architecture. They define how data is stored, consumed, integrated and managed by different data entities and IT systems.

IBM and Cloudera have partnered to create an industry-leading, enterprise-grade big data framework distribution plus a variety of cloud services and products — all designed to achieve faster analytics at scale.

IBM Db2 Database on IBM Cloud Pak for Data combines a proven, AI-infused, enterprise-ready data management system with an integrated data and AI platform built on the security-rich, scalable Red Hat OpenShift foundation.

IBM Big Replicate is an enterprise-class data replication software platform that keeps data consistent in a distributed environment, on-premises and in the hybrid cloud, including SQL and NoSQL databases.

A data warehouse is a system that aggregates data from different sources into a single, central, consistent data store to support data analysis, data mining, artificial intelligence and machine learning.

Business intelligence gives organizations the ability to get answers they can understand. Instead of using best guesses, they can base decisions on what their business data is telling them — whether it relates to production, supply chain, customers or market trends.

Cloud computing is the on-demand access of physical or virtual servers, data storage, networking capabilities, application development tools, software, AI analytic tools and more—over the internet with pay-per-use pricing. The cloud computing model offers customers flexibility and scalability compared to traditional infrastructure.

Purpose-built data-driven architecture helps support business intelligence across the organization. IBM analytics solutions allow organizations to simplify raw data access, provide end-to-end data management and empower business users with AI-driven self-service analytics to predict outcomes.

Shared Neural Dysfunctions for Pain Empathy across Mental Disorders – a Neuroimaging Meta-Analysis

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Pain empathy represents a fundamental building block of several social functions, which have been demonstrated to be impaired across various mental disorders by accumulating evidence from case-control functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies. However, it remains unclear whether the dysregulations are mediated by a shared transdiagnostic neural substrate. This study utilized coordinate-based, network-level, and behavioral meta-analyses to quantitatively determine transdiagnostic markers of altered pain empathy across mental disorders. The results revealed patients with mental disorders exhibited increased pain empathic reactivity in the left anterior cingulate gyrus, adjacent medial prefrontal cortex, and right middle temporal gyrus, yet decreased activity in the left cerebellum IV/V and left middle occipital gyrus compared to controls. The hyperactive regions showed network-level interactions with the core default mode network (DMN) and were associated with affective and social cognitive domains. The findings suggest that pain-empathic alterations across mental disorders are underpinned by excessive empathic reactivity in brain systems involved in empathic distress and social processes, highlighting a shared therapeutic target to normalize basal social dysfunctions in mental disorders.

Competing Interest Statement

The authors have declared no competing interest.

Funding Statement

This work was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (Grants No. 82271583, 32250610208), China MOST2030 Brain Project (Grant No. 2022ZD0208500), and a start-up grant from The University of Hong Kong.

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I confirm all relevant ethical guidelines have been followed, and any necessary IRB and/or ethics committee approvals have been obtained.

I confirm that all necessary patient/participant consent has been obtained and the appropriate institutional forms have been archived, and that any patient/participant/sample identifiers included were not known to anyone (e.g., hospital staff, patients or participants themselves) outside the research group so cannot be used to identify individuals.

I understand that all clinical trials and any other prospective interventional studies must be registered with an ICMJE-approved registry, such as ClinicalTrials.gov. I confirm that any such study reported in the manuscript has been registered and the trial registration ID is provided (note: if posting a prospective study registered retrospectively, please provide a statement in the trial ID field explaining why the study was not registered in advance).

I have followed all appropriate research reporting guidelines, such as any relevant EQUATOR Network research reporting checklist(s) and other pertinent material, if applicable.

Section on Title/Abstract updated to simplify words; Section on Introduction/Methods updated to clarify method principles and advantages; Section on Results updated to describe research characteristics; Figure 1 revised; Supplemental files updated.

Data Availability

Data available: Yes How to access data: The data will be uploaded as an Excel file to the Open Science Framework ( https://osf.io/axt9k/ ) When available: With publication Who can access: Anyone

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Heavy metals in Beethoven's hair may explain his deafness, study finds

A DNA analysis of Ludwig van Beethoven's hair shows that he likely had lead poisoning.

High levels of heavy metals detected in Ludwig van Beethoven's hair reveal that he may have had lead poisoning, possibly contributing to his deafness and other illnesses, a new study finds.

Researchers analyzed DNA in two authenticated locks of the German composer's hair and discovered that they contained alarmingly high concentrations of lead , as well as high levels of arsenic and mercury, according to a study published May 6 in the journal Clinical Chemistry .

For example, one lock contained 380 micrograms of lead per gram of hair, while the second had 258 micrograms per gram of hair. (Normal levels today would be closer to 4 micrograms or less.) His hair also contained 13 times the normal level of arsenic and four times the typical level of mercury.

"These are the highest values in hair I've ever seen," study co-author Paul Jannetto , a pathologist at the Mayo Clinic, told The New York Times . "We get samples from around the world, and these values are an order of magnitude higher."

The high levels of these toxic metals could partly explain why Beethoven experienced a number of illnesses, the study authors noted. He started losing his hearing in his 20s, was completely deaf by his late 40s, had gastrointestinal issues and experienced at least two episodes of jaundice, a symptom of liver disease. 

Related: 'You probably didn't inherit any DNA from Charlemagne': What it means when your DNA 'matches' a historic person's

While high lead levels are associated with gastrointestinal and liver problems, as well as with decreased hearing, it's unlikely that the levels were high enough to be the "sole cause of death" for the composer, the researchers said. However, his high level of lead exposure "may have contributed to the documented ailments that plagued him most of his life," the researchers wrote in the study. The study authors didn't comment on how higher arsenic and mercury levels would have affected his health. 

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An earlier study of Beethoven's hair also found high levels of lead, but this research was later debunked when it was discovered that the locks belonged to an Ashkenazi Jewish woman . However, a recent DNA examination of verified locks of his hair determined that Beethoven, who was born in 1770 and lived to be 56, was infected with hepatitis B and had a high risk of liver disease , which may have contributed to his death. 

There are a few possibilities for what caused Beethoven to have so many contaminants in his system. 

— Nearly 170 genes determine hair, skin and eye color, CRISPR study reveals

— Neanderthal DNA may shape how sensitive you are to pain, genetic analysis shows

— More than 275 million never-before-seen gene variants uncovered in US population

One theory involves his penchant for wine; he often consumed an entire bottle in a single day. It wasn't uncommon during that time for wine producers to include lead acetate in their concoctions as a preservative and sweetener. Back then, glass bottles also contained traces of lead. The "Fifth Symphony" composer also ate a lot of fish caught in the Danube, which was known for containing arsenic and mercury, CNN reported.

In Beethoven's day, it was common for people to take snippets of hair from loved ones or celebrities. Now, this hair is shedding light on the possible causes of Beethoven's illnesses, which he failed to identify during his lifetime.

"We believe this is an important piece of a complex puzzle and will enable historians, physicians and scientists to better understand the medical history of the great composer," the researchers wrote.

Jennifer Nalewicki is a Salt Lake City-based journalist whose work has been featured in The New York Times, Smithsonian Magazine, Scientific American, Popular Mechanics and more. She covers several science topics from planet Earth to paleontology and archaeology to health and culture. Prior to freelancing, Jennifer held an Editor role at Time Inc. Jennifer has a bachelor's degree in Journalism from The University of Texas at Austin.

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