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• Published: 07 February 2022

Climate change experiences raise environmental concerns and promote Green voting

• Roman Hoffmann   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-3512-1737 1 , 2 , 3 ,
• Raya Muttarak   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-0627-4451 1 , 4 ,
• Jonas Peisker   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-6114-3545 1 , 2 &
• Piero Stanig   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7430-2421 5  

Nature Climate Change volume  12 ,  pages 148–155 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

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• Climate-change impacts
• Climate-change mitigation
• Climate-change policy
• Environmental social sciences
• Psychology and behaviour

Public support is fundamental in scaling up actions to limit global warming. Here, we analyse how the experience of climate extremes influences people’s environmental attitudes and willingness to vote for Green parties in Europe. To this end, we combined high-resolution climatological data with regionally aggregated, harmonized Eurobarometer data (34 countries) and European Parliamentary electoral data (28 countries). Our findings show a significant and sizeable effect of temperature anomalies, heat episodes and dry spells on environmental concern and voting for Green parties. The magnitude of the climate effect differs substantially across European regions. It is stronger in regions with a cooler Continental or temperate Atlantic climate and weaker in regions with a warmer Mediterranean climate. The relationships are moderated by regional income level suggesting that climate change experiences increase public support for climate action but only under favourable economic conditions. The findings have important implications for the current efforts to promote climate action in line with the Paris Agreement.

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Data availability.

The regional data generated and analysed in the current study are available at the Harvard Dataverse repository at https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/D2STBL .

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The data analysis was carried out in R. The scripts that generate and visualize the results reported in this study are available at the Harvard Dataverse repository at https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/D2STBL (all packages used are acknowledged and cited in the source code file).

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Acknowledgements

We are grateful to D. Raimondo, M. Cuneo, L. Vicari., G. Vicidomini and M. Lo Faso for valuable assistance in the collection and preparation of the voting data. R.H. and R.M. gratefully acknowledge funding from IIASA and the National Member Organizations that support the institute. R.H. acknowledges funding from the EPICC (East Africa, Peru, India, Climate Capacities) project which is part of the International Climate Initiative (IKI). The German Federal Ministry for the Environment, Nature Conservation and Nuclear Safety (BMU) supports this initiative on the basis of a decision adopted by the German parliament. J.P. gratefully acknowledges funding from the Vienna Institute of Demography/Austrian Academy of Sciences.

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International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA), Wittgenstein Centre for Demography and Global Human Capital (IIASA, OeAW, University of Vienna), Laxenburg, Austria

Roman Hoffmann, Raya Muttarak & Jonas Peisker

Vienna Institute of Demography (OeAW), Wittgenstein Centre for Demography and Global Human Capital (IIASA, OeAW, University of Vienna), Vienna, Austria

Roman Hoffmann & Jonas Peisker

Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research (PIK), Potsdam, Germany

Roman Hoffmann

Department of Statistical Sciences, University of Bologna, Bologna, Italy

Raya Muttarak

Department of Social and Political Sciences, and Dondena Centre Bocconi University, Milan, Italy

Piero Stanig

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Contributions

R.M., R.H., P.S. and J.P. conceived the project, designed the research and collected and reviewed relevant literature. J.P., P.S. and R.H collected and processed the data. J.P. and R.H. analysed the data. R.M. and P.S. provided support with statistical techniques and procedures. R.H., J.P., R.M. and P.S. interpreted the results and wrote the manuscript. The authors are listed in alphabetical order.

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Correspondence to Roman Hoffmann , Raya Muttarak , Jonas Peisker or Piero Stanig .

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Nature Climate Change thanks Elke Weber and the other, anonymous, reviewer(s) for their contribution to the peer review of this work.

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Extended data

Extended data fig. 1 hypothetical relationship patterns reflecting different effects of positive and negative temperature extremes on concerns and voting..

a ) The linear pattern implies a strictly positive effect of positive and a negative effect of negative anomalies, suggesting that cold episodes – unlike heat episodes – reduce concerns and Green vote. b ) The v-shaped pattern suggests a positive effect of both positive and negative anomalies. c ) This pattern implies a positive effect of positive anomalies but no effect of negative anomalies or cold episodes. Anomalies are illustrated here as deviations from the long-term mean (vertical dotted line). The illustration is based on Fig. 1 in Brooks et al., Rev. Policy Res. 31, 199–217 (2014) 20 .

Extended Data Fig. 2 Classification of regions in Europe in different climate zones based on the Köppen-Geiger classification.

Panel a) shows the Köppen-Geiger climate classification plotted at 0.083 ° resolution based on Beck et al., Sci. Data 5, 1–12 (2018) 62 . Panel b) shows the classifications of regions in three climate zones with a hot (Bwh, Bwk, Bsh, Bsk, Csa, Csb), temperate (Cfa, Cfb, Cfc) or cold (Dsa, Dsb, Dsc, Dfa, Dfb, Dfc, ET, EF) climate.

Extended Data Fig. 3 Effects of heat and cold-related climate extremes on environmental concern and Green voting by climate zones.

Coefficients are standardized using the observed variance of the variables in the given climate type after applying the fixed effects. Lines around the point estimates show the 95% confidence intervals. Estimates are based on interaction models displayed in Supplementary Table 26 .

Supplementary information

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Supplementary text A–D, Figs. 1–4 and Tables 1–30.

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Hoffmann, R., Muttarak, R., Peisker, J. et al. Climate change experiences raise environmental concerns and promote Green voting. Nat. Clim. Chang. 12 , 148–155 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41558-021-01263-8

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• 3 Centre Hospitalier Universitaire Vaudois (CHUV), Service de Médicine Interne, Lausanne, Switzerland
• 4 School of Social and Political Sciences, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, United Kingdom

One of our era's greatest scourges is air pollution, on account not only of its impact on climate change but also its impact on public and individual health due to increasing morbidity and mortality. There are many pollutants that are major factors in disease in humans. Among them, Particulate Matter (PM), particles of variable but very small diameter, penetrate the respiratory system via inhalation, causing respiratory and cardiovascular diseases, reproductive and central nervous system dysfunctions, and cancer. Despite the fact that ozone in the stratosphere plays a protective role against ultraviolet irradiation, it is harmful when in high concentration at ground level, also affecting the respiratory and cardiovascular system. Furthermore, nitrogen oxide, sulfur dioxide, Volatile Organic Compounds (VOCs), dioxins, and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) are all considered air pollutants that are harmful to humans. Carbon monoxide can even provoke direct poisoning when breathed in at high levels. Heavy metals such as lead, when absorbed into the human body, can lead to direct poisoning or chronic intoxication, depending on exposure. Diseases occurring from the aforementioned substances include principally respiratory problems such as Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease (COPD), asthma, bronchiolitis, and also lung cancer, cardiovascular events, central nervous system dysfunctions, and cutaneous diseases. Last but not least, climate change resulting from environmental pollution affects the geographical distribution of many infectious diseases, as do natural disasters. The only way to tackle this problem is through public awareness coupled with a multidisciplinary approach by scientific experts; national and international organizations must address the emergence of this threat and propose sustainable solutions.

Approach to the Problem

The interactions between humans and their physical surroundings have been extensively studied, as multiple human activities influence the environment. The environment is a coupling of the biotic (living organisms and microorganisms) and the abiotic (hydrosphere, lithosphere, and atmosphere).

Pollution is defined as the introduction into the environment of substances harmful to humans and other living organisms. Pollutants are harmful solids, liquids, or gases produced in higher than usual concentrations that reduce the quality of our environment.

Human activities have an adverse effect on the environment by polluting the water we drink, the air we breathe, and the soil in which plants grow. Although the industrial revolution was a great success in terms of technology, society, and the provision of multiple services, it also introduced the production of huge quantities of pollutants emitted into the air that are harmful to human health. Without any doubt, the global environmental pollution is considered an international public health issue with multiple facets. Social, economic, and legislative concerns and lifestyle habits are related to this major problem. Clearly, urbanization and industrialization are reaching unprecedented and upsetting proportions worldwide in our era. Anthropogenic air pollution is one of the biggest public health hazards worldwide, given that it accounts for about 9 million deaths per year ( 1 ).

Without a doubt, all of the aforementioned are closely associated with climate change, and in the event of danger, the consequences can be severe for mankind ( 2 ). Climate changes and the effects of global planetary warming seriously affect multiple ecosystems, causing problems such as food safety issues, ice and iceberg melting, animal extinction, and damage to plants ( 3 , 4 ).

Air pollution has various health effects. The health of susceptible and sensitive individuals can be impacted even on low air pollution days. Short-term exposure to air pollutants is closely related to COPD (Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease), cough, shortness of breath, wheezing, asthma, respiratory disease, and high rates of hospitalization (a measurement of morbidity).

The long-term effects associated with air pollution are chronic asthma, pulmonary insufficiency, cardiovascular diseases, and cardiovascular mortality. According to a Swedish cohort study, diabetes seems to be induced after long-term air pollution exposure ( 5 ). Moreover, air pollution seems to have various malign health effects in early human life, such as respiratory, cardiovascular, mental, and perinatal disorders ( 3 ), leading to infant mortality or chronic disease in adult age ( 6 ).

National reports have mentioned the increased risk of morbidity and mortality ( 1 ). These studies were conducted in many places around the world and show a correlation between daily ranges of particulate matter (PM) concentration and daily mortality. Climate shifts and global planetary warming ( 3 ) could aggravate the situation. Besides, increased hospitalization (an index of morbidity) has been registered among the elderly and susceptible individuals for specific reasons. Fine and ultrafine particulate matter seems to be associated with more serious illnesses ( 6 ), as it can invade the deepest parts of the airways and more easily reach the bloodstream.

Air pollution mainly affects those living in large urban areas, where road emissions contribute the most to the degradation of air quality. There is also a danger of industrial accidents, where the spread of a toxic fog can be fatal to the populations of the surrounding areas. The dispersion of pollutants is determined by many parameters, most notably atmospheric stability and wind ( 6 ).

In developing countries ( 7 ), the problem is more serious due to overpopulation and uncontrolled urbanization along with the development of industrialization. This leads to poor air quality, especially in countries with social disparities and a lack of information on sustainable management of the environment. The use of fuels such as wood fuel or solid fuel for domestic needs due to low incomes exposes people to bad-quality, polluted air at home. It is of note that three billion people around the world are using the above sources of energy for their daily heating and cooking needs ( 8 ). In developing countries, the women of the household seem to carry the highest risk for disease development due to their longer duration exposure to the indoor air pollution ( 8 , 9 ). Due to its fast industrial development and overpopulation, China is one of the Asian countries confronting serious air pollution problems ( 10 , 11 ). The lung cancer mortality observed in China is associated with fine particles ( 12 ). As stated already, long-term exposure is associated with deleterious effects on the cardiovascular system ( 3 , 5 ). However, it is interesting to note that cardiovascular diseases have mostly been observed in developed and high-income countries rather than in the developing low-income countries exposed highly to air pollution ( 13 ). Extreme air pollution is recorded in India, where the air quality reaches hazardous levels. New Delhi is one of the more polluted cities in India. Flights in and out of New Delhi International Airport are often canceled due to the reduced visibility associated with air pollution. Pollution is occurring both in urban and rural areas in India due to the fast industrialization, urbanization, and rise in use of motorcycle transportation. Nevertheless, biomass combustion associated with heating and cooking needs and practices is a major source of household air pollution in India and in Nepal ( 14 , 15 ). There is spatial heterogeneity in India, as areas with diverse climatological conditions and population and education levels generate different indoor air qualities, with higher PM 2.5 observed in North Indian states (557–601 μg/m 3 ) compared to the Southern States (183–214 μg/m 3 ) ( 16 , 17 ). The cold climate of the North Indian areas may be the main reason for this, as longer periods at home and more heating are necessary compared to in the tropical climate of Southern India. Household air pollution in India is associated with major health effects, especially in women and young children, who stay indoors for longer periods. Chronic obstructive respiratory disease (CORD) and lung cancer are mostly observed in women, while acute lower respiratory disease is seen in young children under 5 years of age ( 18 ).

Accumulation of air pollution, especially sulfur dioxide and smoke, reaching 1,500 mg/m3, resulted in an increase in the number of deaths (4,000 deaths) in December 1952 in London and in 1963 in New York City (400 deaths) ( 19 ). An association of pollution with mortality was reported on the basis of monitoring of outdoor pollution in six US metropolitan cities ( 20 ). In every case, it seems that mortality was closely related to the levels of fine, inhalable, and sulfate particles more than with the levels of total particulate pollution, aerosol acidity, sulfur dioxide, or nitrogen dioxide ( 20 ).

Furthermore, extremely high levels of pollution are reported in Mexico City and Rio de Janeiro, followed by Milan, Ankara, Melbourne, Tokyo, and Moscow ( 19 ).

Based on the magnitude of the public health impact, it is certain that different kinds of interventions should be taken into account. Success and effectiveness in controlling air pollution, specifically at the local level, have been reported. Adequate technological means are applied considering the source and the nature of the emission as well as its impact on health and the environment. The importance of point sources and non-point sources of air pollution control is reported by Schwela and Köth-Jahr ( 21 ). Without a doubt, a detailed emission inventory must record all sources in a given area. Beyond considering the above sources and their nature, topography and meteorology should also be considered, as stated previously. Assessment of the control policies and methods is often extrapolated from the local to the regional and then to the global scale. Air pollution may be dispersed and transported from one region to another area located far away. Air pollution management means the reduction to acceptable levels or possible elimination of air pollutants whose presence in the air affects our health or the environmental ecosystem. Private and governmental entities and authorities implement actions to ensure the air quality ( 22 ). Air quality standards and guidelines were adopted for the different pollutants by the WHO and EPA as a tool for the management of air quality ( 1 , 23 ). These standards have to be compared to the emissions inventory standards by causal analysis and dispersion modeling in order to reveal the problematic areas ( 24 ). Inventories are generally based on a combination of direct measurements and emissions modeling ( 24 ).

As an example, we state here the control measures at the source through the use of catalytic converters in cars. These are devices that turn the pollutants and toxic gases produced from combustion engines into less-toxic pollutants by catalysis through redox reactions ( 25 ). In Greece, the use of private cars was restricted by tracking their license plates in order to reduce traffic congestion during rush hour ( 25 ).

Concerning industrial emissions, collectors and closed systems can keep the air pollution to the minimal standards imposed by legislation ( 26 ).

Current strategies to improve air quality require an estimation of the economic value of the benefits gained from proposed programs. These proposed programs by public authorities, and directives are issued with guidelines to be respected.

In Europe, air quality limit values AQLVs (Air Quality Limit Values) are issued for setting off planning claims ( 27 ). In the USA, the NAAQS (National Ambient Air Quality Standards) establish the national air quality limit values ( 27 ). While both standards and directives are based on different mechanisms, significant success has been achieved in the reduction of overall emissions and associated health and environmental effects ( 27 ). The European Directive identifies geographical areas of risk exposure as monitoring/assessment zones to record the emission sources and levels of air pollution ( 27 ), whereas the USA establishes global geographical air quality criteria according to the severity of their air quality problem and records all sources of the pollutants and their precursors ( 27 ).

In this vein, funds have been financing, directly or indirectly, projects related to air quality along with the technical infrastructure to maintain good air quality. These plans focus on an inventory of databases from air quality environmental planning awareness campaigns. Moreover, pollution measures of air emissions may be taken for vehicles, machines, and industries in urban areas.

Technological innovation can only be successful if it is able to meet the needs of society. In this sense, technology must reflect the decision-making practices and procedures of those involved in risk assessment and evaluation and act as a facilitator in providing information and assessments to enable decision makers to make the best decisions possible. Summarizing the aforementioned in order to design an effective air quality control strategy, several aspects must be considered: environmental factors and ambient air quality conditions, engineering factors and air pollutant characteristics, and finally, economic operating costs for technological improvement and administrative and legal costs. Considering the economic factor, competitiveness through neoliberal concepts is offering a solution to environmental problems ( 22 ).

The development of environmental governance, along with technological progress, has initiated the deployment of a dialogue. Environmental politics has created objections and points of opposition between different political parties, scientists, media, and governmental and non-governmental organizations ( 22 ). Radical environmental activism actions and movements have been created ( 22 ). The rise of the new information and communication technologies (ICTs) are many times examined as to whether and in which way they have influenced means of communication and social movements such as activism ( 28 ). Since the 1990s, the term “digital activism” has been used increasingly and in many different disciplines ( 29 ). Nowadays, multiple digital technologies can be used to produce a digital activism outcome on environmental issues. More specifically, devices with online capabilities such as computers or mobile phones are being used as a way to pursue change in political and social affairs ( 30 ).

In the present paper, we focus on the sources of environmental pollution in relation to public health and propose some solutions and interventions that may be of interest to environmental legislators and decision makers.

Sources of Exposure

It is known that the majority of environmental pollutants are emitted through large-scale human activities such as the use of industrial machinery, power-producing stations, combustion engines, and cars. Because these activities are performed at such a large scale, they are by far the major contributors to air pollution, with cars estimated to be responsible for approximately 80% of today's pollution ( 31 ). Some other human activities are also influencing our environment to a lesser extent, such as field cultivation techniques, gas stations, fuel tanks heaters, and cleaning procedures ( 32 ), as well as several natural sources, such as volcanic and soil eruptions and forest fires.

The classification of air pollutants is based mainly on the sources producing pollution. Therefore, it is worth mentioning the four main sources, following the classification system: Major sources, Area sources, Mobile sources, and Natural sources.

Major sources include the emission of pollutants from power stations, refineries, and petrochemicals, the chemical and fertilizer industries, metallurgical and other industrial plants, and, finally, municipal incineration.

Indoor area sources include domestic cleaning activities, dry cleaners, printing shops, and petrol stations.

Mobile sources include automobiles, cars, railways, airways, and other types of vehicles.

Finally, natural sources include, as stated previously, physical disasters ( 33 ) such as forest fire, volcanic erosion, dust storms, and agricultural burning.

However, many classification systems have been proposed. Another type of classification is a grouping according to the recipient of the pollution, as follows:

Air pollution is determined as the presence of pollutants in the air in large quantities for long periods. Air pollutants are dispersed particles, hydrocarbons, CO, CO 2 , NO, NO 2 , SO 3 , etc.

Water pollution is organic and inorganic charge and biological charge ( 10 ) at high levels that affect the water quality ( 34 , 35 ).

Soil pollution occurs through the release of chemicals or the disposal of wastes, such as heavy metals, hydrocarbons, and pesticides.

Air pollution can influence the quality of soil and water bodies by polluting precipitation, falling into water and soil environments ( 34 , 36 ). Notably, the chemistry of the soil can be amended due to acid precipitation by affecting plants, cultures, and water quality ( 37 ). Moreover, movement of heavy metals is favored by soil acidity, and metals are so then moving into the watery environment. It is known that heavy metals such as aluminum are noxious to wildlife and fishes. Soil quality seems to be of importance, as soils with low calcium carbonate levels are at increased jeopardy from acid rain. Over and above rain, snow and particulate matter drip into watery ' bodies ( 36 , 38 ).

Lastly, pollution is classified following type of origin:

Radioactive and nuclear pollution , releasing radioactive and nuclear pollutants into water, air, and soil during nuclear explosions and accidents, from nuclear weapons, and through handling or disposal of radioactive sewage.

Radioactive materials can contaminate surface water bodies and, being noxious to the environment, plants, animals, and humans. It is known that several radioactive substances such as radium and uranium concentrate in the bones and can cause cancers ( 38 , 39 ).

Noise pollution is produced by machines, vehicles, traffic noises, and musical installations that are harmful to our hearing.

The World Health Organization introduced the term DALYs. The DALYs for a disease or health condition is defined as the sum of the Years of Life Lost (YLL) due to premature mortality in the population and the Years Lost due to Disability (YLD) for people living with the health condition or its consequences ( 39 ). In Europe, air pollution is the main cause of disability-adjusted life years lost (DALYs), followed by noise pollution. The potential relationships of noise and air pollution with health have been studied ( 40 ). The study found that DALYs related to noise were more important than those related to air pollution, as the effects of environmental noise on cardiovascular disease were independent of air pollution ( 40 ). Environmental noise should be counted as an independent public health risk ( 40 ).

Environmental pollution occurs when changes in the physical, chemical, or biological constituents of the environment (air masses, temperature, climate, etc.) are produced.

Pollutants harm our environment either by increasing levels above normal or by introducing harmful toxic substances. Primary pollutants are directly produced from the above sources, and secondary pollutants are emitted as by-products of the primary ones. Pollutants can be biodegradable or non-biodegradable and of natural origin or anthropogenic, as stated previously. Moreover, their origin can be a unique source (point-source) or dispersed sources.

Pollutants have differences in physical and chemical properties, explaining the discrepancy in their capacity for producing toxic effects. As an example, we state here that aerosol compounds ( 41 – 43 ) have a greater toxicity than gaseous compounds due to their tiny size (solid or liquid) in the atmosphere; they have a greater penetration capacity. Gaseous compounds are eliminated more easily by our respiratory system ( 41 ). These particles are able to damage lungs and can even enter the bloodstream ( 41 ), leading to the premature deaths of millions of people yearly. Moreover, the aerosol acidity ([H+]) seems to considerably enhance the production of secondary organic aerosols (SOA), but this last aspect is not supported by other scientific teams ( 38 ).

Climate and Pollution

Air pollution and climate change are closely related. Climate is the other side of the same coin that reduces the quality of our Earth ( 44 ). Pollutants such as black carbon, methane, tropospheric ozone, and aerosols affect the amount of incoming sunlight. As a result, the temperature of the Earth is increasing, resulting in the melting of ice, icebergs, and glaciers.

In this vein, climatic changes will affect the incidence and prevalence of both residual and imported infections in Europe. Climate and weather affect the duration, timing, and intensity of outbreaks strongly and change the map of infectious diseases in the globe ( 45 ). Mosquito-transmitted parasitic or viral diseases are extremely climate-sensitive, as warming firstly shortens the pathogen incubation period and secondly shifts the geographic map of the vector. Similarly, water-warming following climate changes leads to a high incidence of waterborne infections. Recently, in Europe, eradicated diseases seem to be emerging due to the migration of population, for example, cholera, poliomyelitis, tick-borne encephalitis, and malaria ( 46 ).

The spread of epidemics is associated with natural climate disasters and storms, which seem to occur more frequently nowadays ( 47 ). Malnutrition and disequilibration of the immune system are also associated with the emerging infections affecting public health ( 48 ).

The Chikungunya virus “took the airplane” from the Indian Ocean to Europe, as outbreaks of the disease were registered in Italy ( 49 ) as well as autochthonous cases in France ( 50 ).

An increase in cryptosporidiosis in the United Kingdom and in the Czech Republic seems to have occurred following flooding ( 36 , 51 ).

As stated previously, aerosols compounds are tiny in size and considerably affect the climate. They are able to dissipate sunlight (the albedo phenomenon) by dispersing a quarter of the sun's rays back to space and have cooled the global temperature over the last 30 years ( 52 ).

Air Pollutants

The World Health Organization (WHO) reports on six major air pollutants, namely particle pollution, ground-level ozone, carbon monoxide, sulfur oxides, nitrogen oxides, and lead. Air pollution can have a disastrous effect on all components of the environment, including groundwater, soil, and air. Additionally, it poses a serious threat to living organisms. In this vein, our interest is mainly to focus on these pollutants, as they are related to more extensive and severe problems in human health and environmental impact. Acid rain, global warming, the greenhouse effect, and climate changes have an important ecological impact on air pollution ( 53 ).

Particulate Matter (PM) and Health

Studies have shown a relationship between particulate matter (PM) and adverse health effects, focusing on either short-term (acute) or long-term (chronic) PM exposure.

Particulate matter (PM) is usually formed in the atmosphere as a result of chemical reactions between the different pollutants. The penetration of particles is closely dependent on their size ( 53 ). Particulate Matter (PM) was defined as a term for particles by the United States Environmental Protection Agency ( 54 ). Particulate matter (PM) pollution includes particles with diameters of 10 micrometers (μm) or smaller, called PM 10 , and extremely fine particles with diameters that are generally 2.5 micrometers (μm) and smaller.

Particulate matter contains tiny liquid or solid droplets that can be inhaled and cause serious health effects ( 55 ). Particles <10 μm in diameter (PM 10 ) after inhalation can invade the lungs and even reach the bloodstream. Fine particles, PM 2.5 , pose a greater risk to health ( 6 , 56 ) ( Table 1 ).

Table 1 . Penetrability according to particle size.

Multiple epidemiological studies have been performed on the health effects of PM. A positive relation was shown between both short-term and long-term exposures of PM 2.5 and acute nasopharyngitis ( 56 ). In addition, long-term exposure to PM for years was found to be related to cardiovascular diseases and infant mortality.

Those studies depend on PM 2.5 monitors and are restricted in terms of study area or city area due to a lack of spatially resolved daily PM 2.5 concentration data and, in this way, are not representative of the entire population. Following a recent epidemiological study by the Department of Environmental Health at Harvard School of Public Health (Boston, MA) ( 57 ), it was reported that, as PM 2.5 concentrations vary spatially, an exposure error (Berkson error) seems to be produced, and the relative magnitudes of the short- and long-term effects are not yet completely elucidated. The team developed a PM 2.5 exposure model based on remote sensing data for assessing short- and long-term human exposures ( 57 ). This model permits spatial resolution in short-term effects plus the assessment of long-term effects in the whole population.

Moreover, respiratory diseases and affection of the immune system are registered as long-term chronic effects ( 58 ). It is worth noting that people with asthma, pneumonia, diabetes, and respiratory and cardiovascular diseases are especially susceptible and vulnerable to the effects of PM. PM 2.5 , followed by PM 10 , are strongly associated with diverse respiratory system diseases ( 59 ), as their size permits them to pierce interior spaces ( 60 ). The particles produce toxic effects according to their chemical and physical properties. The components of PM 10 and PM 2.5 can be organic (polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons, dioxins, benzene, 1-3 butadiene) or inorganic (carbon, chlorides, nitrates, sulfates, metals) in nature ( 55 ).

Particulate Matter (PM) is divided into four main categories according to type and size ( 61 ) ( Table 2 ).

Table 2 . Types and sizes of particulate Matter (PM).

Gas contaminants include PM in aerial masses.

Particulate contaminants include contaminants such as smog, soot, tobacco smoke, oil smoke, fly ash, and cement dust.

Biological Contaminants are microorganisms (bacteria, viruses, fungi, mold, and bacterial spores), cat allergens, house dust and allergens, and pollen.

Types of Dust include suspended atmospheric dust, settling dust, and heavy dust.

Finally, another fact is that the half-lives of PM 10 and PM 2.5 particles in the atmosphere is extended due to their tiny dimensions; this permits their long-lasting suspension in the atmosphere and even their transfer and spread to distant destinations where people and the environment may be exposed to the same magnitude of pollution ( 53 ). They are able to change the nutrient balance in watery ecosystems, damage forests and crops, and acidify water bodies.

As stated, PM 2.5 , due to their tiny size, are causing more serious health effects. These aforementioned fine particles are the main cause of the “haze” formation in different metropolitan areas ( 12 , 13 , 61 ).

Ozone Impact in the Atmosphere

Ozone (O 3 ) is a gas formed from oxygen under high voltage electric discharge ( 62 ). It is a strong oxidant, 52% stronger than chlorine. It arises in the stratosphere, but it could also arise following chain reactions of photochemical smog in the troposphere ( 63 ).

Ozone can travel to distant areas from its initial source, moving with air masses ( 64 ). It is surprising that ozone levels over cities are low in contrast to the increased amounts occuring in urban areas, which could become harmful for cultures, forests, and vegetation ( 65 ) as it is reducing carbon assimilation ( 66 ). Ozone reduces growth and yield ( 47 , 48 ) and affects the plant microflora due to its antimicrobial capacity ( 67 , 68 ). In this regard, ozone acts upon other natural ecosystems, with microflora ( 69 , 70 ) and animal species changing their species composition ( 71 ). Ozone increases DNA damage in epidermal keratinocytes and leads to impaired cellular function ( 72 ).

Ground-level ozone (GLO) is generated through a chemical reaction between oxides of nitrogen and VOCs emitted from natural sources and/or following anthropogenic activities.

Ozone uptake usually occurs by inhalation. Ozone affects the upper layers of the skin and the tear ducts ( 73 ). A study of short-term exposure of mice to high levels of ozone showed malondialdehyde formation in the upper skin (epidermis) but also depletion in vitamins C and E. It is likely that ozone levels are not interfering with the skin barrier function and integrity to predispose to skin disease ( 74 ).

Due to the low water-solubility of ozone, inhaled ozone has the capacity to penetrate deeply into the lungs ( 75 ).

Toxic effects induced by ozone are registered in urban areas all over the world, causing biochemical, morphologic, functional, and immunological disorders ( 76 ).

The European project (APHEA2) focuses on the acute effects of ambient ozone concentrations on mortality ( 77 ). Daily ozone concentrations compared to the daily number of deaths were reported from different European cities for a 3-year period. During the warm period of the year, an observed increase in ozone concentration was associated with an increase in the daily number of deaths (0.33%), in the number of respiratory deaths (1.13%), and in the number of cardiovascular deaths (0.45%). No effect was observed during wintertime.

Carbon Monoxide (CO)

Carbon monoxide is produced by fossil fuel when combustion is incomplete. The symptoms of poisoning due to inhaling carbon monoxide include headache, dizziness, weakness, nausea, vomiting, and, finally, loss of consciousness.

The affinity of carbon monoxide to hemoglobin is much greater than that of oxygen. In this vein, serious poisoning may occur in people exposed to high levels of carbon monoxide for a long period of time. Due to the loss of oxygen as a result of the competitive binding of carbon monoxide, hypoxia, ischemia, and cardiovascular disease are observed.

Carbon monoxide affects the greenhouses gases that are tightly connected to global warming and climate. This should lead to an increase in soil and water temperatures, and extreme weather conditions or storms may occur ( 68 ).

However, in laboratory and field experiments, it has been seen to produce increased plant growth ( 78 ).

Nitrogen Oxide (NO 2 )

Nitrogen oxide is a traffic-related pollutant, as it is emitted from automobile motor engines ( 79 , 80 ). It is an irritant of the respiratory system as it penetrates deep in the lung, inducing respiratory diseases, coughing, wheezing, dyspnea, bronchospasm, and even pulmonary edema when inhaled at high levels. It seems that concentrations over 0.2 ppm produce these adverse effects in humans, while concentrations higher than 2.0 ppm affect T-lymphocytes, particularly the CD8+ cells and NK cells that produce our immune response ( 81 ).It is reported that long-term exposure to high levels of nitrogen dioxide can be responsible for chronic lung disease. Long-term exposure to NO 2 can impair the sense of smell ( 81 ).

However, systems other than respiratory ones can be involved, as symptoms such as eye, throat, and nose irritation have been registered ( 81 ).

High levels of nitrogen dioxide are deleterious to crops and vegetation, as they have been observed to reduce crop yield and plant growth efficiency. Moreover, NO 2 can reduce visibility and discolor fabrics ( 81 ).

Sulfur Dioxide (SO 2 )

Sulfur dioxide is a harmful gas that is emitted mainly from fossil fuel consumption or industrial activities. The annual standard for SO 2 is 0.03 ppm ( 82 ). It affects human, animal, and plant life. Susceptible people as those with lung disease, old people, and children, who present a higher risk of damage. The major health problems associated with sulfur dioxide emissions in industrialized areas are respiratory irritation, bronchitis, mucus production, and bronchospasm, as it is a sensory irritant and penetrates deep into the lung converted into bisulfite and interacting with sensory receptors, causing bronchoconstriction. Moreover, skin redness, damage to the eyes (lacrimation and corneal opacity) and mucous membranes, and worsening of pre-existing cardiovascular disease have been observed ( 81 ).

Environmental adverse effects, such as acidification of soil and acid rain, seem to be associated with sulfur dioxide emissions ( 83 ).

Lead is a heavy metal used in different industrial plants and emitted from some petrol motor engines, batteries, radiators, waste incinerators, and waste waters ( 84 ).

Moreover, major sources of lead pollution in the air are metals, ore, and piston-engine aircraft. Lead poisoning is a threat to public health due to its deleterious effects upon humans, animals, and the environment, especially in the developing countries.

Exposure to lead can occur through inhalation, ingestion, and dermal absorption. Trans- placental transport of lead was also reported, as lead passes through the placenta unencumbered ( 85 ). The younger the fetus is, the more harmful the toxic effects. Lead toxicity affects the fetal nervous system; edema or swelling of the brain is observed ( 86 ). Lead, when inhaled, accumulates in the blood, soft tissue, liver, lung, bones, and cardiovascular, nervous, and reproductive systems. Moreover, loss of concentration and memory, as well as muscle and joint pain, were observed in adults ( 85 , 86 ).

Children and newborns ( 87 ) are extremely susceptible even to minimal doses of lead, as it is a neurotoxicant and causes learning disabilities, impairment of memory, hyperactivity, and even mental retardation.

Elevated amounts of lead in the environment are harmful to plants and crop growth. Neurological effects are observed in vertebrates and animals in association with high lead levels ( 88 ).

Polycyclic Aromatic Hydrocarbons(PAHs)

The distribution of PAHs is ubiquitous in the environment, as the atmosphere is the most important means of their dispersal. They are found in coal and in tar sediments. Moreover, they are generated through incomplete combustion of organic matter as in the cases of forest fires, incineration, and engines ( 89 ). PAH compounds, such as benzopyrene, acenaphthylene, anthracene, and fluoranthene are recognized as toxic, mutagenic, and carcinogenic substances. They are an important risk factor for lung cancer ( 89 ).

Volatile Organic Compounds(VOCs)

Volatile organic compounds (VOCs), such as toluene, benzene, ethylbenzene, and xylene ( 90 ), have been found to be associated with cancer in humans ( 91 ). The use of new products and materials has actually resulted in increased concentrations of VOCs. VOCs pollute indoor air ( 90 ) and may have adverse effects on human health ( 91 ). Short-term and long-term adverse effects on human health are observed. VOCs are responsible for indoor air smells. Short-term exposure is found to cause irritation of eyes, nose, throat, and mucosal membranes, while those of long duration exposure include toxic reactions ( 92 ). Predictable assessment of the toxic effects of complex VOC mixtures is difficult to estimate, as these pollutants can have synergic, antagonistic, or indifferent effects ( 91 , 93 ).

Dioxins originate from industrial processes but also come from natural processes, such as forest fires and volcanic eruptions. They accumulate in foods such as meat and dairy products, fish and shellfish, and especially in the fatty tissue of animals ( 94 ).

Short-period exhibition to high dioxin concentrations may result in dark spots and lesions on the skin ( 94 ). Long-term exposure to dioxins can cause developmental problems, impairment of the immune, endocrine and nervous systems, reproductive infertility, and cancer ( 94 ).

Without any doubt, fossil fuel consumption is responsible for a sizeable part of air contamination. This contamination may be anthropogenic, as in agricultural and industrial processes or transportation, while contamination from natural sources is also possible. Interestingly, it is of note that the air quality standards established through the European Air Quality Directive are somewhat looser than the WHO guidelines, which are stricter ( 95 ).

Effect of Air Pollution on Health

The most common air pollutants are ground-level ozone and Particulates Matter (PM). Air pollution is distinguished into two main types:

Outdoor pollution is the ambient air pollution.

Indoor pollution is the pollution generated by household combustion of fuels.

People exposed to high concentrations of air pollutants experience disease symptoms and states of greater and lesser seriousness. These effects are grouped into short- and long-term effects affecting health.

Susceptible populations that need to be aware of health protection measures include old people, children, and people with diabetes and predisposing heart or lung disease, especially asthma.

As extensively stated previously, according to a recent epidemiological study from Harvard School of Public Health, the relative magnitudes of the short- and long-term effects have not been completely clarified ( 57 ) due to the different epidemiological methodologies and to the exposure errors. New models are proposed for assessing short- and long-term human exposure data more successfully ( 57 ). Thus, in the present section, we report the more common short- and long-term health effects but also general concerns for both types of effects, as these effects are often dependent on environmental conditions, dose, and individual susceptibility.

Short-term effects are temporary and range from simple discomfort, such as irritation of the eyes, nose, skin, throat, wheezing, coughing and chest tightness, and breathing difficulties, to more serious states, such as asthma, pneumonia, bronchitis, and lung and heart problems. Short-term exposure to air pollution can also cause headaches, nausea, and dizziness.

These problems can be aggravated by extended long-term exposure to the pollutants, which is harmful to the neurological, reproductive, and respiratory systems and causes cancer and even, rarely, deaths.

The long-term effects are chronic, lasting for years or the whole life and can even lead to death. Furthermore, the toxicity of several air pollutants may also induce a variety of cancers in the long term ( 96 ).

As stated already, respiratory disorders are closely associated with the inhalation of air pollutants. These pollutants will invade through the airways and will accumulate at the cells. Damage to target cells should be related to the pollutant component involved and its source and dose. Health effects are also closely dependent on country, area, season, and time. An extended exposure duration to the pollutant should incline to long-term health effects in relation also to the above factors.

Particulate Matter (PMs), dust, benzene, and O 3 cause serious damage to the respiratory system ( 97 ). Moreover, there is a supplementary risk in case of existing respiratory disease such as asthma ( 98 ). Long-term effects are more frequent in people with a predisposing disease state. When the trachea is contaminated by pollutants, voice alterations may be remarked after acute exposure. Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) may be induced following air pollution, increasing morbidity and mortality ( 99 ). Long-term effects from traffic, industrial air pollution, and combustion of fuels are the major factors for COPD risk ( 99 ).

Multiple cardiovascular effects have been observed after exposure to air pollutants ( 100 ). Changes occurred in blood cells after long-term exposure may affect cardiac functionality. Coronary arteriosclerosis was reported following long-term exposure to traffic emissions ( 101 ), while short-term exposure is related to hypertension, stroke, myocardial infracts, and heart insufficiency. Ventricle hypertrophy is reported to occur in humans after long-time exposure to nitrogen oxide (NO 2 ) ( 102 , 103 ).

Neurological effects have been observed in adults and children after extended-term exposure to air pollutants.

Psychological complications, autism, retinopathy, fetal growth, and low birth weight seem to be related to long-term air pollution ( 83 ). The etiologic agent of the neurodegenerative diseases (Alzheimer's and Parkinson's) is not yet known, although it is believed that extended exposure to air pollution seems to be a factor. Specifically, pesticides and metals are cited as etiological factors, together with diet. The mechanisms in the development of neurodegenerative disease include oxidative stress, protein aggregation, inflammation, and mitochondrial impairment in neurons ( 104 ) ( Figure 1 ).

Figure 1 . Impact of air pollutants on the brain.

Brain inflammation was observed in dogs living in a highly polluted area in Mexico for a long period ( 105 ). In human adults, markers of systemic inflammation (IL-6 and fibrinogen) were found to be increased as an immediate response to PNC on the IL-6 level, possibly leading to the production of acute-phase proteins ( 106 ). The progression of atherosclerosis and oxidative stress seem to be the mechanisms involved in the neurological disturbances caused by long-term air pollution. Inflammation comes secondary to the oxidative stress and seems to be involved in the impairment of developmental maturation, affecting multiple organs ( 105 , 107 ). Similarly, other factors seem to be involved in the developmental maturation, which define the vulnerability to long-term air pollution. These include birthweight, maternal smoking, genetic background and socioeconomic environment, as well as education level.

However, diet, starting from breast-feeding, is another determinant factor. Diet is the main source of antioxidants, which play a key role in our protection against air pollutants ( 108 ). Antioxidants are free radical scavengers and limit the interaction of free radicals in the brain ( 108 ). Similarly, genetic background may result in a differential susceptibility toward the oxidative stress pathway ( 60 ). For example, antioxidant supplementation with vitamins C and E appears to modulate the effect of ozone in asthmatic children homozygous for the GSTM1 null allele ( 61 ). Inflammatory cytokines released in the periphery (e.g., respiratory epithelia) upregulate the innate immune Toll-like receptor 2. Such activation and the subsequent events leading to neurodegeneration have recently been observed in lung lavage in mice exposed to ambient Los Angeles (CA, USA) particulate matter ( 61 ). In children, neurodevelopmental morbidities were observed after lead exposure. These children developed aggressive and delinquent behavior, reduced intelligence, learning difficulties, and hyperactivity ( 109 ). No level of lead exposure seems to be “safe,” and the scientific community has asked the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) to reduce the current screening guideline of 10 μg/dl ( 109 ).

It is important to state that impact on the immune system, causing dysfunction and neuroinflammation ( 104 ), is related to poor air quality. Yet, increases in serum levels of immunoglobulins (IgA, IgM) and the complement component C3 are observed ( 106 ). Another issue is that antigen presentation is affected by air pollutants, as there is an upregulation of costimulatory molecules such as CD80 and CD86 on macrophages ( 110 ).

As is known, skin is our shield against ultraviolet radiation (UVR) and other pollutants, as it is the most exterior layer of our body. Traffic-related pollutants, such as PAHs, VOCs, oxides, and PM, may cause pigmented spots on our skin ( 111 ). On the one hand, as already stated, when pollutants penetrate through the skin or are inhaled, damage to the organs is observed, as some of these pollutants are mutagenic and carcinogenic, and, specifically, they affect the liver and lung. On the other hand, air pollutants (and those in the troposphere) reduce the adverse effects of ultraviolet radiation UVR in polluted urban areas ( 111 ). Air pollutants absorbed by the human skin may contribute to skin aging, psoriasis, acne, urticaria, eczema, and atopic dermatitis ( 111 ), usually caused by exposure to oxides and photochemical smoke ( 111 ). Exposure to PM and cigarette smoking act as skin-aging agents, causing spots, dyschromia, and wrinkles. Lastly, pollutants have been associated with skin cancer ( 111 ).

Higher morbidity is reported to fetuses and children when exposed to the above dangers. Impairment in fetal growth, low birth weight, and autism have been reported ( 112 ).

Another exterior organ that may be affected is the eye. Contamination usually comes from suspended pollutants and may result in asymptomatic eye outcomes, irritation ( 112 ), retinopathy, or dry eye syndrome ( 113 , 114 ).

Environmental Impact of Air Pollution

Air pollution is harming not only human health but also the environment ( 115 ) in which we live. The most important environmental effects are as follows.

Acid rain is wet (rain, fog, snow) or dry (particulates and gas) precipitation containing toxic amounts of nitric and sulfuric acids. They are able to acidify the water and soil environments, damage trees and plantations, and even damage buildings and outdoor sculptures, constructions, and statues.

Haze is produced when fine particles are dispersed in the air and reduce the transparency of the atmosphere. It is caused by gas emissions in the air coming from industrial facilities, power plants, automobiles, and trucks.

Ozone , as discussed previously, occurs both at ground level and in the upper level (stratosphere) of the Earth's atmosphere. Stratospheric ozone is protecting us from the Sun's harmful ultraviolet (UV) rays. In contrast, ground-level ozone is harmful to human health and is a pollutant. Unfortunately, stratospheric ozone is gradually damaged by ozone-depleting substances (i.e., chemicals, pesticides, and aerosols). If this protecting stratospheric ozone layer is thinned, then UV radiation can reach our Earth, with harmful effects for human life (skin cancer) ( 116 ) and crops ( 117 ). In plants, ozone penetrates through the stomata, inducing them to close, which blocks CO 2 transfer and induces a reduction in photosynthesis ( 118 ).

Global climate change is an important issue that concerns mankind. As is known, the “greenhouse effect” keeps the Earth's temperature stable. Unhappily, anthropogenic activities have destroyed this protecting temperature effect by producing large amounts of greenhouse gases, and global warming is mounting, with harmful effects on human health, animals, forests, wildlife, agriculture, and the water environment. A report states that global warming is adding to the health risks of poor people ( 119 ).

People living in poorly constructed buildings in warm-climate countries are at high risk for heat-related health problems as temperatures mount ( 119 ).

Wildlife is burdened by toxic pollutants coming from the air, soil, or the water ecosystem and, in this way, animals can develop health problems when exposed to high levels of pollutants. Reproductive failure and birth effects have been reported.

Eutrophication is occurring when elevated concentrations of nutrients (especially nitrogen) stimulate the blooming of aquatic algae, which can cause a disequilibration in the diversity of fish and their deaths.

Without a doubt, there is a critical concentration of pollution that an ecosystem can tolerate without being destroyed, which is associated with the ecosystem's capacity to neutralize acidity. The Canada Acid Rain Program established this load at 20 kg/ha/yr ( 120 ).

Hence, air pollution has deleterious effects on both soil and water ( 121 ). Concerning PM as an air pollutant, its impact on crop yield and food productivity has been reported. Its impact on watery bodies is associated with the survival of living organisms and fishes and their productivity potential ( 121 ).

An impairment in photosynthetic rhythm and metabolism is observed in plants exposed to the effects of ozone ( 121 ).

Sulfur and nitrogen oxides are involved in the formation of acid rain and are harmful to plants and marine organisms.

Last but not least, as mentioned above, the toxicity associated with lead and other metals is the main threat to our ecosystems (air, water, and soil) and living creatures ( 121 ).

In 2018, during the first WHO Global Conference on Air Pollution and Health, the WHO's General Director, Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, called air pollution a “silent public health emergency” and “the new tobacco” ( 122 ).

Undoubtedly, children are particularly vulnerable to air pollution, especially during their development. Air pollution has adverse effects on our lives in many different respects.

Diseases associated with air pollution have not only an important economic impact but also a societal impact due to absences from productive work and school.

Despite the difficulty of eradicating the problem of anthropogenic environmental pollution, a successful solution could be envisaged as a tight collaboration of authorities, bodies, and doctors to regularize the situation. Governments should spread sufficient information and educate people and should involve professionals in these issues so as to control the emergence of the problem successfully.

Technologies to reduce air pollution at the source must be established and should be used in all industries and power plants. The Kyoto Protocol of 1997 set as a major target the reduction of GHG emissions to below 5% by 2012 ( 123 ). This was followed by the Copenhagen summit, 2009 ( 124 ), and then the Durban summit of 2011 ( 125 ), where it was decided to keep to the same line of action. The Kyoto protocol and the subsequent ones were ratified by many countries. Among the pioneers who adopted this important protocol for the world's environmental and climate “health” was China ( 3 ). As is known, China is a fast-developing economy and its GDP (Gross Domestic Product) is expected to be very high by 2050, which is defined as the year of dissolution of the protocol for the decrease in gas emissions.

A more recent international agreement of crucial importance for climate change is the Paris Agreement of 2015, issued by the UNFCCC (United Nations Climate Change Committee). This latest agreement was ratified by a plethora of UN (United Nations) countries as well as the countries of the European Union ( 126 ). In this vein, parties should promote actions and measures to enhance numerous aspects around the subject. Boosting education, training, public awareness, and public participation are some of the relevant actions for maximizing the opportunities to achieve the targets and goals on the crucial matter of climate change and environmental pollution ( 126 ). Without any doubt, technological improvements makes our world easier and it seems difficult to reduce the harmful impact caused by gas emissions, we could limit its use by seeking reliable approaches.

Synopsizing, a global prevention policy should be designed in order to combat anthropogenic air pollution as a complement to the correct handling of the adverse health effects associated with air pollution. Sustainable development practices should be applied, together with information coming from research in order to handle the problem effectively.

At this point, international cooperation in terms of research, development, administration policy, monitoring, and politics is vital for effective pollution control. Legislation concerning air pollution must be aligned and updated, and policy makers should propose the design of a powerful tool of environmental and health protection. As a result, the main proposal of this essay is that we should focus on fostering local structures to promote experience and practice and extrapolate these to the international level through developing effective policies for sustainable management of ecosystems.

Author Contributions

All authors listed have made a substantial, direct and intellectual contribution to the work, and approved it for publication.

Conflict of Interest

IM is employed by the company Delphis S.A.

The remaining authors declare that the present review paper was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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Keywords: air pollution, environment, health, public health, gas emission, policy

Citation: Manisalidis I, Stavropoulou E, Stavropoulos A and Bezirtzoglou E (2020) Environmental and Health Impacts of Air Pollution: A Review. Front. Public Health 8:14. doi: 10.3389/fpubh.2020.00014

Received: 17 October 2019; Accepted: 17 January 2020; Published: 20 February 2020.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2020 Manisalidis, Stavropoulou, Stavropoulos and Bezirtzoglou. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Ioannis Manisalidis, giannismanisal@gmail.com ; Elisavet Stavropoulou, elisabeth.stavropoulou@gmail.com

† These authors have contributed equally to this work

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Building more epistemically inclusive and environmentally equitable universities

• Research Article
• Open access
• Published: 29 May 2024

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• Flora Lu   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-7045-5954 1 ,
• Emily Murai 1 ,
• Serena Campbell 1 &
• Hillary Angelo 1  

Higher educational institutions tend to draw from mainstream approaches to environmentalism that reinforce race, class, and gender hierarchies around who constitutes “an environmentalist” and what activities constitute “environmentalism.” As a result, students of color and students from other marginalized backgrounds who often experience environmental degradation and catastrophe firsthand do not often see their experiences reflected in universities’ environmental programming, curricula, or research. Furthermore, faculty and staff who center issues of race, equity, power, and justice when addressing environmental topics tend to work in isolation from one another and their efforts are not well-coordinated. In this paper, we draw from the concept of “epistemic exclusion” (Settles et al. J Divers High Educ 14:493, 2021 ; J High Educ 93:31–55, 2022 ) to explain hidden biases that systematically devalue scholarship that does not fit mainstream parameters. We describe a research project focused on building more equity-centered environmental efforts at the University of California, Santa Cruz. We find that faculty and staff across divisions want to engage in more epistemically inclusive and equity-centered environmental work, but lack the institutional support and resources (e.g., knowledge, funding, time, incentives) to do so. Interestingly, only a few responses focused on the barriers and biases related to epistemic exclusion. Our findings suggest that more awareness is needed to identify, analyze, and challenge these less visible barriers to substantively work towards greater inclusivity in environmentalism.

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Introduction

In institutions of higher education, environmentalism is commonly understood through a mainstream lens, one that generally presumes an idea of “non-human nature,” in which humans are separate from nature and wilderness is a site for romantic contemplation (Packer 2010 ), recreation (Braun 2003 ), and preservation (Guha 1989 ). In his influential essay “The Trouble with Wilderness,” environmental historian William Cronon ( 1996 ) articulates the ways such conceptualizations reinforce whiteness, class privilege, settler colonialism, and masculinity—notions deeply rooted in US nation-making and contemporary politics and policy (see also Purdy 2015 ). Reification of “pristine” nature dismisses the importance of working landscapes and urban spaces and the people and livelihoods associated with them (Cronon 1996 ). Mainstream environmentalism also sets up racial and gendered profiles of what constitutes “an environmentalist” that are held widely today. In a national study, Pearson et al. ( 2018 ) found broad consensus as to who constitutes an environmentalist: members of all racial, ethnic, and class backgrounds surveyed described an environmentalist as white, wealthy, highly educated, and young. In addition, both white and non-white respondents disassociated non-whites from environmentalists, despite the fact that people of color reported significantly higher levels of environmental concern, on average (Pearson et al. 2018 : 12431).

In addition to privileging certain spaces and groups of people, mainstream environmentalism also amplifies certain forms of knowledge and knowledge holders as those best positioned to address ecological degradation. As Overland and Sovacool ( 2020 ) show, western countries center natural science viewpoints and environmental innovation focuses on quantitative knowledge and technological advancement. In fields like conservation or ecological science and adjacent fields (climate/atmospheric-, geo-, earth-sciences), “problems” and “solutions” are defined in narrow, technical terms, with problems perceived as identifiable, measurable, and therefore solvable (Latour 1999 ). Large-scale social processes like colonial expropriation and racial capitalism that shape both nature and society are often understood to be beyond the scope of such scientific studies and thus understudied or ignored (Lövbrand et al. 2020 ; Walker 2007 ). Similarly, mainstream environmental undergraduate curricula heavily favor the natural sciences over the social sciences and humanities (Strang 2007 ) and often do not examine the inequalities being exacerbated by the Western world’s response, or lack thereof, to various environmental crises (Ferreira 2017 ). This elevates Western forms of environmental knowledge production (e.g., quantitative, scientific approaches), while marginalizing knowledges derived from lived experiences, cultural traditions, community practices; large-scale historical and political analyses; and equity and justice-centered approaches to environmentalism.

The latter approach is what we refer to as “critical environmentalism.” In using this term, we take inspiration from Gould et al. ( 2018 ) in their assertion that broader interpretations of the environment are needed—in place of universalist, ahistorical, and homogenizing framings—towards more expansive, dynamic, multifaceted, and socially constructed notions of environment. Formally, the use of the term “critical” signals work in the tradition of “critical social theory,” a tradition originating with Marx but formalized by the Frankfurt School (Horkheimer 1982 [1937]). It marks a contrast from “traditional” or “mainstream” approaches in seeking to illuminate and expose the injustices, inequalities, and ideologies of present social formations—with an eye toward changing them (Brenner 2009 ). A social justice-centered approach to environmental studies centers on themes of power relations, epistemology, and social constructions of difference to study the relationships between humans, non-humans, and the environment (Pepper et al. 2003 ). Cole ( 2007 ) claims that teaching environmental studies through a critical lens improves students' understanding of the environment and how it interacts with humanity.

In this paper, we argue for the necessity of promoting more equitable, inclusive, and critical environmental approaches within higher education to offset the dominance of technical, scientific, and mainstream ones. We share research conducted from 2021 to 2023 with faculty and staff on our campus whose work sits at the nexus of environmental and social justice. We wanted to know about their experiences as environmental scholars on a campus that has historically maintained a mainstream environmental focus while simultaneously enrolling a diverse undergraduate student body. We asked faculty and staff questions about the kinds of obstacles they encounter and how the institution could best support their work. These perspectives, which often intersect with identities and experiences that have been historically marginalized in environmentalism and academia, challenge narrow definitions of environmentalism and work to create broader, more expansive notions of who is doing environmental work. Such approaches also speak to and enable the next generation of environmental activists to support communities at the front lines of environmental and climatic changes.

To better understand the challenges of fostering a more inclusive environmentalism, we draw from the concept of epistemic exclusion, a concept currently emerging within the literature on higher education. Epistemic exclusion refers to the devaluation of scholarship by individuals and institutions that is outside of the mainstream, especially by scholars who hold marginalized identities (Settles et al. 2019 : 796). It draws attention to the multiple ways academic gatekeeping reflects disciplinary and identity biases which in turn perpetuate a methodological and intellectual status quo around what kind of scholarship is deemed meritorious, and which scholars are credible and qualified (Settles et al. 2020 , 2022 ). Academic gatekeeping determines “who has access” to academia, “socializing trainees into disciplinary norms and removing those who fail to meet these standards” (Settles et al 2022 : 32). It also determines the boundaries of a discipline, and values and devalues certain kinds of scholarship and scholars. Devaluation can happen formally (e.g., article rejections, tenure denials) or informally (e.g., misrepresenting one’s work or minimizing accomplishments). Churcher ( 2022 ) argues that universities are shaped by and reproduce shared imaginings and attachments that maintain masculinist, Eurocentric, and Western forms of epistemic privilege. Knowledge is associated “with generality and abstraction…in the pursuit of ‘fundamental truths,’” rather than “particularity, embodiment, situatedness, power, and context,” which are considered peripheral and subordinate (Churcher 2022 : 899). Within this context, disciplinary norms and gatekeeping around them are thought to be neutral, objective activities in service to the discipline, rather than subjective, historical, and fraught with personal bias and structural oppression.

The consequences of unaddressed epistemic exclusion include a hostile work environment for those from marginalized identities; barriers to publication, tenure, and promotion; and maintenance of established disciplinary boundaries. It disproportionately affects “women and faculty of color due to negative stereotypes about their competence, and their likelihood of engaging research out of the disciplinary mainstream” (Settles et al.  2022 : 32) and places them in a Catch-22: they are both hypervisible, as scholars from underrepresented backgrounds, yet their scholarly successes are rendered invisible or unworthy, making scholarly achievement harder to attain. Yet epistemic exclusion is difficult to test for since metrics of merit, like securing grant funding, high-scoring teaching evaluations, and publishing in high-ranking journals are supposedly “identity-neutral.” This maintains the sense of entitlement of dominant social actors. Marginalized social actors are not immune from the pull of dominant epistemic communities, so these processes can have a co-opting effect, further undermining networks of solidarity, trust, and concern.

Despite a paucity of research to date, epistemic exclusion applies well to the field of environmentalism. Almost 30 years ago, Lewis and James ( 1995 ) called into question the idea of environmental education as universal (e.g., that environmental education programs appeal to all audiences) and inclusive (e.g., that the needs of people of color are recognized and addressed). That the environmental field remains, decades later, predominantly white and privileged speaks to the persistence of normative (yet often unrecognized) racial, class, and epistemological structures that overtly and covertly exclude the environmentalisms and knowledges of marginalized groups. Mainstream approaches arguably do not resonate with underrepresented groups, who are then not motivated to participate; yet this refusal is often interpreted as a lack of concern, knowledge, or awareness. Consequently, diversity, equity, and inclusion problems persist in environmentalism partly as a result of the uninterrogated assumptions, racist stereotypes, and reproduction of structures by those in power. Epistemic exclusion is, thus, a form of institutional racism, whereby dominant scholars maintain the disciplinary status quo and their position on top of the hierarchy (Bhopal 2017 ).

Environmental sociologist Dorceta Taylor ( 2018 ) has characterized most diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts of universities as “halfhearted,” “tentative,” and “superficial.” She highlights the necessity of “effective mentoring and engaged learning opportunities to nourish their [diverse students’] interests…[and learning opportunities] that incorporate the life experiences , expertise , and ideas of people of color ” ( 2018 : 384, emphasis added). Taylor’s research has found that there is a “robust pool of minority students who are pursuing degrees in a wide array of environmental programs” who consider diversity and equity very or extremely important in choosing where to work ( 2007 : 39), and thus, argues that environmental programs must make “fundamental changes in [their] ideology, structure, and operations of programs” and that universities require “systematic and extensive institutional change” (Taylor 2007 : 40).

The institutional changes that Dorceta Taylor calls on environmental programs to make require recruiting and retaining faculty of diverse backgrounds and identities. In a recent study of the University of California (UC) and California State University (CSU) systems, Taylor et al. ( 2022 ) found that while “students of color represent 58.2% (UC) and 52.4% (CSU) of the student population within environmental studies departments, faculty of color only represent 22.5% (UC) and 17.7% (CSU) within these departments” (490). This disparity is especially problematic in institutions that enroll large numbers of historically underrepresented students, given that these institutions could act as rich sources to increase diversity in the career pipeline if properly nurtured.

To the extent that mainstream environmental studies departments fail to consider issues of epistemic exclusion in their approach to diversity, equity, and inclusion, they fail to create the changes necessary to support faculty or students from underrepresented groups. In this paper, we argue that addressing the persistence and invisibility of epistemic exclusion, and collectively working towards epistemic inclusion —i.e., broadening disciplinary boundaries and redefining the topics, methodologies, and scholars that are deemed legitimate—can transform environmentalism in higher education. It can make meaningful systematic institutional changes and improve the recruitment and retention rates of faculty of color and the students they support.

In the sections that follow, we discuss a research project we conducted, dubbed “Critical Environmentalisms,” in which we examined the experiences of 58 critically oriented environmental faculty and staff on the University of California, Santa Cruz campus. Through a series of surveys and interviews, we examined both the institutional barriers and ideal forms of support that would enable participants to do more inclusive environmental work—for the campus to live up to the values of epistemic inclusion it promotes. We found that (1) barriers to doing more inclusive environmental work included a lack of time and access to a network of similarly minded scholars and resources, lack of knowledge in how to work with and support BIPOC students, and too few incentives to pursue this work; and (2) that opportunities for authentic and non-hierarchical networking, collaboration and relationship-building across sectors (e.g., departments, job classifications, campus resources) are central to supporting critical environmental work. Based on these findings, we argue that epistemic inclusion is not simply about more funding or more time for critical environmental work (though that helps); it is also about creating support networks and shared resources that will allow this work to flourish, be more visible, and have a sustained influence on campus.

UCSC as a case study

The University of California, Santa Cruz (UCSC) is a unique site to examine the tensions between mainstream and critical environmentalism, and the kinds of epistemic exclusions that limit advancement of more marginalized environmental perspectives. On one hand, the campus is a nationally recognized leader in environmentalism. The university is located on a 200-acre hill, nestled in redwood forest, with sweeping views of the Monterey Bay. Since its founding, UCSC has attracted faculty, staff, and students who were drawn to the natural beauty of the campus and town (Reti et al. 2020 ). Located in the Central Coast, a major agricultural center nationally, the campus has become a site for the development of agroecology, training generations of farmers through an apprenticeship program located on the campus’ long-running farm and garden (Reti et al. 2020 ). Its Environmental Studies department is one of the oldest in the nation and has a strong reputation. As a large, public, university that enrolls roughly 20,000 students and employs nearly 3500 faculty and staff (University of California 2020 ), environmental organizations, programming, courses, and internships abound.

On the other hand, major disparities in institutional resources and support exist between STEM and “hard” science approaches to environmentalism versus more critical, humanist, interpretive, or theoretically-based approaches on campus. For example, the campus recently established a department focused specifically on the Environmental Sciences, separate from the Environmental Studies department, although the latter already focuses on bridging social and ecological sciences in an interdisciplinary manner. The Environmental Studies department has the highest percentage of white staff and students (undergraduate and graduate) in the Division of Social Sciences, and tends to be dominated by white faculty members (for example, the prior chair (2020–2023) was the first person of color in that role, and there has never been a woman of color chair in the department’s 50 + year history). Students, staff, and faculty who identify as white and their associated interests (e.g., conservation, wildlife, plants) tend to be overrepresented in institutional curricula and programming; the Environmental Studies department did not even start a concentration in environmental justice until a few years ago. Scholars who do social science and humanistic environmental work are scattered across campus departments and maybe the lone scholar in their department doing that kind of work.

As a result, students from marginalized backgrounds often have difficulty identifying with and engaging in environmental work. UCSC is a Hispanic-serving institution (HSI) and an Asian-American and Native American Pacific Islander-serving institution (AANAPISI), and students of color make up a majority of the student population. But they often feel deterred from environmental studies due, in part, to the lack of representation and sense of belonging (Dare 2021 ; Koscher 2017 ; Pack 2014 ; Taylor 2018 ). For example, around 2014, UCSC’s Ethnic Resource Centers—dedicated to the retention and success of Black, Indigenous and People of Color (BIPOC) students—started hearing more frequently that environmental spaces on campus were unwelcoming, that students felt micro-aggressed in environmental courses, and that important concerns they faced, such as food and housing insecurity, were not seen as “environmental” issues. These experiences were even undermining the retention of some students of color. The Ethnic Resource Centers started a hashtag campaign, #PoCSustainability, to begin shifting the discourse about environmental concern as being only a “white thing.” The director of the campus’s centrally-funded Sustainability Office—which had tended to focus on water conservation, zero waste, energy efficiency, and other mainstream environmental concerns—wanted to remedy the pervasive whiteness of their unit, and took the initiative to reach out to and show up in BIPOC-centered spaces. One of the authors, Flora Lu, then Provost of College Nine and John R. Lewis College, worked with the Ethnic Resource Centers and Sustainability Office to form a new initiative, the People of Color Sustainability Collective (PoCSC) to define and pursue the goal of inclusive sustainability (Lu et al. 2018 ). PoCSC has won multiple awards and informed similar efforts at other UC and CSU campuses (Lu and Murai 2023 ).

Thus, UCSC is a relevant case of the kinds of dynamics that play out between mainstream and critical environmentalisms. Examining the specific institutional barriers to critical approaches can provide insights into how epistemic exclusions operate within environmentalism more generally. Relatedly, it is no coincidence that all four authors on this paper (three faculty and one recent undergraduate) are from underrepresented groups. The project derives from our own experiences with environmental epistemic exclusions. A chance encounter between Emily Murai, Hillary Angelo, and Flora Lu led to a conversation about our shared interests in critical approaches to environmentalism and the difficulties of finding faculty of similar interests. In the absence of available information, we wanted to learn how many critically oriented environmental scholars there were on campus, what they were working on, what their experiences as critical scholars were, and what could be done to build a stronger campus network of social justice-oriented environmental scholars, staff and students. We applied for a small grant through the campus’s “Building Belonging” program—which supports underrepresented undergraduates through faculty-mentored research—for a survey and interview project we called Identifying Critical Environmental Work and Needs on Campus. The responses gave us insight into the ways epistemic exclusions marginalize and isolate knowledges and practices that threaten the status quo of the neo-liberal university and maintain dominant environmental frameworks, imaginaries, and methods.

We used a scaffolded process to gather data in the 2021–22 academic year. First, we used campus websites, word-of-mouth, and existing networks to compile a comprehensive list of faculty, staff, and organizations doing critical environmental work on campus, which included 55 people and 42 programs/initiatives. Then we designed a survey to learn more about this work. The instrument used a combination of open-ended and multiple-choice questions to inquire about the respondent’s academic training, methodological and pedagogical approaches, and curricular, co-curricular, or extra-curricular efforts. Additionally, the survey asked what, if any, barriers the respondent faced in pursuing critical environmental work at the university, and what kinds of institutional resources and support might enhance their work. After pre-testing and revising the survey, we invited 58 people to take it—a few more than the group we additionally identified through word of mouth—and received 39 responses (67% response rate). Demographically, two-thirds of the respondents were women and two-thirds were white, non-Hispanic. Figure  1 provides a divisional breakdown of respondents.

Number of respondents by division

To further investigate the kinds of institutional changes that would support critical environmental work on campus, we invited survey participants for a follow-up interview. Follow-up interviews gave respondents a chance to elaborate on their responses and give deeper insight into their thought processes (Clarke and Braun 2013 ; Staveteig et al. 2017 ). Thirty of the 39 survey participants agreed to participate in an interview, but due to scheduling constraints, we ended up interviewing only 18 original survey respondents (31%). For these interviews, we asked respondents to respond to set of four targeted questions: (a) what kinds of policy and/or actions could be taken to improve critical environmentalism on campus; (b) how to improve communication on campus; (c) what institutional support models they would like to see implemented; and (d) how they foresee interacting with a critical environmentalism network. These questions were derived from the initial survey results and were designed to pinpoint specific barriers and kinds of support faculty and staff need to do critical environmental work effectively.

We conducted another set of interviews with respondents who did not complete the initial survey. This additional set of data supplemented responses from both the survey and interview and was an effort to ensure better representation across campus (i.e., divisions and units that were not well-represented by data collection up to that point). We asked prior respondents for names and specifically followed up with those people. We only conducted verbal interviews with this group: the survey was administered verbally and the same follow-up questions were asked. Of the 33 faculty who were identified and contacted, 19 interviews (57%) were conducted. In total, 37 interviews were conducted.

Because this research is institutional and was conducted for institutional purposes, we were not required to gain Human Subjects clearance by the Institutional Review Board.

Critical environmental efforts

Our research identified 43 campus initiatives, organizations, and centers that report promoting critical environmentalism, Footnote 1 from field sites and laboratories to political mobilization groups (e.g., UC Green New Deal Coalition). Some are focused on recruiting diverse populations into predominantly white spaces (e.g., STEM fields), while others center on technological innovations to address environmental problems (e.g., the Agri-Food Technology Research Project). Other efforts are student-led. The Education for Sustainable Living Program is a student organization that offers courses about transitioning society to prioritize the environment and humanity.

The more exciting initiatives from an epistemic inclusion perspective traverse disciplinary and campus/community boundaries to interrogate notions of identity, expertise, and equity. The Science and Justice Center, for example, innovates experimental spaces, engages in collaborative research practices, and fosters emerging alliances that traverse multiple intellectual, institutional and ethico-political worlds to confront species extinction, toxic ecologies, and other contemporary matters of concern that undermine livable worlds. The Apprenticeship in Community Engaged Research or (H)ACER program promotes reflexive, real-world, praxis-oriented efforts in which students collaborate with off-campus partners to address pressing issues such as economic, educational, and environmental injustice through an approach that honors the cultural, social, and epistemological strength of community members. The Critical Realities Studio is a hybrid studio/lab for critical theory and art practice to engage, using algorithmic and intersectional methods, with pressing issues including climate change, gendered violence, racism, and colonialism. These efforts are designed and led by groups of queer women and women of color, and they pay close attention to particularity, situatedness, power, context, and embodiment, rather than universality, generality, and abstraction (Churcher 2022 ).

While these examples highlight an exciting array of opportunities around critical environmentalism, these efforts are not well coordinated and often lack financial support and security (e.g., they are sponsored by external grants rather than permanent funding through the institution), which undermines their continuity. Programs and resources have to reinvent themselves over and over again at the expense of programming depth, duplication, and permanence.

Challenges to critical environmental work

Although many faculty and staff on campus are working on supporting a more equitable environmental education and want UCSC to be a leader in this area, respondents described barriers that prevent the university from realizing this goal (Fig.  2 ). The results highlight three general categories of obstacles: a lack of networks and collaboration; a need to better engage and support students in critical environmental opportunities; and the invisibilization of and institutional deterrents to such work.

Percentages of respondents naming specific barriers to critical environmentalism. (Note: results from a multiple choice question in which respondents could make more than one choice)

Given the need for interdisciplinarity, one barrier towards more critical environmental work is the difficulties of forging inter-departmental collaborations, a challenge noted by 21 respondents (37.5%). Departments and divisions are perceived as distinct, “siloed” entities, and as a result, most faculty and staff report that they do not have the time or opportunity for interdisciplinary networking, collaboration, and co-teaching. Respondents said it was easy for them to find connections within their departments and divisions, but hard to meet people outside of them. This “silo-ing” is not only a result of the hard sciences being favored over other areas, but also of the physical layout of the campus. In the early 1960s, UCSC’s founders deliberately designed the campus to be highly decentralized to avoid the protests and student organizing that were happening on other campuses at the time (Reti et al. 2020 ). This now affects faculty and staff who are engaged in critical environmental efforts by making it challenging to meet people outside of their departments and find those who are doing similar work. As one respondent explained, “The fact that these academic territories are carved up means that often there is not a lot of communication that is centralized… and that means in certain ways there’s a limitation on the scope of collaborative possibilities and communication.” This also prevents collaboration across divisions because there is no physical interdisciplinary space for faculty and staff interested in critical environmentalisms to meet on campus (a challenge noted by over 60% of respondents). As a result, respondents who indicated they were deeply involved in critical environmental work on campus still find it difficult to make interdisciplinary connections and find out what others on campus were working on, and thus tend to work in isolation. Faculty and staff have found duplicate efforts in different departments (e.g., in developing courses on these issues) that could have been done collaboratively. There is no network for people with these interests at UCSC and they did not have the time to go through every department’s website and find those with the same interests.

Faculty and staff report not knowing about many of the critical environmental internships, projects, and groups on campus that welcome student involvement and, therefore, are not able to recommend them to students. Over half of the faculty and staff who participated in this study (31 respondents or 55.4%) expressed the desire to know about and have more opportunities to help their students participate in critical environmental work on campus. Because of the separation between academic departments and divisions, students do not get cross-departmental emails or see postings for opportunities and resources outside of their home units, which impedes their ability to branch out. Seven respondents (12.5%) expressed the desire to get more BIPOC students engaged and retained in critical environmentalism. One respondent explained, “The students of color that are engaged in conversations around critical environmentalisms and sustainability are very smart, very engaged, and they have some really good ideas about what could be done to engage their experiences more,” but that resources and opportunities often did not “zero in on these students” to create the kinds of support they crave. This respondent noted that critical environmental programs and projects do not get the attention and funding that they need, and do not effectively reach the marginalized populations that are and will continue to be the most affected by environmental issues on campus and elsewhere.

Beyond an information gap about opportunities available, respondents pointed to a more fundamental shortcoming: the level of faculty awareness about critical approaches and their importance. Some respondents felt this especially applied to white faculty in STEM disciplines who often do not include critical perspectives or social justice topics in their research and courses. One respondent explained, “I feel in general that if you were talking to some of my other STEM colleagues with that narrative [of critical environmentalism]…a lot of my colleagues would not be able to understand what you are saying.” Another commented that “a significant fraction of the students of color are actually mentored by white mentors. How you get the mentors to be more self-aware about some of their own biases…so they can support the students better.” Changing the demographics of these units is key. Respondents expressed that the lack of faculty and staff of color is an obstacle to critical environmentalism on campus and an impediment to creating a diverse pipeline of faculty and staff of color in environmental fields. One respondent said that the university needs to be pushed by people “advocating really strongly for faculty hires that address how white-dominated these departments are.”

Respondents also indicated that critical environmental work was challenging because crucial aspects of such work (e.g., program building, educating colleagues, and mentoring students) are not sufficiently incentivized or rewarded. One respondent touched on this by advocating for “promotion where DEI [diversity, equity and inclusion] work is really amplified and an essential component of who we are as academics.” A junior faculty member and woman of color observed that, while she could include information about her DEI efforts in her personal statement for review, this would be to the detriment of the space she devoted to her research and publishing, given page limits. In a report about the experiences of faculty of color at UCSC, Covarrubias and Quinteros ( 2023 ) found that DEI efforts by faculty of color sustain the university but are narrowly conceived of as a lower tier of service, as compared to say, serving on a faculty senate committee. This invalidation of DEI work often results in faculty of color carrying “disproportionate workloads because they took on additional service roles that fit more traditional definitions” and potentially having a harder time getting tenure (Covarrubias and Quinteros 2023 : 4). Faculty of color play an important role in ensuring the retention and academic success of students of color in predominantly white institutions and disciplines, but this labor is often invisibilized and constitutes a form of cultural taxation that impedes progress towards tenure and promotion (Taylor et al. 2022 ).

Faculty and staff at UCSC also feel overworked; 11 respondents (19.6%) indicated that they lack time to pursue critical environmentalism to the extent they would like. One respondent wanted “ways of overcoming institutional barriers to free people up in meaningful ways, not just invite people to get together or discussions on top of everything else because everyone is just so busy with teaching, with research, with administrative obligations at the departmental, divisional, and senate level.” Ultimately, the issue becomes one of time, rather than lack of interest, and freeing up faculty’s schedules with reductions in other areas, like administration, would be one way to support critical environmentalism on campus.

How critical environmental efforts can be supported

Respondents who identified these common problems they faced within the university had ideas for how to better support and amplify critical environmentalism on campus (Fig.  3 ). We discuss the suggestions in descending order.

Percentage of responses to the question of how critical environmentalism can be supported at the institutional level. (Note: results from a multiple choice question in which respondents could make more than one choice)

Almost three-quarters of respondents (41 or 73.2%) wanted to see an equalization of funding opportunities that encouraged interdisciplinary, critical environmental work. This would give faculty and staff motivation to branch out of their departmental silos and build connections on campus.

To make more interdisciplinary connections, faculty and staff wanted a couple of different structures to be created. First, 36 respondents (64.3%) indicated they would like to see a critical environmentalism network that hosted periodic events. The idea of having a database to help scholars network with others interested in critical environmentalism was something respondents also mentioned (35 respondents, or 62.5% mentioned below). Many suggested having a webpage that kept the whole campus up-to-date on initiatives and events surrounding critical environmentalisms. One respondent said, “A web presence, some central list of people who are working and what they are working on specifically but whose work kinda fits under this broad umbrella, I think would be the first and most obvious thing that would be super helpful.  Respondents also wanted a list of faculty and staff who are engaged in this work, with information about their focus (35 respondents or 62.5%), in order to reach out to people who had similar interests across departments.

Faculty (32 respondents or 57.1%) also expressed that they wanted more opportunities to get course releases to free up their time for team teaching and campus engagement. Course releases would allow them to take on more critical environmental work and have the opportunity to expand their connections to do research they would not have the capacity for otherwise.

They also wanted more graduate student researchers and staff positions to be made that address critical environmental issues and allow current faculty and staff to be less overworked (29 respondents or 51.8%). Having a professional in charge of organizing and maintaining the network would enable those engaged in critical environmental research to work across divisions and produce more fruitful work.

Next, 26 respondents (46.4%) expressed a desire to socialize in person coming out of COVID-19 and use a meet and greet as an opportunity to expand their networks across divisions and potentially collaborate with others as a result, with one respondent noting, “COVID has really limited the visibility of all of us with each other, so the first thing I think of are social things.” This was also mentioned as an opportunity for faculty and staff to present their work informally.

In addition, 25 respondents (44.6%) indicated that they would like to see a formal critical environmental center, institute, or cluster on campus that would bring with it more opportunities for research, funding, education, and student involvement. Therefore, social gatherings and physical space on campus to create these networks are essential for driving critical environmental work.

Many faculty members also wanted more opportunities for co-teaching (21 or 37.5%) to support well-rounded classes that bring in multiple different perspectives and considerations when discussing the environment. This is something that one respondent noted saying, “I would absolutely jump at the opportunity to work with people well outside of my field of expertise on shared problems… at the end of the day to do that requires time.” Therefore, co-teaching would allow faculty to both network with professors in related fields and expand their areas of expertise, but such coordination takes additional work and is not viable if it is done on top of already heavy teaching demands.

A dozen respondents (21.4%) indicated that they would like more administrative support to build and sustain critical environmentalism on campus. They would like to see someone take charge of the network as a full-time position so that others are not burdened with doing this on top of their job. This would also allow the network to take on more than it would otherwise be able to.

Respondents (9 or 16%) also wanted to see the university change its practices to be a leader in not only environmentalism but also critical environmentalism. One respondent noted, “Conceptualizing and making sense of critical environmentalism on a campus such as UCSC requires that type of intentional restructuring and institutional framing in order to begin to upset the incredibly rooted white supremacist history of food and environmentalism on this campus.” They also called for changes in the projects the university is taking on, such as the proposed new construction projects which will fundamentally change the campus and have major impacts on the environment. One respondent highlighted, “I think that the university needs to listen to its constituents, it needs to listen to its students and faculty and decisions around planning need to not be made by a couple of executive vice chancellors in closed rooms with contractors. The institutional support really needs to be around transforming the whole university and centering students, staff, and the broader community, the Indigenous community on which UCSC stands, I think the institutional support that I envision requires a full transformation of the university.” Therefore, although there are many relatively easy solutions outlined throughout this section, and broad support from faculty for such changes on campus, significant changes will also be needed to support long-term critical environmental work on campus.

Faculty and staff indicated that they would also have more time to do critical environmental work if it was incentivized. Faculty indicated that they would like tenure incentives for doing non-research work related to critical environmentalism, such as committee and grassroots work (7 respondents or 12.5%). One respondent said, “There’s not really a lot of incentive for faculty to be involved in either academic senate work that is related to fighting the climate crisis or even grassroots efforts on campus, they’re not rewarded by course releases or anything like that.” These are important elements to promoting critical environmentalisms on campus but are not things that faculty and staff have a lot of time to commit to because they are not heavily favored by the university.

Respondents (7 or 12.5%) also wanted more opportunities and resources for undergraduate and graduate students, staff, and faculty to work together on issues related to critical environmentalism. Such efforts could be incentivized for students through the establishment of a critical environmental general education requirement.

Our research found that while there are a plethora of campus environmental initiatives at UCSC, including some innovative critical environmental projects that cross disciplinary, campus, and community boundaries, these efforts are not well-coordinated or centrally funded. This both reflects and reinforces the siloed, isolating nature of our campus community, which exacerbates the marginalization of already underrepresented groups. In addition, we found that barriers to inclusive environmental work included invisibilization and institutional deterrents such as a lack of knowledge of networks, resources, and collaboration and not knowing the best practices around engaging and supporting students in critical environmental opportunities. Respondents offered a comprehensive list of possible solutions to these issues, ranging from increasing and equalizing funding, to creating more centralized resources and networking opportunities, to ideological changes at the university.

Despite the critical environmental work that is already being done on campus, our research found that faculty and staff want to do even more . As one respondent noted about the critical environmentalism network, “I would be hoping to learn a lot about what other people are doing…I would most be thinking about learning how to do more in my own research and teaching, given that's not really a strong theme in my field.” The university needs to offer more institutional support to bridge this gap and combat the issues that are preventing this work from being done. Doing so requires a multipronged approach, from curricular changes to centralizing resources and information to hiring and retaining diverse staff and faculty (Dicochea 2012 ; Ferreira 2017 ).

What is most interesting about our pool of responses, however, is what is not said: despite being some of the most critically trained environmental thinkers on our campus, many of the solutions offered remain comfortably within institutional constraints and do not address the hidden and subtle practices of epistemic exclusion. For us, this indicates the ways in which highly operationalized, bureaucratic mindsets dominate our own ways of thinking, and the necessity to create new imaginaries that enable us to critique normalized exclusionary practices. If these practices were done away with and more inclusive, democratic practices and principles were fostered, it could potentially re-organize institutional structures such that they center greater equality and inclusion to begin with.

Programs that attempt to “diversify” their disciplines and departments through “accommodationist” practices that attempt to recruit and retain diverse students in STEM or mainstream conservation movements (Cronin et al. 2021 ) do not fundamentally challenge the hierarchical, exclusionary nature of these disciplines. Nor do related efforts, such as implicit bias training or diversity statements, in the absence of recognizing how fundamental white supremacy, settler colonialism, and androcentrism are to mainstream environmentalism and STEM fields. Instead, in promoting techno-solutions to environmental problems, they often replicate apolitical/decontextualized thinking that serves to perpetuate unjust power relations.

Scholarship by marginalized groups clarifies that as knowers, we are situated, and social position both confines and directs our vision and habits of attention (Dotson 2014 ). Overcoming the limits of one’s instituted, social imaginaries that can lead to poor epistemic habits, such as epistemic laziness, closed-mindedness, and arrogance (Dotson 2014 ). It will require that we become more cognizant of concepts such as positionality, reflexivity, and subjectivity, and name and challenge the hidden biases and oft-invisible processes of epistemic exclusion and their consequences.

The most innovative critical environmental programs and initiatives, as we see in several examples at UCSC, bring together people from different backgrounds and epistemologies to tackle contemporary problems in efforts to promote greater epistemic inclusion and diversity in scholarship. These methods and research foci are reflexive, affective, contextual, boundary crossing, and creative, and are led by queer women and women of color, who are often the ones most epistemically excluded at the university, both invisibilized and hypervisibilized, culturally taxed, and committed to doing work that promotes a more just society. Women and/or scholars of color tend to undertake interdisciplinary work, using methods such as Indigenous methodologies, critical race theory, community-engaged scholarship that center collaboration, involvement with community (Gold 2021 ). As Roshanravan ( 2014 ) points out, “Because Women of Color politics seeks to affirm and build coalition among racially devalued ways of thinking, traditional knowledge-production within academic disciplines cannot contain the methodological and theoretical work of Women of Color” (42).

Productivity culture and overwork leave minoritized people with less wealth and thus less time; they are ones who pick up slack when those with more power offload labor (Covarrubias and Quinteros 2023 ). Respondents say that they want to do more critical environmental work, but they want to have that work recognized and compensated. Hence we see requests for course buyouts, Graduate Student Researchers, incentives to co-teach, funding support for centralized networks or an institute, and space. But these kinds of requests work within the constraints of the university. They promote a different distribution of work, but will not likely support meaningful change. Instead, when identifying problems, respondents highlighted relationality and connection as something that was lacking. This recognizes how “knowing is also interdependent, requiring the use of collective and shared epistemic resources” (Dotson 2014 ). We see centering more organic, authentic forms of engagement that respects and fosters the sociality of intellectual work as a purposeful means to offset the harsh disciplinary nature of the neo-liberal university, even though these practices may be less visible or quantifiable as institutional labor.

Some respondents asked for “ideological changes” at the university. They want to see the university really caring about, listening to, and serving the people at the institution. This emphasizes the very interpersonal, humanizing (and unique) potential of universities: as spaces for intellectual exchange, participation in public life, humanization through education and learning, creative and exploratory knowledge creation, systems of governance. Today, the neo-liberal university has become anything but. Scholars face pressure to conduct research that wins large grants and earns them tenure, which marginalizes public and community-based research that may actually serve the communities they study and build more trust in higher educational institutions (Fischer 2023 ).

In this paper, we have described the work we undertook as part of a research project on critical environmentalisms, the goal of which was to make critical environmental work more visible and accessible to UCSC students, faculty, and staff. The work also identified institutional challenges to critical environmental efforts in higher education. We have since implemented some specific solutions, such as establishing an online network housed on the UCSC Sustainability Office website that we hope will improve access and lead to more collaborative, interdisciplinary work. But the research underscored that, in order to redress the epistemic exclusions, academic gatekeeping, and the unequal burdens faced by marginalized scholars, UCSC must also tackle disparities in access to power and resources between disciplines and scholars. As Bhopal ( 2017 ) argues, “universities must address the racism that takes place in their institutions … and move away from a deficit focus which blames individuals” (2298). A more structural, institutional response of this kind would require the university to examine its role in perpetuating colonialist modes of research, education, and innovation, but might also make it a leader in meaningful efforts to overcome environmental exclusion.

This project underscored, too, that supporting and retaining students and faculty of color and those from other minoritized backgrounds requires a fundamental rethinking of how environmental education is done, including conceptions of the environment itself. Fully two-thirds of UCSC’s undergraduate population is non-white, and research by PoCSC has found that a significant proportion of these students confront environmental health threats and environmental racism in their home communities (Lu and Murai 2023 ). As mentioned, mainstream environmentalism has alienated many of these students, who are already grappling with an institution of higher education steeped in settler colonialism and white supremacy. Supporting them involves not simply superficial efforts of inclusion but environmental teaching and research that takes the structural environmental injustices students experience as within its purview.

Making these changes requires not only research into what kinds of interventions are needed, but engaging with stronger mechanisms for institutional change. This labor, we recognize, involves a certain amount of political and institutional risk (e.g., identifying shortcomings and advocating for change) and disproportionately burdens women and faculty of color who are more likely to take up the mantle of this work. How do we support junior or non-tenure-track faculty who wish to engage in this work? How do we ensure that this work is evenly supported? One way we address both questions is by creating strong networks of critical environmental advocacy both within and outside of our institutions; supporting critical environmental scholars at every stage of their career (including through teaching and mentoring undergraduates to bring them into the field); and working to advance them into positions of institutional leadership so that critical environmental scholars will be in positions to make the institutional changes we outline here. When we have multiple, overlapping networks outside of our institutions of primary affiliation (e.g., departments and universities where we work), we are less reliant upon them for emotional support and validation, which in turn may make it easier to instigate change within them.

That said, many of the things that faculty describe wanting are fairly inexpensive and would not be hard to implement at colleges of different sizes, in terms of creating opportunities to do this kind of work and establishing incentive and/or reward structures. They include opportunities for team teaching, paid opportunities for students to work with faculty on these issues, small grants or other funding for faculty to work together to develop courses or small research projects, etc. Making broad epistemically inclusive changes, like changes to hiring and curriculum, may require more political capital, but still follow institutions' stated commitments to diversity, so advocating for these changes should be politically less risky. One thing that some departments at UCSC have done that is easily replicable and low-cost, is asking candidates to include a section on contributions to diversity in promotion/tenure files. Though imperfect, it is an effort to make visible and reward this kind of labor that mostly women faculty of color take on and to remind others to do it too. These kinds of small changes that increase the visibility and raise the profile of invisible labor are ways departments can make changes while holding space for larger institutional and disciplinary buy-in.

For further insights into how students in the earliest stages of the career pipeline can be best supported within their courses and at the departmental level, we would like to center the voice of our co-author Serena Campbell, an African American, mixed-race woman who was the undergraduate researcher for this project.

As a student coming into the University of California, Santa Cruz, I had not been introduced to any information on critical approaches to environmentalism in my previous education. When introduced to the concept of environmental racism, I realized how my previous environmental education prevented me from fully engaging with what I was being taught. I decided to become a double major in Sociology and Environmental Studies in my second year of college, hoping that it would allow me to learn even more about critical approaches to environmentalism and identify potential careers. Unfortunately, when I took my first class for Environmental Studies, the focus was heavy on math and science. The course discussed fundamental chemistry and physics and examined the earth’s spheres alongside the global cycles of carbon, nitrogen and other elements. While this was important to learn to understand how earth’s systems work, the course fell short of giving me the education I was craving because it lacked an interdisciplinary curriculum. It did not have relevance to the modern world and was ahistorical as well as apolitical. I wanted to learn about contributions to environmentalism from marginalized communities and approaches to tackling climate change rooted in ending capitalism and western imperialism, but this was rarely discussed in the wider Environmental Studies department. This impacted my ability to relate to what I was learning, a phenomenon documented by Pearson et al. ( 2018 ) who found that when interdisciplinary approaches are not valued within environmental education, students from marginalized backgrounds have trouble engaging and continuing to pursue the field of study because they over-emphasize natural (“hard”) science and technical knowledge. As a result of not feeling a sense of belonging, I decided to drop the class and pursue a double major in Sociology and Critical Race and Ethnic Studies instead .

However, I still had an interest in pursuing critical approaches to environmentalism. After hearing about the Identifying Critical Environmental Work and Needs on Campus, during my third year of college, I knew I had to get involved. This experience has allowed me to address the environmental and racial issues that I have grappled with from a young age and I have been able to take agency in examining why environmental education and fields can be so polarizing to people of color. Unlike before, when I did not consider myself to be an environmentalist because I did not feel represented by the term, I now have been able to see diversity and representation within environmentalism and feel confident in considering myself to be an environmentalist among many other scholars of color who are advocating for crucial changes to be made to the field. As I conducted research for this project, I became more confident with seeing myself as a researcher and was able to broaden my understanding of who is considered a knowledge producer. I was able to reimagine what the environmental field could look like, in a way that is better prepared to tackle the environmental concerns of my generation and combat the notions of natural science superiority that are currently rampant in the field. Through this research project, I have been able to explore alternatives to mainstream environmental movements and education, and this has reshaped how I conceive of the possibilities that I am able to pursue on campus and beyond .

In order to make Environmental Studies an appealing major to students/staff/faculty who are interested in critical approaches to environmentalism, there needs to be more crossover between Environmental Studies and other departments that have critical foci. This could include social sciences, humanities, or the arts to give people a variety of critical approaches that they can use to then center environmentalism. Environmental Studies departments and majors also create meaningful change by being open to interdisciplinary collaboration whether it is in teaching, research, or in service work. This collaboration can be done with departments with critical focuses that attract students of color so that they can be exposed to a variety of academic disciplines .

In miniature, the critical environmentalism project illustrates how institutional support, in the form of funds and reward structures, can help overcome institutional barriers and encourage collaborative and heterodox approaches. The research process created an important positive feedback loop between students and faculty; supported collaboration between faculty who did not work together before; honed a student's research and professional skills (e.g., public presentations); and created new information and resources. We see the process—across racial and tenure-line hierarchies, including undergraduate student mentorship—as itself an example of critical environmental work that both addresses a specific need while also working towards greater institutional accountability. It was important for the kinds of relationships that were built and the outcomes that were produced. But we are also aware that medium- or long-term, institutional changes must be made at a larger scale so that the burden of this work does not fall solely on individual projects.

As Serena Campbell’s words suggest, part of the positive feedback loop is faculty exposing students to critical environmental courses, internships, programs, and events. Students at UCSC are advocating for change. They have let their interest in interdisciplinary critical environmental courses, research, and networking opportunities be known, by calling on the university to make changes such as those outlined in this paper, and can now use this network to identify possible mentors and courses of interest. But, as described above, institutional responses to such pressures must be also substantial, involving dedication of time and resources, revision of course content and pedagogy, and a long-term commitment to supporting faculty who work on these issues. Such efforts will not only make environmental courses and majors more accessible to students from underrepresented backgrounds, but, to the extent that they transform the university and its assumptions about what environmentalism is , also enact epistemic justice.

Data availability

Not applicable.

See https://sustainability.ucsc.edu/engage/academic-opportunities/critical-environmentalisms.html

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The State of Food and Agriculture 2023

Revealing the true cost of food to transform agrifood systems.

Year of publication 2023

Place of publication Rome, Italy ;

Pages 150 p.

Publisher FAO ;

Product type Book (series)

ISBN 978-92-5-138167-0

Series title The State of Food and Agriculture (SOFA)

Series number 2023

Synopsis (short abstract) Agrifood systems generate significant benefits to society, including the food that nourishes us and jobs and livelihoods for over a billion people. However, their negative impacts due to unsustainable business-as-usual activities and practices are contributing to climate change, natural resource degradation and the unaffordability of healthy diets. Addressing these negative impacts is challenging, because people, businesses, governments and other stakeholders lack a complete picture of how their activities affect economic, social and environmental sustainability when they make decisions on a day-to-day basis.The State of Food and Agriculture 2023 looks into the true cost of food for sustainable agrifood systems. The report introduces the concept of hidden environmental, health and social costs and benefits of agrifood systems and proposes an approach – true cost accounting (TCA) – to assess them. To operationalize the TCA approach, the report proposes a two-phase assessment process, first relying on national-level TCA assessments to raise awareness and then moving towards in-depth and targeted evaluations to prioritize solutions and guide transformative actions. It provides a first attempt at national-level assessments for 154 countries, suggesting that global hidden costs from agrifood systems amount to at least to 10 trillion 2020 PPP dollars. The estimates indicate that low-income countries bear the highest burden of the hidden costs of agrifood systems relative to national income. Despite the preliminary nature of these estimates, the analysis reveals the urgent need to factor hidden costs into decision-making for the transformation of agrifood systems. Innovations in research and data, alongside investments in data collection and capacity building, are needed to scale the application of TCA, especially in low- and middle-income countries, so that it can become a viable tool to inform decision- and policymaking in a transparent and consistent way.

• Read the full digital report
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• Watch the Video: State of Food and Agriculture 2023. Revealing the true cost of food to transform agrifood systems
• Read the press release: Hidden costs of global agrifood systems worth at least $10 trillion

Read the background papers:

• Hidden costs of agrifood systems and recent trends from 2016 to 2023
• Accounting for the hidden costs of agrifood systems in data-scarce contexts
• The role of true cost accounting in guiding agrifood businesses and investments towards sustainability
• True cost accounting applications for agrifood systems policymakers

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FAO. 2023.  The State of Food and Agriculture 2023. Revealing the true cost of food to transform agrifood systems . Rome.

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Warmer wetter climate predicted to bring societal and ecological impact to the Tibetan Plateau

Increased rainfall and glacier meltwater set to dramatically reverse shrinking trend and expand land-locked lakes on tibetan plateau by 50%.

While recent reports have stated that more than half the world's largest lakes, including lakes in the Tibetan plateau, are drying up, a paper in Nature Geoscience suggests that, by the end of this century, land-locked lakes on the Tibetan Plateau are set to increase exponentially, resulting in major land loss and related economic, environmental and climatic impacts.

Climate and weather predictions suggest that increased rainfall due to climate change will enlarge these lakes, and see water levels rise by up to 10 metres.

The volume of water caught in these land-locked lakes is estimated to increase fourfold by 2100 according to the research by Dr Iestyn Woolway of Bangor University (UK) and colleagues in China, Saudi Arabia, USA and France.

The increased lake surface area will also mean the loss of critical land area, for agriculture, human habitation, critical road and rail networks and economic disruption.

Dr Woolway commented, "Climate change is making the Tibetan Plateau greener and more habitable, attracting more people to higher altitudes due to better access to water. However, rising lake levels require urgent planning and policies to mitigate impacts on the region's ecology and population."

The resultant land loss could also lead to a change in the landscape, as lakes merge and the course of the rivers which feed and inter-connect the lakes are altered.

This could lead to increased greenhouse gas emissions and a positive feedback loop, amplifying climate change. An increase in freshwater, and in flow between lakes could also cause a change in ecology and affect wildlife. As an example, when the Zonang Lake in Hoh Xil Nature Reserve burst its banks in 2011, the Tibetan Antelope found their migration route blocked.

• Environmental Issues
• Global Warming
• Environmental Awareness
• Environmental Policy
• Sustainable land management
• Global warming
• Climate model
• Environmental impact assessment
• Environmental engineering
• Global climate model

Story Source:

Materials provided by Bangor University . Note: Content may be edited for style and length.

Journal Reference :

• Fenglin Xu, Guoqing Zhang, R. Iestyn Woolway, Kun Yang, Yoshihide Wada, Jida Wang, Jean-François Crétaux. Widespread societal and ecological impacts from projected Tibetan Plateau lake expansion . Nature Geoscience , 2024; DOI: 10.1038/s41561-024-01446-w

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The 13th edition of Deloitte’s Gen Z and Millennial Survey connected with nearly 23,000 respondents across 44 countries to track their experiences and expectations at work and in the world more broadly.

Gen Zs and millennials are cautiously optimistic about the economy and their personal finances, but uncertainty remains

Just under a third of Gen Zs and millennials believe the economic situation in their countries will improve over the next year, reflecting the most optimism respondents have shown about the economy since our 2020 study fielded just before the COVID-19 pandemic. This optimism is also reflected in Gen Zs’ and millennials’ outlook for their personal financial situations, although financial insecurity continues to plague these generations.

Three in 10 say they do not feel financially secure. And roughly six in 10 live paycheck to paycheck. The cost of living remains their top concern by a wide margin compared to their other leading concerns, which include climate change, unemployment, mental health, and crime/personal safety.

There is some uncertainty about the social and political outlook, with only about a quarter of respondents believing it will improve in their country over the next year.

Gen Zs and millennials think the following will improve in their countries in the year ahead

Nearly all gen zs and millennials want purpose-driven work, and they are not afraid to turn down work that doesn’t align with their values.

Having a sense of purpose is key to workplace satisfaction and well-being. And increasingly, these generations are willing to turn down assignments and employers based on their personal ethics or beliefs. Reasons for rejecting an employer or an assignment include factors such as having a negative environmental impact, or contributing to inequality through non inclusive practices, and more personal factors such as a lack of support for employees’ mental well-being and work/life balance.

Those who...

Climate action, environmental sustainability is everyone’s responsibility.

Environmental sustainability continues to be among Gen Zs’ and millennials’ top priorities. It is a personal concern that consistently weighs heavily on them, with roughly six in 10 Gen Zs and millennials saying they have felt worried or anxious about climate change in the last month.

The majority of them take action to minimize their impact on the environment. They feel governments should play a bigger role in pushing business to address climate change. And that business, in turn, could and should do more to enable consumers to make more sustainable purchasing decisions.

Protecting the environment is the societal challenge where respondents feel businesses have the most opportunity to drive change. Gen Zs and millennials are pushing business to act through their career decisions and consumer behaviors.

Percentage of Gen Zs and millennials who...

Genai at work, positive perceptions of genai increase with more hands-on experience, but so do workplace concerns.

Among both generations, frequent users of GenAI are more likely to believe the technology will have positive effects on their work and improve their work/life balance.

But, conversely, the more a respondent uses GenAI, the more likely they are to have some concerns as well, such as believing that GenAI will cause the elimination of jobs, make it harder for younger generations to enter the workforce, or that they’ll have to find job opportunities that are less vulnerable to automation.

In response to these types of concerns, both generations are thinking about how to adapt, with a focus on reskilling and GenAI training.

Respondents who say that GenAI in the workplace will...

Future of work, gen zs’ and millennials’ career and workplace expectations are evolving.

Many Gen Zs and millennials are choosing career paths based on environmental concerns, or which they believe will be less vulnerable to automation. And, once they do choose an employer, they push for change, particularly when it comes to workload, the services offered to clients, learning and development, DEI, wellness, social impact, and environmental efforts.

Work remains key to Gen Zs’ and, even more so to millennials’, sense of identity, with their jobs coming second only to friends and family. However, they are very focused on maintaining a positive work/life balance. And their strong preference for flexible work is driving greater demand for part-time jobs, job-sharing options, and models such as four-day work weeks for full-time employees.

Meanwhile, roughly a third of Gen Zs and millennials say they work for organizations who have recently implemented a return-to-office policy. These policies have yielded mixed results.

• Six in 10 Gen Zs (61%) and millennials (58%) believe they have the power to drive change within their organizations.
• Consistent with last year’s findings, work/life balance is the top consideration when Gen Zs and millennials are choosing an employer.
• Two-thirds of Gen Zs (64%) and millennials (66%) say they work for organizations who have recently implemented a return-to-office policy.

Mental health

As workplace factors contribute to stress levels, employers must stay focused on providing better workplace mental health.

Only about half of Gen Zs (51%) and millennials (56%) rate their mental health as good or extremely good. And while stress levels have improved slightly since last year, they remain high, with 40% of Gen Zs and 35% of millennials saying they feel stressed all or most of the time.

About a third of respondents say that their job and their work/life balance contribute a lot to their stress levels.

Financial concerns, and family welfare are major stressors, alongside job related factors such as long working hours and lack of recognition.

Many respondents believe that their employers are taking mental health seriously. But despite some positive changes, there is room for improvement when it comes to enabling people to feel comfortable speaking openly about mental health at work. Managers and senior leaders need to play an important role to remove stigma.

Percentage of respondents who say...

To learn more about the mental health findings, read the Mental Health Deep Dive .

Gen Zs and millennials have played a significant role in pushing the boundaries of what is expected from employers over the last decade, and they will continue to do so. Employers who listen and adjust their strategies will likely have a more satisfied, productive, and agile workforce who are better prepared to adapt to a transforming world.

Additional links

• Gen Z and Millennial Survey press release
• 2023 Gen Z and Millennial Survey
• Deloitte Insights article

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