essay on rural administration

Why US rural policy matters

Subscribe to the sustainable development bulletin, a response to readers…and anti-rural rage, anthony f. pipa anthony f. pipa senior fellow - global economy and development , center for sustainable development @anthonypipa.

April 10, 2023

On December 27, 2022, the New York Times published an essay I wrote calling for a renaissance in federal rural policy . My motivation for writing the article was borne from a frustration of the media’s obsession with rural politics —that is, who in rural America is voting for whom, and why—with little regard or attention to rural policy , or how federal, state, and local governments could do things differently to help rural places to thrive.

Federal policy has historically played an important role in helping rural places contribute to American economic and social life, but it is no longer fit for purpose. This is leaving rural places starved for investment as they navigate 21st century shifts in the economy and seek to become more vibrant, inclusive, and sustainable. The essay included a call for a national rural policy to help “put local assets to creative use, unleash entrepreneurial activity, share the benefits widely and retain the value locally.”

It resulted in almost 1,700 comments from readers and a flood of reactions in my inbox. “Don’t read the comments” counseled colleagues, warning against the rabbit hole of negativity. Yet many comments surfaced thoughtful questions and gaps, and in the spirit of advancing a policy discourse, I offer responses to several of the themes that emerged:

1. “Ask rural places what they want.”

Some commenters read my call for a more active and effective federal role as a recommendation to overtake and usurp local agency and authority. To the contrary: Sustainable development frameworks are most successful when local people design, direct, own, and execute the solutions to the problems they are facing.

So I wholeheartedly agree with asking rural people, and ensuring that the federal government invests much more directly in local leaders and their innovation. But the federal government should also provide incentives or boundaries to ensure maximum public benefit in line with national policy priorities. This might mean incentivizing cleaner energy sources or ensuring that minority populations who have been politically marginalized in the past are included in the design or decisionmaking of new development efforts, so the benefits are widely shared.

2. “What about the role of state and local governments?”

Several commenters rightly surfaced questions about the importance of state and local governments to the well-being of rural communities. State governments set the parameters of their local jurisdictions’ taxing and legal authorities, provide revenue, and are often the decisionmakers on how federal funds are spent. For example, about forty-five percent of the resources in the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA) will be decided by states and local governments.

States are increasingly limiting the flexibility of local jurisdictions and sharing less of their resources, moves generally attributed to political differences between state leaders and large metros. Yet such shifts can have negative consequences for local rural governments, as evidenced by the impact of the tax cuts enacted in Kansas . Some rural leaders are recognizing that state policies driven primarily by culture wars could have negative consequences for their communities. The impact on local rural governments of state policy changes driven by tensions with metropolitan governments is an area ripe for further research.

In general, the capacity of local rural governments is significantly constrained, especially compared to their suburban and urban counterparts. In a recent survey of rural county officials , fifty-two percent reported that their governments experience “moderate” or “significant” levels of fiscal stress. Rural governments are often led by volunteer, part-time elected officials and thinly staffed town halls, struggling to provide basic services and possessing limited ability to respond to major economic or social shocks. For more rural places to succeed, we must strengthen the ability of local governments to govern.

3. “Big business is killing rural.”

Readers pointed to the impact of big-box chains and national franchises on locally owned businesses. Yet national retail and restaurant chains are simply emblematic of larger trends toward financialization and corporate consolidation that have challenged many local institutions that traditionally create a sense of security and self-sufficiency.

Sixty-eight percent of counties without a daily or weekly newspaper are non-metro. Forty percent of rural counties lost bank branches between 2012-2017, and 190 rural hospitals have closed or converted since 2005. Local leaders in rural communities now try to attract stores such as Walmart and Dollar General, not only to improve access to groceries, but because it provides jobs and a signal to the market that their community is worthy of investment.

4. “It’s not just rural: What about other places that are lagging?”

Many small- and mid-sized cities in former industrial centers are also facing challenges, leading some to suggest less focus on rural and more on lagging places overall. Indeed, the future of many rural places will be linked to their nearest metros. But rural places are often minimized in regional efforts, resulting in distrust and approaches that fail to meet their unique challenges related to governance, distance, workforce, and access to capital. Perhaps a national rural strategy would ultimately be a subset of a national economic strategy—but levelling the playing field depends upon articulating one.

Unfortunately, the bulk of the comments expressed negative views dismissive of rural America, with many opposed to any targeted policy.

One set asked “Why should we care about those people and places?” This ignores the important interdependencies between non-metros and the rest of the country. As the country seeks to address climate change, for example, and shift to a clean energy economy, rural places will be where the solar and wind farms are sited, the minerals for batteries are mined and the batteries themselves produced , and where agricultural practices evolve to reduce methane gases.

Indeed, rural places are implicated in many dimensions of the 21st century economy, from data processing to fabrication plants to cryptocurrency mining to online retail distribution . How these economies evolve, who benefits, and how well communities manage them—these are clear and present policy issues that are receiving little attention, leaving rural places to their own devices and offering few guardrails to prevent a modern version of the extractive arrangements prevalent throughout history.

Even more heated were the comments suggesting “it’s their own fault:” i.e., that rural people are getting what they deserve, their votes the primary cause of what they are experiencing. This has odd echoes of the arguments wielded against single mothers during welfare reform debates—ascribing all bad outcomes to bad choices—an argument that was dehumanizing then, and is dehumanizing now.

Several weeks after my essay, the New York Times published an editorial by Paul Krugman asking what could assuage “rural rage?” While the essay made a tentative foray into exploring the implications of, and offering support for, newly enacted policy, the image that rural residents go through their daily lives filled with fury left even local Democratic leaders in so-called Trump country shaking their heads. Such a broad brush conveniently thwarts consideration that policy decisions associated with trade agreements , the movement of capital, enforcement of anti-trust legislation, and regulation of transportation may have played major roles in abetting the challenges rural places now face. Policy decisions, I might add, that many rural people didn’t control or necessarily vote for.

Getting past the “anti-rural rage” and the vitriol reflected in the reactions to my essay will be as important as addressing whatever resentment rural people are harboring. When I listen to the stories of real people in rural places working to provide the best for their families and communities, I find commonalities that cut across the divisions defined and deepened by the obsession with rural politics. So my final response to readers is where I began: We urgently need a constructive bipartisan dialogue to consider policy solutions that can enable thriving, sustainable economic and social structures and create opportunity in all sizes of places across America—and specifically rural ones.

Rural Administration

There are 6,40,867 villages in India according to the 2011 census! The sheer number is quite staggering itself. The administration of these villages, so that things run smoothly, has to be extremely efficient. Let us take a look at the structure of rural administration of our country and the problems it faces.

Rural Administration in India

The Demonization of Rural America

B y the time I was seven or eight years old, I was keenly aware of my father’s drug use. He didn’t snort pills in front of me yet—he saved that for my teen years—but he talked about pills freely and I knew he took them. He was meaner than usual when he couldn’t get his pills, and I learned to recognize the signs of withdrawal long before I ever heard that term. Any hope for stability in our lives probably vanished before I could walk. And by the time I became an adult, everyone in my nuclear family—and plenty of my extended family members—was struggling to cope with the impacts of violence, incarceration, and addiction.

I grew up in Appalachian Eastern Kentucky, where systemic poverty has been a challenge for many decades. We always joked that Kentucky was 20 years behind the rest of the country but as a kid, I didn’t understand what we really faced: underfunded schools, inadequate transportation systems, poor healthcare, unreliable utilities. Prescription pain pills flooded into our region and did nothing to cure our collective pain, but instead exacerbated the personal and social struggles that the region is often associated with.

I was born in 1979, so most of this unraveling and destruction took place during the 1980s and 1990s . But it was sometime in the early 2000s when I read about the opioid epidemic online for the first time. At first, I was shocked to learn prescription pills had become a mainstream problem. But next, I was angry. By this time, pain pill manufacturers had changed their formulas so pills could no longer be crushed and snorted or injected; right away, heroin became widely available, which shocked me. When I was little, heroin was a city drug, scary and distant. Someone must have known that opiate-addicted hillbillies were a ripe market for a replacement opiate, just as someone had first found a way to saturate the Appalachian region with highly addictive pills without drawing attention to their crime.

But why wasn’t it talked about until now? Why wasn’t it an epidemic when it was ravaging my family for the last 20 years? Why wasn’t it newsworthy when my father chose pain pills over feeding his family, or when the same thing happened to families all around me?

I already knew the answer to those questions, though. Eastern Kentucky had been a throwaway place for a long time. Through a wide range of experiences, I learned at a young age that we were poor white trash. The stereotypes about us were, and continue to be, disdainful and dismissive, mixed with a potent disgust for good measure. Our accents are signs of ignorance and stupidity; we’re presumed to be shoeless and perpetually pregnant, sometimes—repulsively—even as a result of incest. Lawless and toothless, who would decry a manmade epidemic that wiped out thousands of hillbillies and their worthless children?

Read More: Kentucky Floods Destroyed Homes That Had Been Safe for Generations. Nobody’s Sure What to Do Next

Americans have discarded and scapegoated various socioeconomic groups throughout our history—this is not a new phenomenon. Unlike many biases that we have reckoned with, though, the vitriolic view of Appalachia—and to some extent, other areas of rural America—stems from an entrenched classism that remains unchallenged in our collective moral consciousness.

The most popular Mexican restaurant in our small town of Berea, Kentucky, has several machines where you can buy gumballs, small toys, and even temporary tattoos. When they were little, my kids always begged for a quarter or two so they could buy something after we ate there. But there was one novelty that made me cringe each time and I forbade my children from spending quarters on it: the hillbilly teeth , which are “the first line of fake teeth purposefully designed to look trashy, hillbilly-like, and downright gross.”

The teeth didn’t offend my sensibilities as a young mother; they publicized my shame. I grew up in a holler and the well my father dug for our house never functioned quite right. My parents often had to pump creek water into the well so we would have water pressure and I knew we weren’t supposed to drink it. But we still mixed it into Kool-Aid and coffee, cooked with it, and brushed our teeth with it. Most of the time, we drank milk or pop.

My brother and I both had visible black cavities on our baby teeth and I looked forward to the day they would fall out. But when my permanent teeth grew in, they were spaced too far apart on top and crowded against each other on the bottom; my gums bled at humiliating moments. Somehow, I always knew my teeth were a sign of the particular kind of poverty I came from.

Why didn’t my parents get us clean drinking water and ensure we had proper dental care? The first reason for these oversights was my father’s drug addiction; the second was his relentless abuse of my mother, my brother, and me. Visits to the dentist, fixing the well, braces for my permanent teeth—those concerns fade into the background for both the drug-addicted and traumatized minds.

When I moved away from my hometown, I found a way to hide my accent at college and work, as so many Appalachians do. But I couldn’t hide my teeth or fix them until I was well into adulthood. The hillbilly teeth at the Mexican restaurant served as a cruel reminder that it’s socially acceptable to mock the socioeconomic class I was born into; our problems are a joke.

Another popular, insidious sentiment loomed large in the 2016 election, and I suspect it was infused into early conversations about our opioid problem: “They deserve what they get.”

The 2024 book, White Rural Rage , highlights the problematic conversations around Appalachia in interesting ways. Early in the book, the authors claim that rural America poses “a quadruple threat to democracy” and they begin their critique with Mingo County, West Virginia. The authors decry the fact that this county’s majority vote went to Trump in both 2016 and 2020, but fail to acknowledge an important fact in Appalachian voting and indeed, in voting among many vulnerable populations: less than half of the registered voters cast a ballot in either election.

Even though this book doesn’t claim to focus on Appalachia, Mary Jo Murphy at The Washington Post suggests early in her review of it that “Someone write a new elegy for the bilious hillbilly, because these authors went for his jugular.” She addresses rural Americans from that point after. “Hillbillies” are historically associated with Appalachia, but the poor, white inhabitants of this handful of states don’t represent rural America as a whole. They’re used as an easy target—a convenient stand-in for the diverse population that actually comprises rural America—because they’re considered to be poor, ignorant, white trash that no one will defend.

There will be no social backlash against overt and covert claims that rural Americans deserve everything they get. Poor whites remain a safe target for political commentary and cheap humor alike.

Classism is not just a problem when someone writes a book about it. And it’s not just a problem when people take to social media to blame election results on some of our most disenfranchised citizens. Classism distracts us from solving our collective problems because it keeps us from asking the right questions. Classism tells us to blame rural whites for our country’s ills—just like other populations have been blamed in the past—demonizing our neighbors instead of the dysfunctional systems and perhaps even individuals who hold incredible power over our political and financial wellbeing.

Whether they are poor or not, white or not, rural Americans grapple with the same issues as everyone else: poverty, violence, addiction, and social decay are obviously not unique to rural areas. But this population faces those problems with fewer resources than their urban and suburban neighbors. Just as there is no excuse for bigotry, we cannot justify blaming our country’s challenges on a disempowered socioeconomic group. Placing blame fuels divide. We need to do some collective soul-searching to understand our biases and find a way to move past them.

Finding solutions is the harder work and the right work. That work requires that everyone has a voice and a seat at the table—especially the people who have historically been excluded. If we can find the courage to set aside classist prejudice, we might discover that there are no throwaway places and more importantly, no throwaway people. Not even hillbillies like me.

Photographer Stacy Kranitz has been documenting life in Appalachia for over 13 years to challenge stereotypes and provide an honest look at a complex region .

More Must-Reads from TIME

Javier Milei’s Radical Plan to Transform Argentina
The New Face of Doctor Who
How Private Donors Shape Birth-Control Choices
What Happens if Trump Is Convicted ? Your Questions, Answered
The Deadly Digital Frontiers at the Border
Scientists Are Finding Out Just How Toxic Your Stuff Is
The 31 Most Anticipated Movies of Summer 2024
Want Weekly Recs on What to Watch, Read, and More? Sign Up for Worth Your Time

Talk to our experts

1800-120-456-456

Urban Administration in India

Meaning and Structure of Urban Administration of India

Understanding the country's administration in which you live is of paramount importance. It gives you an insight into the country's governance, and above all, it makes you aware of the governance carried on in your country.

Living in India means either rural or urban areas. The rural area means living in villages, whereas the urban area refers to towns and cities. These days, many people prefer living in urban areas rather than rural ones, and it might be on several accounts such as infrastructure, facilities, and the list goes on.

But before deciding where to live, one should learn about the urban administration, its structure, and other things concerning it.

Urban Administration - Meaning

Municipal corporations and urban administration both are the same things. The primary aim of urban administration is to look after the basic amenities given to people and ensure their satisfaction. The concept of urban administration goes back to 1687 in Madras. As the years passed, many municipal corporations formed.

Let us get down to the roles and responsibilities discharged by the urban local bodies.

The urban local bodies work to develop their town and city, be it economic, financial, or legal.

No matter the population size, it continues to carry its developmental functions.

While governing its citizens, it ensures not to be biased and maintains transparency among different authorities of municipal corporations.

Structure of Urban Administration

The urban administration consists of eight types of urban local bodies. Let us understand each one by one.

Municipal Corporation

Municipal corporations are usually found in big cities such as Bangalore, Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkata, etc. The acts of state legislatures and India's parliament help them get established. It is further divided into three authorities: the council, standing committees, and the commissioner.

Municipality

The smaller cities tend to have the provision of municipalities. The Municipalities are often called upon by other names such as the municipal council, municipal committee, municipal board, etc. It is also divided into three diverse authorities: the council, the standing committees, and the chief executive officer.

Notified Area Committee

The urban administration also consists of a notified area committee for the fast-developing towns and the towns lacking the basic amenities. The powers it shares are similar to the ones belonging to a municipality. Besides this, all the members of the notified area committee are nominated by the state government.

Town Area Committee

The town area committee is found in the small towns. Being a small town, it has minimal authority such as street lighting, drainage roads, and conservancy.

Cantonment board

The next department in urban local bodies is the cantonment board. It is usually set up for a civilian population living in the cantonment area. Unlike others, it is created and run by the central government. There are the following members on the cantonment board.

A military officer

An executive engineer

A health officer

Eight elected members

Chief executive officer

Military officers

Township

Township is another form of urban government to provide basic facilities to the staff and workers living in the colonies established near the plant. It consists of technical, non-technical staff and some engineers. Consequently, it has no elected members and is merely an extension of the bureaucratic structure.

Port Trust

As the name itself indicates, port trusts are established in the port areas such as Mumbai, Chennai, Kolkata, etc. These have two purposes.

It manages and takes care of the port.

In addition to this, it also provides basic civic amenities to the people.

Special Purpose Agency

Besides the seven above-mentioned urban administration bodies, the states have set up some agencies also for the same. These agencies undertake the designated activities or specific functions belonging to the municipal corporations or municipalities. The people also refer to these as single-purpose, uni purpose, or special agencies.

What is the Urban Administration in India?

The Urban Administration is also known as municipal governance. It takes care of all the duties which seek the comfortability of people living in urban areas. It takes care of the responsibility like a sweeper sweeping the streets early in the morning to switch on the street lights during the night. The first urban administration started in Madras in 1687. Later in 1726, the Calcutta municipal corporation and the Bombay municipal corporation had formed. As of now, The BMC is the largest municipal corporation in India.

If we observe the difference between rural and Urban Administration in India, the rural areas are further divisions of districts. As the geographical area and density of population are less, the rural administration can create a local body with the name of the gram panchayat.

The Urban Administration in India look after the following -

It maintains effective, responsive, democratic, accountable local governance.

It encourages local citizens to participate in various development programs and take up key roles in the local bodies.

It always strives to maintain transparency among the people and authorities of municipal corporations.

Even though the population is more than 5000 in every Urban area, the Urban Administration stood strong and worked for the economical, financial, legal, and more functionalities.

By this, we can understand why urban administration is important.

Structure of Urban Administration in India

The structure of urban administration or multiple governance may consist of various departments and people. They are as follows-

It is the largest and topmost local body in urban administration. If the city contains more than three lakhs people, then the state government will create a municipal corporation for that city and give authority to look after the city. The people of that particular area may reach out to this municipal corporation for any kind of queries related to that area.

What is the Difference Between the Municipal Council and the Municipal Corporation?

Both the municipal council and municipal corporation work on the same principle. But the only difference between a municipal corporation and a municipal council is the size of that particular urban area. If the area contains more than three lakh people, as we discussed above, the multiple governances can be looked after by municipal corporations. If the size of the urban area is less than 3 lakh people, then the local body created by the state government is the municipal council.

Personnel in Urban Administration

The municipal commissioner is the highest Authority of urban Administration. The state government elects an Indian administrative service officer for this designation and provides the required power to develop municipal corporations. Next, the mayor and the deputy mayor are elected by the members of the municipality commission. Their tenure is one year, and they are treated as honour heads to discuss various issues and attend multiple meetings.

In both municipal corporations and municipal councils, the town can be divided into multiple wards. The responsibility of each ward will be taken by a ward member or a ward councilor. The ward people can elect the ward councilor, and issues like electricity, drainage, spreading of diseases, awareness programs, etc., were brought to their notice.

If the issue is a generalized one for multiple watts, the word councilors May create a word committee, and all the councilors can have a debate on resolving the issue.

What is the Difference Between the Municipality and Municipal Corporation?

The municipal corporation is a legal body of urban administration for cities that have more population. But the municipality is a legal body created for the urban areas with a population of around 1 lakh people. The head of the municipality is either a president or a chairman. Apart from the size of the urban area, the differences between the municipality and municipal corporation are not much.

Hence the urban Administration in India plays a vital role in the development of cities and towns. Even though the cities were developed much when compared to rural areas, the municipal governments took them forward to develop more. The metropolitan cities were the best example of the effectiveness of urban Administration in India.

FAQs on Urban Administration in India

1. What are the Eight Types of Urban Local Bodies? List Them.

The urban local bodies are often classified into eight categories which are mentioned below:

Municipal corporation

Municipality

Notified area committee

Town area committee

Cantonment board

Port trust

Special purpose agency

All these bodies form the crucial component of urban administration and cater to different niches.

2. What are the Problem Areas of Municipal Bodies?

The municipal bodies do not function smoothly and face some challenges at different times. Here are some of the difficulties faced by the municipal bodies.

Qualifications: The primary issue in the municipal bodies is the qualification of the members. Not all members are qualified, which creates a disbalance in the functioning.

The lack of finance: The biggest hurdle in working urban local bodies is finance. The finance requirement is huge, but both centre and state governments fail to meet the finance requirements, which puts them in a difficult situation.

3. What is the Municipal Act?

The municipalities act came into existence in 1992 due to the 74th amendment act. It provides a new structure for the municipal system. It is a three-tier structure to look after the urban areas more effectively. This three-tier municipal system is similar to that of the Panchayati Raj system of rural areas.

According to the municipalities' act and the 12th schedule of the constitution, the municipalities may have a set of 18 functionalities. While electing the people to the municipalities, the reservation categories provided high priority. This municipalities act is also known as the Nagar Palika Act. The main motto of this act is for the transparency and the growth of urban areas.

4. What are the Major Functions of a Municipal Corporation?

The major functions of a municipal corporation are as follows-

Providing drinking water facility.

It concentrates on giving basic amenities.

It is involved in City development programs.

It focuses on growing trees, preventing the spreading of viral diseases, cleaning the drainage, etc.

It regulates the construction.

It maintains transparency in law and order.

Electricity supply, water supply, other necessities but also be considered.

It also gives importance to the birth and death registrations, burial facilities, and crematorium.

Several additional responsibilities like growing plants, maintaining cleanliness, road expansion, welfare activities, etc are implemented.

Theodore Roosevelt’s Leadership and Reforms in the Progressive Era

This essay about Theodore Roosevelt’s presidency highlights his dynamic leadership and progressive reforms. It covers his antitrust actions, labor rights advocacy, public health and consumer protection measures, and commitment to conservation. Roosevelt’s foreign policy and social justice efforts are also discussed, emphasizing his lasting impact on American progressivism and the precedence he set for future leaders.

How it works

Theodore Roosevelt’s time as the 26th President of the United States stands as a pivotal chapter in American history, especially regarding leadership and progressive reforms. Ascending to the presidency in 1901 after the assassination of William McKinley, Roosevelt’s administration marked a notable shift from the laissez-faire attitudes of earlier administrations. His era signified the rise of proactive federal intervention and reforms aimed at addressing the nation’s pressing social and economic challenges.

Roosevelt’s leadership style was marked by dynamism, charisma, and direct involvement, earning him the moniker “The Bull Moose” for his vigorous and bold approach.

He advocated for the “Square Deal,” a domestic policy aimed at balancing the interests of workers, consumers, and large corporations. This principle guided many of his reforms, reflecting his belief that the government should serve as a mediator between different societal interests to prevent any single group from becoming too powerful.

A key aspect of Roosevelt’s contribution to the Progressive Era was his firm stance on antitrust regulations. At the dawn of the 20th century, the United States saw dominance by powerful industrial trusts that monopolized key economic sectors, stifling competition and exploiting labor. Roosevelt believed that while large corporations were not necessarily bad, their monopolistic practices were harmful to the public. His administration’s rigorous enforcement of the Sherman Antitrust Act, which had been largely ignored since its passage in 1890, was a testament to this belief.

One of the most notable antitrust actions of Roosevelt’s presidency was the case against the Northern Securities Company, a colossal railroad trust. In 1904, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the government, ordering the dissolution of the company. This landmark decision was a significant victory for Roosevelt and set a precedent for future antitrust litigation. His administration went on to file over 40 antitrust suits, earning him the reputation of a “trust buster.”

Roosevelt also championed labor rights, recognizing the need for improved working conditions and fair wages. A notable incident was his intervention in the 1902 coal strike. As winter neared, the nation faced a potential crisis due to coal shortages. Roosevelt took the unprecedented step of mediating the dispute, calling both sides to the White House. When mine owners refused to compromise, Roosevelt threatened to use federal troops to operate the mines. This bold move pressured both parties into reaching an agreement, ensuring a stable coal supply and underscoring Roosevelt’s commitment to fair labor practices.

Roosevelt’s commitment to progressive reforms extended to public health and consumer protection. The publication of Upton Sinclair’s “The Jungle” in 1906, which exposed the horrific conditions in the meatpacking industry, shocked the nation and prompted Roosevelt to push for regulatory reforms. This led to the passage of the Meat Inspection Act and the Pure Food and Drug Act in 1906. These laws established federal standards for food and drug safety, ensuring products were accurately labeled and sanitary, significantly enhancing public health standards.

Another cornerstone of Roosevelt’s progressive agenda was conservation. Deeply committed to preserving the nation’s natural resources, he is often regarded as the father of the American conservation movement. During his administration, over 230 million acres of land were protected through the creation of national parks, forests, and wildlife refuges. He signed the Antiquities Act of 1906, granting the President the authority to designate national monuments, thereby preserving significant natural and historical sites. Roosevelt’s efforts laid the groundwork for the modern environmental movement and demonstrated his foresight in recognizing the importance of sustainable resource management.

Roosevelt’s foreign policy, encapsulated by the phrase “speak softly, and carry a big stick,” was another aspect of his leadership that showcased his progressive ideals. He believed in maintaining a strong national defense while engaging in diplomatic efforts to ensure peace and stability. His role in negotiating the end of the Russo-Japanese War earned him the Nobel Peace Prize in 1906, highlighting his influence on the global stage.

Roosevelt’s progressive policies also extended to economic regulation aimed at curbing corporate abuses and protecting consumers. The Hepburn Act of 1906, which strengthened the Interstate Commerce Commission’s authority to regulate railroad rates, exemplifies his commitment to curbing the excesses of big business and ensuring fair competition.

His vision of a more equitable society included a focus on social justice. He advocated for improved education, workers’ compensation laws, and measures to address the needs of the poor and marginalized. While his efforts in these areas were sometimes constrained by political opposition and the limitations of the time, his advocacy helped lay the foundation for future progressive reforms.

Roosevelt’s influence extended beyond his presidency, shaping the progressive policies of his successors and the trajectory of American politics for decades. His 1912 presidential run as a third-party candidate under the Progressive Party banner, though unsuccessful, further solidified his commitment to progressive ideals and his belief in the need for continued reform.

In summary, Theodore Roosevelt’s leadership during the Progressive Era was characterized by an assertive and proactive approach to addressing the social, economic, and environmental issues of his time. His legacy as a reformer includes efforts to curb corporate power, protect labor rights, ensure consumer safety, conserve natural resources, and promote social justice. Roosevelt’s presidency not only brought about significant changes in American society but also set a precedent for future leaders, making him one of the most influential figures in the history of American progressivism.

Cite this page

Theodore Roosevelt's Leadership and Reforms in the Progressive Era. (2024, May 28). Retrieved from https://papersowl.com/examples/theodore-roosevelts-leadership-and-reforms-in-the-progressive-era/

"Theodore Roosevelt's Leadership and Reforms in the Progressive Era." PapersOwl.com , 28 May 2024, https://papersowl.com/examples/theodore-roosevelts-leadership-and-reforms-in-the-progressive-era/

PapersOwl.com. (2024). Theodore Roosevelt's Leadership and Reforms in the Progressive Era . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/theodore-roosevelts-leadership-and-reforms-in-the-progressive-era/ [Accessed: 29 May. 2024]

"Theodore Roosevelt's Leadership and Reforms in the Progressive Era." PapersOwl.com, May 28, 2024. Accessed May 29, 2024. https://papersowl.com/examples/theodore-roosevelts-leadership-and-reforms-in-the-progressive-era/

"Theodore Roosevelt's Leadership and Reforms in the Progressive Era," PapersOwl.com , 28-May-2024. [Online]. Available: https://papersowl.com/examples/theodore-roosevelts-leadership-and-reforms-in-the-progressive-era/. [Accessed: 29-May-2024]

Don't let plagiarism ruin your grade

Hire a writer to get a unique paper crafted to your needs.

Our writers will help you fix any mistakes and get an A+!

Please check your inbox.

You can order an original essay written according to your instructions.

Trusted by over 1 million students worldwide

1. Tell Us Your Requirements

2. Pick your perfect writer

3. Get Your Paper and Pay

Hi! I'm Amy, your personal assistant!

Don't know where to start? Give me your paper requirements and I connect you to an academic expert.

short deadlines

100% Plagiarism-Free

Certified writers

An official website of the United States government

Here’s how you know

Official websites use .gov A .gov website belongs to an official government organization in the United States.

Secure .gov websites use HTTPS A lock ( Lock A locked padlock ) or https:// means you’ve safely connected to the .gov website. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites.

Biden-Harris Administration Invests in Three California Domestic Fertilizer Projects to Strengthen American Farms and Businesses

DAVIS, Calif., May 23, 2024 – U.S. Department of Agriculture Rural Development California State Director Maria Gallegos Herrera today announced that USDA is investing $32 million in three California domestic fertilizer projects to strengthen competition for U.S. farmers, ranchers, and agricultural producers.

"The Biden-Harris Administration and USDA recognize California is a key contributor in our nation’s agricultural economy,” Gallegos Herrera said. “These investments will propel San Joaquin Valley and Inland Empire growers and innovators and bring agricultural jobs to local communities.”

4420 Serrano Drive LLC in Jurupa Valley will use a $25 million grant to build and equip a Black Soldier Fly food waste upcycling facility. The facility uses insects to recycle food waste into an organic nutrient fertilizer. Through this funding, the facility is expected to produce 11,400 tons annually, which will provide domestic fertilizer for approximately 90 producers in the region.

Corigin Solutions Inc. in Merced will use a $2.8 million grant to expand a carbon removal facility. This business converts agricultural waste into regenerative crop inputs. It’s expected this project will help remove 22,000 tons of CO2 pollution per year.

Gemperle Brothers dba Gemperle Fam Farms in Turlock will use a nearly $4 million grant to build a chicken litter pellet fertilizer facility. This locally owned and operated business plans to produce 50,000 tons of fertilizer within its first two years, providing a domestic fertilizer option for about 100 local producers.

In total, the Department announced today it is awarding $83 million in 12 states for projects through the Fertilizer Production Expansion Program (FPEP). This program provides grants to independent business owners to help them modernize equipment, adopt new technologies, build production plants and more.

These investments will boost domestic fertilizer production, strengthen competition, and lower costs for U.S. farmers. The projects will also help U.S. farmers increase independent, domestic fertilizer production.

Under the Biden-Harris Administration, USDA Rural Development provides loans and grants to help expand economic opportunities, create jobs and improve the quality of life for millions of Americans in rural areas. This assistance supports infrastructure improvements; business development; housing; community facilities such as schools, public safety and health care; and high-speed internet access in rural, Tribal and high-poverty areas. For more information, visit www.rd.usda.gov /ca . To subscribe to USDA Rural Development updates, visit our GovDelivery subscriber page .

Mobile Menu Overlay

The White House 1600 Pennsylvania Ave NW Washington, DC 20500

FACT SHEET: Biden- ⁠ Harris Administration Announces New Principles for High-Integrity Voluntary Carbon Markets

Since Day One, President Biden has led and delivered on the most ambitious climate agenda in history, including by securing the Inflation Reduction Act, the largest-ever climate investment, and taking executive action to cut greenhouse gas emissions across every sector of the economy. The President’s Investing in America agenda has already catalyzed more than $860 billion in business investments through smart, public incentives in industries of the future like electric vehicles (EVs), clean energy, and semiconductors. With support from the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, CHIPS and Science Act, and Inflation Reduction Act, these investments are creating new American jobs in manufacturing and clean energy and helping communities that have been left behind make a comeback.

The Biden-Harris Administration is committed to taking ambitious action to drive the investments needed to achieve our nation’s historic climate goals – cutting greenhouse gas emissions in half by 2030 and reaching net zero by 2050. President Biden firmly believes that these investments must create economic opportunities across America’s diverse businesses – ranging from farms in rural communities, to innovative technology companies, to historically- underserved entrepreneurs.

As part of this commitment, the Biden-Harris Administration is today releasing a Joint Statement of Policy and new Principles for Responsible Participation in Voluntary Carbon Markets (VCMs) that codify the U.S. government’s approach to advance high-integrity VCMs. The principles and statement, co-signed by Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen, Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack, Energy Secretary Jennifer Granholm, Senior Advisor for International Climate Policy John Podesta, National Economic Advisor Lael Brainard, and National Climate Advisor Ali Zaidi, represent the U.S. government’s commitment to advancing the responsible development of VCMs, with clear incentives and guardrails in place to ensure that this market drives ambitious and credible climate action and generates economic opportunity.

The President’s Investing in America agenda has crowded in a historic surge of private capital to take advantage of the generational investments in the Inflation Reduction Act and Bipartisan Infrastructure Law. High-integrity VCMs have the power to further crowd in private capital and reliably fund diverse organizations at home and abroad –whether climate technology companies, small businesses, farmers, or entrepreneurs –that are developing and deploying projects to reduce carbon emissions and remove carbon from the atmosphere. However, further steps are needed to strengthen this market and enable VCMs to deliver on their potential. Observers have found evidence that several popular crediting methodologies do not reliably produce the decarbonization outcomes they claim. In too many instances, credits do not live up to the high standards necessary for market participants to transact transparently and with certainty that credit purchases will deliver verifiable decarbonization. As a result, additional action is needed to rectify challenges that have emerged, restore confidence to the market, and ensure that VCMs live up to their potential to drive climate ambition and deliver on their decarbonization promise. This includes: establishing robust standards for carbon credit supply and demand; improving market functioning; ensuring fair and equitable treatment of all participants and advancing environmental justice, including fair distribution of revenue; and instilling market confidence.

The Administration’s Principles for Responsible Participation announced today deliver on this need for action to help VCMs achieve their potential. These principles include:

Carbon credits and the activities that generate them should meet credible atmospheric integrity standards and represent real decarbonization.
Credit-generating activities should avoid environmental and social harm and should, where applicable, support co-benefits and transparent and inclusive benefits-sharing.
Corporate buyers that use credits should prioritize measurable emissions reductions within their own value chains.
Credit users should publicly disclose the nature of purchased and retired credits.
Public claims by credit users should accurately reflect the climate impact of retired credits and should only rely on credits that meet high integrity standards.
Market participants should contribute to efforts that improve market integrity.
Policymakers and market participants should facilitate efficient market participation and seek to lower transaction costs.

The Role of High-Quality Voluntary Carbon Markets in Addressing Climate Change President Biden, through his executive actions and his legislative agenda, has led and delivered on the most ambitious climate agenda in history. Today’s release of the Principles for Responsible Participation in Voluntary Carbon Markets furthers the President’s commitment to restoring America’s climate leadership at home and abroad by recognizing the role that high- quality VCMs can play in amplifying climate action alongside, not in place of, other ambitious actions underway.

High-integrity, well-functioning VCMs can accelerate decarbonization in several ways. VCMs can deliver steady, reliable revenue streams to a range of decarbonization projects, programs, and practices, including nature-based solutions and innovative climate technologies that scale up carbon removal. VCMs can also deliver important co-benefits both here at home and abroad, including supporting economic development, sustaining livelihoods of Tribal Nations, Indigenous Peoples, and local communities, and conserving land and water resources and biodiversity. Credit-generating activities should also put in place safeguards to identify and avoid potential adverse impacts and advance environmental justice.

To deliver on these benefits, VCMs must consistently deliver high-integrity carbon credits that represent real, additional, lasting, unique, and independently verified emissions reductions or removals. Put simply, stakeholders must be certain that one credit truly represents one tonne of carbon dioxide (or its equivalent) reduced or removed from the atmosphere, beyond what would have otherwise occurred. In addition, there must be a high level of “demand integrity” in these markets. Credit buyers should support their purchases with credible, scientifically sound claims regarding their use of credits. Purchasers and users should prioritize measurable and feasible emissions reductions within their own value chains and should not prioritize credit price and quantity at the expense of quality or engage in “greenwashing” that undercuts the decarbonization impact of VCMs. The use of credits should complement, not replace, measurable within-value-chain emissions reductions.

VCMs have reached an inflection point. The Biden-Harris Administration believes that VCMs can drive significant progress toward our climate goals if action is taken to support robust markets undergirded by high-integrity supply and demand. With these high standards in place, corporate buyers and others will be able to channel significant, necessary financial resources to combat climate change through VCMs. A need has emerged for leadership to guide the development of VCMs toward high-quality and high-efficacy decarbonization actions. The Biden-Harris Administration is stepping up to meet that need.

Biden-Harris Administration Actions to Develop Voluntary Carbon Markets

These newly released principles build on existing and ongoing efforts across the Biden-Harris Administration to encourage the development of high-integrity voluntary carbon markets and to put in place the necessary incentives and guardrails for this market to reach its potential. These include:

Creating New Climate Opportunities for America’s Farmers and Forest Landowners. Today, The Department of Agriculture’s (USDA) Agricultural Marketing Service (AMS) published a Request for Information (RFI) in the Federal Register asking for public input relating to the protocols used in VCMs. This RFI is USDA’s next step in implementing the Greenhouse Gas Technical Assistance Provider and Third-Party Verifier Program as part of the Growing Climate Solutions Act. In February 2024, USDA announced its intent to establish the program, which will help lower barriers to market participation and enable farmers, ranchers, and private forest landowners to participate in voluntary carbon markets by helping to identify high-integrity protocols for carbon credit generation that are designed to ensure consistency, effectiveness, efficiency, and transparency. The program will connect farmers, ranchers and private landowners with resources on trusted third-party verifiers and technical assistance providers. This announcement followed a previous report by the USDA, The General Assessment of the Role of Agriculture and Forestry in the U.S. Carbon Markets , which described how voluntary carbon markets can serve as an opportunity for farmers and forest landowners to reduce emissions. In addition to USDA AMS’s work to implement the Growing Climate Solutions Act, USDA’s Forest Service recently announced $145 million inawards under President Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act to underserved and small- acreage forest landowners to address climate change, while also supporting rural economies and maintaining land ownership for future generations through participation in VCMs.
Conducting First-of-its-kind Credit Purchases. Today, the Department of Energy (DOE) announced the semifinalists for its $35 million Carbon Dioxide Removal Purchase Pilot Prize whereby DOE will purchase carbon removal credits directly from sellers on a competitive basis. The Prize will support technologies that remove carbon emissions directly from the atmosphere, including direct air capture with storage, biomass with carbon removal and storage, enhanced weathering and mineralization, and planned or managed carbon sinks. These prizes support technology advancement for decarbonization with a focus on incorporating environmental justice, community benefits planning and engagement, equity, and workforce development. To complement this effort, the Department of Energy also issued a notice of intent for a Voluntary Carbon Dioxide Removal Purchase Challenge, which proposes to create a public leaderboard for voluntary carbon removal purchases while helping to connect buyers and sellers.
Advancing Innovation in Carbon Dioxide Removal (CDR) Technology. Aside from direct support for voluntary carbon markets, the Biden-Harris Administration is investing in programs that will accelerate the development and deployment of critical carbon removal technologies that will help us reach net zero. For example, DOE’s Carbon Negative Shot pilot program provides $100 million in grants for small projects that demonstrate and scale solutions like biomass carbon removal and storage and small mineralization pilots, complementing other funding programs for small marine CDR and direct air capture pilots. DOE’s Regional Direct Air Capture Hubs program invests up to $3.5 billion from the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law in demonstration projects that aim to help direct air capture technology achieve commercial viability at scale while delivering community benefits. Coupled with DOE funding to advance monitoring, measurement, reporting, and verification technology and protocols and Department of the Treasury implementation of the expanded 45Q tax credit under the Inflation Reduction Act, the U.S. is making comprehensive investments in CDR that will enable more supply of high- quality carbon credits in the future.
Leading International Standards Setting. Several U.S. departments and agencies help lead the United States’ participation in international standard-setting efforts that help shape the quality of activities and credits that often find a home in VCMs. The Department of Transportation and Department of State co-lead the United States’ participation in the Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation (CORSIA), a global effort to reduce aviation-related emissions. The Department of State works bilaterally and with international partners and stakeholders to recognize and promote best practice in carbon credit market standard-setting—for example, developing the G7’s Principles for High-Integrity Carbon Markets and leading the United States’ engagement on designing the Paris Agreement’s Article 6.4 Crediting Mechanism . The U.S. government has also supported a number of initiatives housed at the World Bank that support the development of standards for jurisdictional crediting programs, including the Forest Carbon Partnership Facility and the Initiative for Sustainable ForestLandscapes, and the United States is the first contributor to the new SCALE trust fund.
Supporting International Market Development. The U.S. government is engaged in a number of efforts to support the development of high-integrity VCMs in international markets, including in developing countries, and to provide technical and financial assistance to credit-generating projects and programs in those countries. The State Department helped found and continues to coordinate the U.S. government’s participation in the LEAF Coalition , the largest public-private VCM effort, which uses jurisdictional-scale approaches to help end tropical deforestation. The State Department is also a founding partner and coordinates U.S. government participation in the Energy Transition Accelerator, which is focused on sector-wide approaches to accelerate just energy transitions in developing markets. USAID also has a number of programs that offer financial aid and technical assistance to projects and programs seeking to generate carbon credits in developing markets, ensuring projects are held to the highest standards of transparency, integrity, reliability, safety, and results and that they fairly benefit Indigenous Peoples and local communities. This work includes the Acorn Carbon Fund, which mobilizes $100 million to unlock access to carbon markets and build the climate resilience of smallholder farmers, and supporting high-integrity carbon market development in a number of developing countries. In addition, the Department of the Treasury is working with international partners, bilaterally and in multilateral forums like the G20 Finance Track, to promote high-integrity VCMs globally. This includes initiating the first multilateral finance ministry discussion about the role of VCMs as part of last year’s Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum.
Providing Clear Guidance to Financial Institutions Supporting the Transition to Net Zero. In September 2023, the Department of the Treasury released its Principles for Net- Zero Financing and Investment to support the development and execution of robust net- zero commitments and transition plans. Later this year, Treasury will host a dialogue on accelerating the deployment of transition finance and a forum on further improving market integrity in VCMs.
Enhancing Measuring, Monitoring, Reporting, and Verification (MMRV) The Biden-Harris Administration is also undertaking a whole-of-government effort to enhance our ability to measure and monitor greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, a critical function underpinning the scientific integrity and atmospheric impact of credited activities. In November 2023, the Biden-Harris Administration released the first-ever National Strategy to Advance an Integrated U.S. Greenhouse Gas Measurement, Monitoring, and Information System , which seeks to enhance coordination and integration of GHG measurement, modeling, and data efforts to provide actionable GHG information. As part of implementation of the National Strategy, federal departments and agencies such as DOE, USDA, the Department of the Interior, the Department of Commerce, and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration are engaging in collaborative efforts to develop, test, and deploy technologies and other capabilities to measure, monitor, and better understand GHG emissions.
Advancing Market Integrity and Protecting Against Fraud and Abuse. U.S. regulatory agencies are helping to build high-integrity VCMs by promoting the integrity of these markets. For example, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) proposed new guidance at COP28 to outline factors that derivatives exchanges may consider when listing voluntary carbon credit derivative contracts to promote the integrity, transparency, and liquidity of these developing markets. Earlier in 2023, the CFTC issued a whistleblower alert to inform the American public of how to identify and report potential Commodity Exchange Act violations connected to fraud and manipulation in voluntary carbon credit spot markets and the related derivative markets. The CFTC also stood up a new Environmental Fraud Task Force to address fraudulent activity and bad actors in these carbon markets. Internationally, the CFTC has also promoted the integrity of the VCMs by Co-Chairing the Carbon Markets Workstream of the International Organization of Securities Commission’s Sustainable Finance Task Force, which recently published a consultation on 21 good practices for regulatory authorities to consider in structuring sound, well-functioning VCMs.
Taking a Whole-of-Government Approach to Coordinate Action. To coordinate the above actions and others across the Administration, the White House has stood up an interagency Task Force on Voluntary Carbon Markets. This group, comprising officials from across federal agencies and offices, will ensure there is a coordinated, government- wide approach to address the challenges and opportunities in this market and support the development of high-integrity VCMs.

The Biden-Harris Administration recognizes that the future of VCMs and their ability to effectively address climate change depends on a well-functioning market that links a supply of high-integrity credits to high-integrity demand from credible buyers. Today’s new statement and principles underscore a commitment to ensuring that VCMs fulfill their intended purpose to drive private capital toward innovative technological and nature-based solutions, preserve and protect natural ecosystems and lands, and support the United States and our international partners in our collective efforts to meet our ambitious climate goals.

Stay Connected

We'll be in touch with the latest information on how President Biden and his administration are working for the American people, as well as ways you can get involved and help our country build back better.

Opt in to send and receive text messages from President Biden.

Official websites use .mass.gov

Secure websites use HTTPS certificate

A lock icon ( ) or https:// means you’ve safely connected to the official website. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites.

search across the entire site
search in Governor Maura Healey and Lt. Governor Kim Driscoll
This page, Healey-Driscoll Administration Expands Universal Pre-K Access in Eight Additional School Districts , is offered by
Governor Maura Healey and Lt. Governor Kim Driscoll

Press Release Healey-Driscoll Administration Expands Universal Pre-K Access in Eight Additional School Districts

Executive Office of Education
Department of Early Education and Care

Media Contact for Healey-Driscoll Administration Expands Universal Pre-K Access in Eight Additional School Districts

Karissa hand, press secretary.

Boston — The Healey-Driscoll Administration announced today that eight school districts are receiving $1.7 million in new Commonwealth Preschool Partnership Initiative (CPPI) grants to further support their efforts to expand access to affordable high-quality preschool. Six currently participating districts will be expanding their efforts, adding 10 preschool classrooms, representing an additional 259 seats across public schools and community-based preschool programs. This includes Gloucester, Haverhill, Holyoke, Hoosac Valley (that covers Adams and Cheshire MA), New Bedford and Westfield school districts.

Further, the administration is awarding $50,000 each to the Chicopee and Taunton school districts as new grantees to support planning and early implementation of a universal access to affordable high-quality preschool plan. These grants will support districts in building partnerships with local community-based early education and care programs, developing a leadership team, conducting a needs assessment, and drafting a strategic plan.

“We know that the high cost of child care is holding back our families, our providers and our economy from their full potential. That’s why we have been focused on expanding access to affordable, high-quality preschool, creating new seats for children in Gateway Cities and rural communities across the state,” said  Governor Healey . “Our ‘Gateway to Pre-K' agenda would build on this progress by expanding high-quality pre-k access to even more communities, lowering costs for more families, and ensuring our hardworking providers have the support they need to deliver high-quality care.” 

“As a former mayor, I know how important access to high-quality preschool is for families and for closing the learning gap before kids enter kindergarten. This funding is going to local school districts and community-based early education and care programs, highlighting our commitment to supporting cities and towns from Western to Southern Massachusetts in meeting the needs of their residents and making our state a more affordable and equitable place to live, learn, work and play,” said  Lieutenant Governor Driscoll .  

A main driver in the administration’s approach to expand preschool access and promote kindergarten readiness, CPPI establishes a district–wide preschool program across classes in public and community-based early education and care programs. By working across the state’s mixed early education system, districts are expanding access to a range of programs that meet different needs of working families. CPPI also promotes equitable access to special education to ensure full inclusion of children with disabilities across all settings. Through this program, the CPPI funding also provides scholarships to participating families to enroll in preschool at no or low cost and enables full day/full year services to families through public and community-based classrooms.

“The Healey-Driscoll Administration is committed to expanding access to affordable high-quality preschool across Massachusetts. In partnership with the Legislature, we delivered $16 million already this year and with $1.7 million more now, we’re making the necessary investments to reach more kids in more communities,” said  Education Secretary Patrick Tutwiler . “This is not just an investment in our children and families, early childhood educators, and local communities—it's a downpayment on the future success of our state.” 

“The Administration is focused on expanding low or no cost preschool access to provide children across the state with the high-quality early education experiences we know give them the academic and social-emotional skills they need to enter kindergarten,” said  Early Education and Care Commissioner Amy Kershaw . “We are glad that six additional districts are receiving expansion grants to add classrooms and serve additional families across the state. EEC also looks forward to working with the Chicopee and Taunton school districts, and their partners, to support them in planning and implementing universal access to pre-k in their districts through our diverse mixed-delivery system.”

“The Commonwealth Preschool Partnership Initiative is a great example of how the state is bringing high-quality preschool experiences to more families,” said Elementary and Secondary Education Acting Commissioner Russell D. Johnston. “We’re happy to see districts participate in this opportunity.” 

These grants build on the $16.4 million already awarded this fiscal year for districts and early education and care programs universal access to preschool. Governor Healey’s proposed “ Gateway to Pre-K " agenda will further expand these efforts, investing an additional $15 million in fiscal year 2025, for a total of $38.7 million, to move Massachusetts closer to meeting the goal of universal, high-quality preschool access for four-year-olds in all Gateway Cities by the end of 2026. With this new announcement, 19 gateway cities are now receiving CPPI to enable expanded affordable preschool access.

"The CPPI Grant is transforming Gloucester's approach to early childhood education and care. Through Gloucester Public Schools' partnerships with Pathways for Children, the Cape Ann YMCA and Kindred Gardens, more families are accessing affordable early childhood programs and special education services. Our work together is making sure Gloucester's youngest students are getting the high quality curriculum and services they need at the program that is the best fit for their family,” said Superintendent of Gloucester Public Schools Ben Lummis.

“Over the last two years, Westfield Public Schools has partnered with our local Boys and Girls Club and the YMCA to expand pre kindergarten offerings in our community because we know that students who are able to attend preschool have significantly improved learning outcomes.  We are grateful to the Healey-Driscoll Administration for continuing to support this critical initiative to support our early learners,” said Superintendent of Westfield Public Schools Stefan Czaporowski . 

“New Bedford Public Schools and our community partners have expanded access to preschool for city families at historically high rates and with the sustained support of the Department we are seeing very clear longer-term benefits for New Bedford children's academic and social development,” said New Bedford Superintendent Andrew O'Leary .

“This grant allows us to plan the most effective, impactful, and equitable expansion of PreK services across our City,” said Taunton Superintendent John J. Cabral. “It also enables us to further strengthen our vital community partnerships with Head Start and the Old Colony YMCA and reinforce our commitment to nurturing our youngest learners' social and emotional development.”

Second round of FY24 new CPPI awardees:

Second round of FY24 CPPI expansion awardees:

Governor Maura Healey and Lt. Governor Kim Driscoll

Executive office of education , department of early education and care , help us improve mass.gov with your feedback.

The feedback will only be used for improving the website. If you need assistance, please contact Governor Healey and Lt. Governor Driscoll . Please limit your input to 500 characters.

Thank you for your website feedback! We will use this information to improve this page.

If you need assistance, please contact Governor Healey and Lt. Governor Driscoll .

If you would like to continue helping us improve Mass.gov, join our user panel to test new features for the site.

Share full article

Supported by

Guest Essay

Do You Want a ‘Unified Reich’ Mind-Set in the White House?

A photo of Donald Trump raising his fist in the air. His arm is obscuring his face from the side.

By David Austin Walsh

Dr. Walsh is a postdoctoral associate at the Yale program for the study of antisemitism and the author of “Taking America Back: The Conservative Movement and the Far Right.”

It is hard to be shocked by Donald Trump anymore. The former president’s trial over hush money paid to a porn star has made history, and his performance in court has been so farcical that Mr. Trump was threatened with jail time for contempt of court. He has called his political enemies “vermin” and said that immigrants are “poisoning the blood” of America. Mr. Trump’s transgressions against American political norms are by now almost a cliché.

Yet when Mr. Trump posted on Monday a video on his Truth Social account that featured mock headlines about his re-election in 2024, including one that predicted that “what’s next for America” was the “creation of a unified reich,” it was a shock of a different order, a suggestion that our country was on a glide path toward Nazi Germany in a second Trump term.

Mr. Trump’s penchant for flirting with authoritarianism and fascism is well known — he praised the neo-Nazi marchers in Charlottesville, Va., in 2017, has dined with the white supremacist Nick Fuentes and, of course, instigated the Jan. 6 riot. But the “unified reich” video shows a different kind of danger in another Trump presidency.

The Associated Press reported that the references in the video “appear to be a reference to the formation of the modern Pan-German nation, unifying smaller states into a single reich, or empire, in 1871.” A Trump campaign representative claimed that the video was posted by a campaign staff member while the candidate was in court. That underscores the bigger problem in the Republican Party today, one that goes far beyond Mr. Trump: a generation of young Republican staff members appears to be developing terminal white nationalist brain. And they will staff the next Republican administration.

This is a problem that other Republican candidates have faced as well. Last July the Ron DeSantis campaign fired a speechwriter and former National Review contributor, Nate Hochman, for promoting a pro-DeSantis video featuring Nazi imagery ; and scores of Republican aides on Capitol Hill have been outed by reporters as “groypers” — a term used to describe fans of Mr. Fuentes.

Not every young Republican campaign staff member is a fascist. But the far right is a significant part of the Republican Party’s political coalition. Mr. Trump sailed through the G.O.P. primaries and has probably secured the nomination. The presence of so many extremist elements in positions of power and influence is the price to be paid in the party’s bargain with MAGAism: Representatives Marjorie Taylor Greene and Paul Gosar addressed a white nationalist conference in 2022, and an investigative report from 2020 found that at least 12 Trump administrative aides had ties to neo-Nazi and anti-immigrant hate groups.

The contemporary American right might not be a monolith, but it functions like a “ popular front ,” which traditionally refers to the broad coalition between leftists and liberals in the 1930s unifying against a common fascist enemy. But similar dynamics existed on the right throughout the 20th century and continue.

This is not a new dynamic in conservative politics. The popular-front approach was the staple organizing principle of the American right during the 20th century. In fact, the right-wing popular front gave birth to modern conservatism, unifying a disparate group of right wingers, including luminaries like Senator Joseph McCarthy, Gen. Douglas MacArthur and William F. Buckley Jr. and more obscure — and more radical — figures like the magazine owner Russell Maguire, the classics professor Revilo Oliver and the American Nazi Party chief George Lincoln Rockwell. What bound this motley coalition together was shared opposition to communism, socialism and New Deal liberalism.

Extremists and fascist sympathizers could be found even in the commanding heights of the movement — and other conservatives knew it. Mr. Maguire, a Connecticut businessman and arms manufacturer, purchased The American Mercury magazine in 1952 and turned it into one of the most influential conservative journals of its day, inveighing against the threat of international communism, creeping liberalism and collectivism. It was perhaps the most widely read conservative magazine of its era, with a circulation of over 100,000 at its peak in the mid-1950s (by contrast, Mr. Buckley’s National Review struggled to reach 20,000 readers by the end of the decade).

But Mr. Maguire was also an outspoken antisemite who helped distribute books claiming that a Jewish plot threatened to subvert America. The editor of The American Mercury, William Bradford Huie, defended his professional relationship with the publisher because Mr. Maguire’s money was helping to get the conservative message out. “If suddenly I heard Adolf Hitler was alive in South America and wanted to give a million dollars to The American Mercury,” he told a reporter, “I would go down and get it.”

Still, there were political limits to openly embracing the swastika only a few years after World War II, which suggests that appeals to a “unified reich” will backfire on the Trump campaign. Both Mr. Maguire and Mr. Buckley had employed Mr. Rockwell at their magazines in the late 1950s. Mr. Rockwell, who according to his autobiography had embraced Nazism as early as 1951, approached Mr. Maguire in the late 1950s to finance a “slow, secret Nazi buildup” throughout the country. To Mr. Rockwell’s dismay, Mr. Maguire — a millionaire — offered him only $1,000. The political costs of organizing under the swastika were too high.

After Mr. Rockwell began making public appearances as a Nazi, he quickly became one of the most hated men in the country. Ironically, many of his political stances — opposition to the civil rights movement, support for segregation and intense antipathy to communism — were relatively popular in America in the 1960s, but explicitly tying those politics to Nazi imagery was a dead end. Whatever behind-the-scenes political influence Mr. Rockwell amassed working for The American Mercury or National Review was extinguished when he embraced the swastika.

Times have changed. While the far right has not been the decisive political force that put Mr. Trump in office, he has benefited from its support in some states — and has never paid a clear political price for boosting extremists. Despite his extensive record of political extremism, Mr. Trump still won over 74 million votes in 2020 and has maintained a consistent polling edge over President Biden in 2024.

Contemporary far-right activists like Mr. Fuentes clearly see Mr. Trump’s campaign as another opportunity to build power and influence. And unlike in decades past — where the far right was an important part of the right-wing popular front but did not exert hegemonic control — MAGAism is today the dominant strain in conservative politics.

If elected, Mr. Trump has promised to not govern as a dictator “except for Day 1” of his administration and to “root out the communists, Marxists, fascists and the radical-left thugs.” These are not empty words; the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025 proposals are a road map to use executive authority to purge the federal government and replace current civil servants with conservative loyalists.

The likeliest candidates for those positions are campaign staff members and other activists. Given that it now seems to be almost commonplace for Republican staff members to have ties to white nationalists and neo-Nazis and that the Texas G.O.P. recently voted against barring them from associating with antisemitic individuals or groups, we should be very concerned about the potential role of far-right aides in a second Trump administration.

A unified reich in America may still be just a fantasy, but those fantasists could soon be in positions of real power.

David Austin Walsh is a postdoctoral associate at the Yale program for the study of antisemitism and the author of “ Taking America Back : The Conservative Movement and the Far Right.”

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

Follow the New York Times Opinion section on Facebook , Instagram , TikTok , WhatsApp , X and Threads .

COMMENTS

Good Governance in Rural Local Administration
1. Introduction. Since the late 1980s, good governance has been a crucial point for programme implementation and decision making for many nations worldwide ( Pomeranz and Stedman 2020 ), including the central, local, and rural local administration. Governance is one of the buzzwords in the development field ( Yong and Wenhao 2012) and in modern ...
Rural Administration in India
Rural administration refers to the initiatives undertaken by the government to govern the public affairs of the rural population and administer to them the benefits the state provides. It has different layers and divisions of different authorities for districts, taluks, villages and towns. Each of these sections has authorities such as police ...
Why US rural policy matters
The essay included a call for a national rural policy to help "put local assets to creative use, unleash entrepreneurial activity, share the benefits widely and retain the value locally.". It ...
The Role of Rural Development Administrators in Rural Institutions
Vilma Atkočiūnienė, Gintarė Vaznonienė, Alvydas Aleksandravičius. The role of rural development administrators in rural institutions. 144. The European Union adopted the notion "smart ...
Governance and Administration in Rural Areas
Abstract. Governance and administrative functions are integral in order to implement the. functioning in an effectual manner. In order to lead to effective growth and progression of the ...
(PDF) Rural Administration
The history of rural administration in India can be traced back to the seventeenth. century, when the voluntary efforts to provide service to the human resources were initiated. More than 70 ...
Rural Administration In India: Patwari, Tehsildar, District ...
In many cases, the SHO (station head officer) is inefficient and also ignores complaints by calling them too "small" and "unimportant" for registration. Such is the sad situation of rural administration in India. 2] Patwari (Land Measurer) Let us understand the role of a Patwari with an example.
(PDF) Good Governance in Rural Local Administration
Good Governance in Rural Local Administration. Zaitul Zaitul 1, * , Desi Ilona 2 and Neva Novianti. Department of Accounting, Universitas Bung Hatta, Padang 25133, Indonesia. Department of ...
Rural Development .:. Sustainable Development Knowledge Platform
A/RES/70/1 - Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Goal 2. End hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture. 2.a Increase investment, including through enhanced international cooperation, in rural infrastructure, agricultural research and extension services, technology ...
Public Management in Rural Local Governments: An Assessment of
Within this complex and dynamic picture of rural life, however, are local governments that provide services on a daily basis. Permits are issued, potholes are filled, elections are administered, and challenges are met to the degree expertise and resources allow ().Nonetheless, the state of public management in rural localities is relatively unknown.
Rural Administration: Structure, Functions, Concepts, Videos ...
Rural Administration. There are 6,40,867 villages in India according to the 2011 census! The sheer number is quite staggering itself. The administration of these villages, so that things run smoothly, has to be extremely efficient. Let us take a look at the structure of rural administration of our country and the problems it faces.
PDF Good Governance in Rural Local Administration
1. Introduction. Since the late 1980s, good governance has been a crucial point for programme im-plementation and decision making for many nations worldwide (Pomeranz and Stedman 2020), including the central, local, and rural local administration. Governance is one of the buzzwords in the development field (Yong and Wenhao 2012) and in modern ...
Opinion
Guest Essay. Biden Wants to Send Billions to Rural America, but This Must Happen First. May 26, 2024 ... The administration has put so-called navigators in selected communities to help them ...
PDF UNIT 13 RURAL LOCAL GOVERNANCE: CHALLENGES, OPPORTUNITIES AND
Rural local governance has emerged as a prominent issue in the literature of Public Administration and is one of the important social inventions of this century. It became an important policy objective during the 1970s and 1980s, as the government in developing countries sought to create more socially equitable ...
Rural issues in urban planning: current trends and reflections
The general characteristics of rural planning qua river basin planning were: (1) the centrality of state leadership and resourcing; (2) the importance of expert-driven scientific rationality; and (3) a commitment to the integrated development of natural resources for human use (Morrison, Lane, and Hibbard 2015 ).
Rural development
Rural development is the process of improving the quality of life and economic well-being of people living in rural areas, often relatively isolated and sparsely populated areas. Often, rural regions have experienced rural poverty, poverty greater than urban or suburban economic regions due to lack of access to economic activities, and lack of investments in key infrastructure such as education.
Rural Development Administration in India
P. R. Dubhashi. Popular Prakashan, 1970 - Community development - 343 pages. Compilation of essays on the changing pattern of public administration of community development and rural development in India - covers decentralization, the leadership roles of administrators, training programmes for civil servants, etc.
Rural India: Progress and Problems
India is a country of contrasts, where rapid economic growth coexists with persistent poverty and social problems. The rural areas, which house about two-thirds of the population, are undergoing significant changes in terms of living standards, education, health, and environment.. As India's rural landscape undergoes a transformative journey, marked by a commendable decline in multidimensional ...
What is Rural Administration?
The word rural denotes an area that is undeveloped, or under developed. It refers to small settlements which is outside the boundaries of a city, commercial or industrial area and may include countryside areas and villages, where there is natural vegetation. The primary source of income is agriculture and animal husbandry.
PDF Local Government and Rural Development in Nigeria Since ...
of our essay focuscs on identifying the role of local government in rural development. Local Goverment and Rural Development "L'administration doit façonner son environnement et ne pas se contenter d'un combat d'arrière garde"23-It is universally accepted that administration, be it at the grassroots or at the national
Rural Administration Class 6 Notes CBSE Political Science ...
CBSE Class 6 Political Science Chapter 6 is called Rural Administration and it is an important chapter in the syllabus of students. In this chapter, students are introduced to the workings and systems in villages belonging to rural India. Reading the chapter will allow students to learn about the administration and working procedures in these ...
The Demonization of Rural America
By Bobi Conn. May 23, 2024 7:00 AM EDT. Conn is a Kentucky author of memoir and fiction. Her new novel Someplace Like Home explores the resilience of women living in Appalachia and rural America ...
Biden-Harris Administration Invests in Domestic ...
It is also one of many ways the Administration is promoting fair competition, innovation and resiliency across food and agriculture while combating the climate crisis. USDA Rural Development provides loans and grants to help expand economic opportunities, create jobs and improve the quality of life for millions of Americans in rural areas.
Urban Administration in India
The first urban administration started in Madras in 1687. Later in 1726, the Calcutta municipal corporation and the Bombay municipal corporation had formed. As of now, The BMC is the largest municipal corporation in India. If we observe the difference between rural and Urban Administration in India, the rural areas are further divisions of ...
Ruby Bridges: a Pioneering Journey through the Tides of History
In the rich tapestry of American history, one thread stands out boldly: the story of Ruby Bridges. Born amidst the cotton fields and magnolia blossoms of rural Mississippi on a September day in 1954, Ruby's early life was woven with the fibers of struggle and perseverance that defined her journey through the labyrinth of segregation and towards the beacon of equality.
Theodore Roosevelt's Leadership and Reforms in the Progressive Era
Ascending to the presidency in 1901 after the assassination of William McKinley, Roosevelt's administration. Essay Example: Theodore Roosevelt's time as the 26th President of the United States stands as a pivotal chapter in American history, especially regarding leadership and progressive reforms. Ascending to the presidency in 1901 after the ...
Biden-Harris Administration Invests in Three ...
DAVIS, Calif., May 23, 2024 - U.S. Department of Agriculture Rural Development California State Director Maria Gallegos Herrera today announced that USDA is investing $32 million in three California domestic fertilizer projects to strengthen competition for U.S. farmers, ranchers, and agricultural producers. "The Biden-Harris Administration and USDA recognize California is a key contributor ...
FACT SHEET: Biden-Harris Administration Announces New Principles for
The Biden-Harris Administration is committed to taking ambitious action to drive the investments needed to achieve our nation's historic climate goals - cutting greenhouse gas emissions in ...
Healey-Driscoll Administration Expands Universal Pre-K ...
Boston — The Healey-Driscoll Administration announced today that eight school districts are receiving $1.7 million in new Commonwealth Preschool Partnership Initiative (CPPI) grants to further support their efforts to expand access to affordable high-quality preschool. Six currently participating districts will be expanding their efforts, adding 10 preschool classrooms, representing an ...
Do You Want a 'Unified Reich' Mind-Set in the White House?
Mr. Trump's penchant for flirting with authoritarianism and fascism is well known — he praised the neo-Nazi marchers in Charlottesville, Va., in 2017, has dined with the white supremacist Nick ...