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The Role of School in Adolescents’ Identity Development. A Literature Review

• REVIEW ARTICLE
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• Published: 26 December 2018
• Volume 31 , pages 35–63, ( 2019 )

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• Monique Verhoeven   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-9931-3968 1 ,
• Astrid M. G. Poorthuis 2 &
• Monique Volman 1  

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Schools can play an important role in adolescents’ identity development. To date, research on the role of school in adolescents’ identity development is scattered across research fields that employ different theoretical perspectives on identity. The aim of this literature review was to integrate the findings on the role of school in adolescents’ identity development from different research fields and to provide schools and teachers with insights into how adolescents’ identity development can be supported. Using constant comparative analysis, 111 studies were analyzed. We included articles on personal and social identity and on school-related identity dimensions. Three groups of studies emerged. First, studies on how schools and teachers unintentionally impact adolescents’ identity showed that, at school, messages may unintentionally be communicated to adolescents concerning who they should or can be through differentiation and selection, teaching strategies, teacher expectations, and peer norms. Second, studies on how schools and teachers can intentionally support adolescents’ identity development showed that different types of explorative learning experiences can be organized to support adolescents’ identity development: experiences aimed at exploring new identity positions (in-breadth exploration), further specifying already existing self-understandings (in-depth exploration), and reflecting on self-understandings (reflective exploration). The third group suggests that explorative learning experiences must be meaningful and situated in a supportive classroom climate in order to foster adolescents’ identity development. Together, the existing studies suggest that schools and teachers are often unaware of the many different ways in which they may significantly impact adolescents’ identity development.

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Introduction

Identity development is an important task in adolescence. Adolescents are supposed to be concerned with developing educational and professional goals while shaping an image of who they are and want to be. Previous research indicates that a relatively clear and stable identity makes people more resilient, reflective, and autonomous in the pursuit of important life decisions, while promoting a sense of competence (e.g., Flum and Kaplan 2006 ; Kroger et al. 2010 ). However, it has been argued that developing a clear and stable identity has become increasingly challenging due to processes of individualization, emancipation, and migration (e.g., Beck et al. 1994 ). School—a place where adolescents spend a lot of time—is an important context where adolescents’ identity development can be supported: Here, teachers can help adolescents to explore the identity implications of the new ideas, activities, or possibilities they are introduced to at school (e.g., Coll and Falsafi 2010 ; Flum and Kaplan 2006 ; Kaplan and Flum 2009 ; Kaplan and Flum 2012 ; Rich and Schachter 2012 ; Schachter and Galili-Schachter 2012 ; Schachter and Rich 2011 ; Silseth and Arnseth 2011 ).

To date, the emerging body of literature on the role of school in adolescents’ identity development is scattered across different academic disciplines (e.g., Schachter and Rich 2011 ). Together, these studies cover a wide range of theoretical perspectives on identity development, without there being a common research base. Scholars use the same terminology—identity—while often relating to merely a small share of the studies performed on the role of school in adolescents’ identity development and while being seemingly unaware of work performed by scholars who adopt different theoretical perspectives and, consequently, research designs.

The scattered research field may cause research gaps and ways in which research from different theoretical perspectives can complement each other to be overlooked. Additionally, it remains difficult for scholars, schools, and teachers to determine what insights the literature on the role of school in adolescents’ identity development does and does not yet provide, and, therefore, how the development of adolescents’ identities can best be supported in school.

In this paper, we review the literature on the role of school in adolescents’ identity development to answer the following research question: “What insights does the existing literature provide us into the role of educational processes in adolescents’ personal, social, and school- and learning-related identity development?.” We found literature on the influence of school experiences on adolescents’ racial, cultural, ethnic, and gender identity too, and we acknowledge that education plays an important role in the development of these identity dimensions. However, the articles on the role of school in the development of these identity dimensions form an extensive research field that would require a separate literature review (see, e.g., a review study on the racial identity development of African-American adolescents by DeCuir-Gunby 2009 ). Therefore, we decided to delimit our research scope to general identity dimensions (i.e., personal and social identity) and more circumscribed identity dimensions that are education-related.

The aim of our literature review is threefold: to present an overview of what insights articles, in which different perspectives on identity development are employed, provide us into the role of school in adolescents’ identity development; to derive practical implications from the literature to help schools and teachers support adolescents’ identity development; and to identify research gaps while outlining future research directions to further examine the role of school in adolescents’ identity development.

Literature Search

To find relevant studies, we consulted five databases that cover the disciplines of psychology, education, and the social sciences: PsycINFO, Education Resources Information Center (ERIC), Web of Science, Sociological Abstracts, and Google Scholar. Two search strings were developed, of which the first regarded the population of adolescent students and consisted of the following keywords: secondary education , middle schools , middle school education , middle school students , junior high schools , junior high school students , high schools , high school students , and high school education . This search string was combined with a search string on identity development that consisted of the keywords identity formation , identity development , identity construction , identity work , and identity process . A more elaborate description of our search strategy can be found in Appendix A (Online Supplement). The search was performed on 22 October 2015 and focused on peer-reviewed articles in English that were published between 2005 and 2015. In total, the search resulted in 3599 unique articles.

Selection and Analysis of the Literature

The abstracts of all 3599 articles were read by the first author to establish which studies possibly met our inclusion criteria. An overview of our inclusion criteria is presented in Table 1 . First, only articles using the term identity were included in the review study. Hence, to delimit the scope of the review study, we did not select literature on identity-related concepts such as self-concept (Marsh 1990 ) or possible selves (Oyserman et al. 2006 ). Second, we included articles investigating adolescents’ personal and social identity development. When it comes to more circumscribed identity dimensions, we included articles on the development of adolescents’ school- and learning-related identity dimensions (e.g., mathematics identity, learner identity). Third, we only selected literature that focused on the influence of educational processes on adolescents’ identity development. Studies in which school was merely described as a setting in which adolescents spend their time were excluded from the selection. Fourth, in this stage of the process of literature selection, we did not include studies that were published more than 10 years before we performed our search. We chose to do so because of practical reasons, namely, the limits of the project budget and the time constraints that we were faced with. Finally, we included both empirical and theoretical studies, because we were not exclusively interested in empirical findings regarding the role of school in adolescents’ identity development but also in how these findings could be interpreted.

Based on our inclusion criteria, 176 articles were included in the review. Subsequently, the authors, in pairs, read the abstracts of these articles for two purposes: first, to get an initial overview of the studies in our selection; second, to develop a preliminary coding scheme to analyze the full texts of the articles. In this stage, while being concerned presenting an overview of what insights articles that are grounded in different perspectives on identity development provide us on the role of school in adolescents’ identity development, we generated codes for the explicitly mentioned theoretical perspectives on identity development. We also wanted to know what research methods and designs were used by scholars who adopt different theoretical perspectives on identity development. Therefore, we coded the abstracts, when possible, for methodological information (i.e., research design, sample, type of data collection). We wanted to be responsive to the various identity dimensions that the different studies focused on, which is why we coded for these (e.g., literacy identity, science identity) too. Finally, to disentangle what insights the existing literature provides into the role of school in adolescents’ identity development, the abstracts were coded for the educational processes that were explicitly addressed in the literature. We stayed very close to the text in coding the abstracts. For example, codes such as “Role of teacher: negative non-verbal approach of some students,” “Role of teacher: paid attention to low performing students,” and “Role of teacher: explicitly communicating positive expectations towards students” were assigned to the abstracts.

In this process, we discovered that the articles could be allocated to at least one of the following three categories: (1) studies that provide insights into the educational processes through which schools, teachers, and peers may unintentionally (and often negatively) shape adolescents’ identity development; (2) studies that provide insights into the educational processes through which schools and teachers may intentionally foster adolescents’ identity development; and (3) studies that provide insights into the preconditions to intentionally support adolescents’ identity development in school. Aiming to contribute to the integration of research findings across different research fields, we categorized the studies first by the type of educational process that they identified and second by the theoretical perspective they were grounded in.

Next, the first author read and summarized the full texts. After reading the first author’s reports on the literature, the full research team decided to exclude another 71 articles from the selection that, based on the full text, proved not to meet the inclusion criteria. To prevent ourselves from overlooking key publications in the research field under study that may have been published either before or after 2005, we performed citation tracking, as recommended by Greenhalgh and Peacock ( 2005 ). We kept a list of relevant articles that were referred to three times or more as concerning the role of school in adolescents’ identity development in the articles we had already selected, and we added them to the selection when they met our inclusion criteria ( n  = 6), apart from the criterion concerning the publication date. As a consequence, our final selection of literature comprised 111 articles.

Once we had further narrowed down our selection of literature to 111 articles, the first author coded the full papers with the previously developed coding scheme. Constant comparative analysis was used (e.g., Glaser and Strauss 1967 ) to compare and group the various codes on the explicitly mentioned educational processes in order to distill overarching processes from the data. To provide an illustration, the earlier mentioned codes “Role of teacher: negative non-verbal approach of some students,” “Role of teacher: paid attention to low performing students,” and “Role of teacher: explicitly communicating positive expectations towards students” were combined in the overarching process “Teacher expectations.” In a similar way, we distinguished other unintentional educational processes (selection practices and differentiation, teaching strategies, and peer norms), intentional processes (in-breadth exploration, in-depth exploration, and reflective exploration), and preconditions (meaningful learning experiences and a supportive classroom climate). Whereas some articles focused on one of these educational processes, others concerned the role of various processes (also see Table 2 ). The second and third author critically monitored the entire coding process and, in case of doubt, additional research team discussions were held. In Table 3 through Table 11 in Appendix B (Online Supplement), we alphabetically ordered the studies for the various educational processes and preconditions that we found and present brief summaries of each of the articles.

Characteristics of the Literature

The 111 articles were found across a wide variety of scientific journals ( n  = 80). In total, 19 of the 111 articles were theoretical in nature. Among the empirical research papers, six articles were quantitative in nature and another set of seven articles employed a mixed-methods design. Seventy-eight articles exclusively used qualitative research methods and generally presented small case studies. Of these qualitative studies, 60 reported longitudinal research. Different identity dimensions were studied in the literature, ranging from science identities and art identities to learner identities on a more general level and personal identity on an even more abstract level. Personal and social identities were investigated in respectively 21 and 11 articles. Of the more circumscribed school-related identity dimensions, studies on adolescents’ Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics identity (STEM; n  = 35), learner identity ( n  = 18), and student identity ( n  = 14) were most prevalent. The studies were conducted in a variety of settings—e.g., out-of-school science programs, literacy classes, schools’ hallways—and among a variety of samples such as bilingual high school students, honors students in a science class, or girls attending a middle school in a rural area. The majority of studies ( n  = 62) was based on data that were collected in the USA.

Theoretical Perspectives on Identity Development

Different theoretical perspectives on identity development can be found in the studies included in our literature review. Half of the articles in our literature selection understood identity from sociocultural perspectives ( n  = 55). The remaining articles were based on psychosocial perspectives ( n  = 8), social psychological perspectives ( n  = 4), sociological perspectives ( n  = 4), a combination thereof ( n  = 14), or they did not explicitly mention a particular conceptualization of identity development ( n  = 26). In this section of the present paper, each of the identified perspectives will be discussed based on publications that were referred to in our selection of literature as core theoretical publications that form the foundations of the various theoretical perspectives on identity development. In the next sections, the findings that we distilled from the literature on the various educational processes through which adolescents’ identity development may be influenced will be discussed in relation to the theoretical perspectives on identity development that are employed in the selected articles (also see Table 2 ). In doing so, articles in which perspectives on identity development are (often somewhat eclectically) combined and articles in which no particular theoretical perspective on identity development is mentioned will be discussed together with the studies from the perspective they most strongly appear to relate to in terms of research focus and employed research methods. More information on the combined perspectives can be found in Table 3 through Table 11 in Appendix B (Online Supplement).

Sociocultural Perspectives

Researchers who employ a sociocultural perspective generally understand identity as a multidimensional phenomenon rather than a single entity (e.g., Gee 2001 ; Holland et al. 1998 ; Holland and Lave 2001 ): People are thought to develop a range of self-understandings, for example as a science student (a science identity), a reader (literacy identity), or a music student (a musical identity). On a more general level, people are thought to integrate these self-understandings into a learner identity, a student identity (the person one is in school, not exclusively concerning who one is as a learner), and a social identity (one’s societal position in terms of superiority and inferiority). On an even more abstract level, people are thought to integrate these identity dimensions, together with self-understandings that are neither school- nor learning-related, in their personal identity. Scholars adopting sociocultural perspectives understand a person’s identity to develop through this person’s participation in various sociocultural contexts, such as home, school, and work (e.g., Holland et al. 1998 ; Holland and Lave 2001 ; Wenger 1998 ). These contexts are social in the sense that in every context, through interaction and negotiation, different identity positions—or social roles—are made available, such as those of the creative, ambitious, and/or cooperative person. These contexts are cultural in the sense that they are characterized by specific sets of tools, norms, and values that guide people’s actions, goals, and ideas about appropriate ways to reach those goals (e.g., Holland et al. 1998 ). Researchers who understand identity development from a sociocultural perspective are concerned with how identity positions, and the way these positions are evaluated (for example, girls may not be stimulated to identify with technology; Volman and Ten Dam 2007 ), inform adolescents’ identities. They are also interested in how the tools, norms, and values that are explicitly or implicitly communicated through educational activities and learning contents impact adolescents’ identities. Based on adolescents’ previous encounters with tools, norms, values, and identity positions, adolescents are thought to develop their self-understandings. Moreover, these self-understandings are understood to inform adolescents’ current decisions and future goals. In other words, adolescents’ self-understandings connect their past, present, and future (e.g., Holland et al. 1998 ; Wenger 1998 ). Some sociocultural scholars examine identities as narratives. The primary interest of these scholars is in the self-understandings people share, for example in interviews, and how these self-understandings are informed by people’s experiences with tools, norms, values, and identity positions in the school context (e.g., Solomon 2007 ). Other sociocultural researchers use classroom observations to observe both the actions and activities of teachers and peers (that reflect certain norms, values, and available identity positions, while providing insights into often used tools) and adolescents’ demonstrated engagement in school and school subjects, as an indication of their identities (e.g., Bartlett 2007 ). A third group of sociocultural scholars in our literature selection combines the former two strategies and studies identity development through the interplay between adolescents’ engagement in school and their shared self-understandings by employing various ethnographic research methods (e.g., Anderson 2007 ).

Psychosocial Perspectives

Psychosocial perspectives are often adopted by scholars whose main focus is on the internal, psychological processes of a person’s identity development (e.g., Negru-Subtirica et al. 2015 ; Solomontos-Kountouri and Hurry 2008 ). In the studies in our literature selection that adopted psychosocial perspectives, two key stages in the identity development of adolescents are distinguished: exploration and commitment. The process of exploration concerns the inquiry into new possible interests as well as the trying out of new activities in order to learn what values one considers as important and what goals one deems worth pursuing. In the process of commitment, adolescents are thought to make durable life decisions, for example when it comes to their education, profession, and worldview (Erikson 1968 ; Marcia 1993 ). With regard to the role of school in adolescents’ identity development, some researchers who employ a psychosocial perspective are concerned with educational activities and strategies that either foster or hinder exploration and commitment processes. These studies stress the importance of opportunities to try out and reflect upon various activities (e.g., Charland 2010 ). Other studies in our literature selection that employ a psychosocial perspective focus on the effect of educational characteristics (such as education level) on the identity stage in which adolescents find themselves (e.g., Negru-Subtirica et al. 2015 ; Sica 2009 ; Solomontos-Kountouri and Hurry 2008 ). Scholars who adopt a psychosocial perspective are generally concerned with the process of identity development, rather than with the content of specific identity dimensions. Consequently, large-scale, quantitative survey studies that examine the developmental stage of adolescents’ identity are more common in this research field than in the sociocultural one.

Social Psychological Perspectives

Scholars adopting a social psychological perspective understand a person’s identity to consist of a social and a personal part (Tajfel 1978 ; Tajfel and Turner 1986 ). Of these two parts, the former concerns one’s, “knowledge of his membership of a social group (or groups) together with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership” (Tajfel 1978 , p. 63). The extent to which one identifies with the social groups one knows to be a member of and the extent to which one has strong emotions regarding these group memberships (in terms of these social groups being inferior, equal, or superior to other social groups) is what constructs the personal part of one’s identity at a given point in time (Tajfel 1978 ; Tajfel and Turner 1986 ).

When it comes to the role of school in adolescents’ identity development, some scholars employing a social psychological perspective are interested in the attributes adolescents themselves ascribe to other groups of adolescents that, for example, differ from them when it comes to the high school track they are in (e.g., a prevocational track, a pre-academic track; Jonsson and Beach 2013 ). Others are more concerned with adolescents’ perceptions of the attributes other people (e.g., society in general) assign to adolescents in different high school tracks (e.g., Knigge and Hannover 2011 ) or in schools with a low- or high-status reputation (Marcouyeux and Fleury-Bahi 2011 ). Generally, survey studies that may comprise both open and closed questions are performed by scholars who adopt a social psychological perspective (e.g., Knigge and Hannover 2011 ; Marcouyeux and Fleury-Bahi 2011 ).

Sociological Perspectives

Like scholars adopting a social psychological perspective, researchers who employ a sociological perspective are concerned with adolescents’ group membership, the evaluation thereof, and the extent to which adolescents identify with these groups. Additionally, though, scholars who ground their work in sociological perspectives are interested in how group membership serves to include some people, while excluding others as a means to acquire status. The primary focus of scholars employing sociological perspectives is on how people move in societal power structures, create groups, and try to use their own individual agency to represent themselves in ways that they desire (Côté 2002 ; Foucault 1980 ).

Some scholars who employ a sociological perspective examine how people in adolescents’ school contexts (e.g., peers and teachers) can help them to use their agency to position themselves in desired ways (e.g., Robb et al. 2007 ). Others focus on how educational policies or discourses create new membership groups of achievers and failures (e.g., Anagnostopoulos 2006 ). Because scholars who adopt a sociological perspective are concerned with how structures are reproduced and with how people (can) use their agency, they generally employ qualitative research methods ranging from classroom observations and student reports, to focus groups and interviews.

The Hidden Curriculum: How Schools and Teachers May Unintentionally Affect Adolescents’ Identity Development

In our analysis of the literature, we identified 52 articles that focused on educational processes through which schools and teachers may unintentionally (and often negatively) play a role in adolescents’ identity development. These studies presented in these articles are often performed in formal education settings ( n  = 48) and concern educational processes that are part of what could be called the “hidden curriculum” (Jackson 1968 ): through these processes, messages can be implicitly communicated to adolescents about who they are, should, and can be.

Selection Practices and Differentiation

Twelve exclusively empirical studies in our literature selection addressed the role selection practices at the school level or differentiation processes at the classroom level may unintentionally play in the development of adolescents’ identities. As can be derived from Table 3 in Appendix B (Online Supplement), seven of these articles concern qualitative research, four quantitative research, and one mixed-methods research.

The ethnographic studies by Solomon ( 2007 ) and Yi ( 2013 ) that are grounded in a sociocultural perspective together with ethnographic studies by Hoffman ( 2012 ) and Barnett ( 2006 ) that respectively combine perspectives on identity development or do not explicitly mention one focus on the link between ability grouping and adolescents’ identities. These articles are concerned with adolescents’ sense of proficiency in and belonging to mathematics classes (Solomon 2007 ), English as a Second Language classes (ESL; Yi 2013 ), wind band classes (Hoffman 2012 ), and cheerleading and dancing teams (Barnett 2006 ). In these school-related contexts, the contents of, respectively, the mathematics, student, musical, and social, personal and school identities that adolescents develop were examined. Together, the studies indicate that adolescents who are allocated to a high status group—and hence to whom certain positively evaluated identity positions were available—understand themselves as having something to contribute to their class, whereas this is not the case for other adolescents. The studies also found that adolescents in high status groups seemed to be rather engaged in class (which was considered to be an indication of their domain-specific identities), whereas the opposite applied to adolescents who were denied access to high status groups. Next, three survey studies in which psychosocial perspectives are employed, focused on the degree of identity exploration that adolescents in various school tracks engage in (Negru-Subtirica et al. 2015 ; Sica 2009 ; Solomontos-Kountouri and Hurry 2008 ). Two of these studies found that adolescents in prevocational tracks were less likely to explore what vocational goals they deem worth pursuing later on in life than adolescents in pre-academic tracks (Negru-Subtirica et al. 2015 ; Solomontos-Kountouri and Hurry 2008 ). However, Sica ( 2009 ) found that the former group of adolescents did engage in identity exploration but often out of a fear for who they might become (out of a fear to sense emptiness, or to forget about their dreams), whereas the latter group of adolescents tend to engage in identity exploration based on a positive perception of their future (Sica 2009 ).

Negru-Subtirica et al. ( 2015 ) and Solomontos-Kountouri and Hurry ( 2008 ) argued that their findings could possibly be explained by the negative image of the prevocational track, combined with these students’ limited career prospects and the associated stigma of poverty. Yet, a survey study by Pfeiffer et al. ( 2012 )—in which no particular perspective on identity development was mentioned—suggests that adolescents who are in shorter-lasting tracks (such as the prevocational one) are more likely to be further in the development of their identities, because they will leave school earlier and are therefore closer to the developmental deadline of choosing a career path than students in longer-lasting tracks (like the pre-academic track). Hence, evidence on the role of tracking in adolescents’ process of identity development remains inconclusive.

Articles in which a social psychological perspective is adopted, either examined the attributes adolescents themselves ascribed to students in prevocational and pre-academic high school tracks (Jonsson and Beach 2013 ), or the attributes others ascribe to these students according to adolescents’ own perceptions (Knigge and Hannover 2011 ). For example, Jonsson and Beach ( 2013 ) asked 224 students from the pre-academic track in Sweden to list ten descriptive attributes of a typical student in the pre-academic track and ten descriptive attributes of a typical student in the prevocational track. These adolescents described the former type of student as hard working , with good career prospects , compliant and mainstream , whereas they assigned the latter type of student the following labels: daring , challenging toward authority , rebellious , lazy , substance abusing , and with defective language. Similar patterns were found by Knigge and Hannover’s ( 2011 ) German mixed-methods study when adolescents were asked what people in general think about students in the prevocational and students in the pre-academic track.

Two ethnographic articles in which a sociological perspective is employed were concerned with differentiation at the classroom level and found that adolescents’ experiences with school success or failure—being promoted or demoted (Čeplak 2012 ) or taking an obligatory homework class (Anagnostopoulos 2006 )—created socially constructed yet real status groups of students. However, neither these studies nor the studies that are grounded in a social psychological perspective (Jonsson and Beach 2013 ; Knigge and Hannover 2011 ) provide insights into whether and how selection or differentiation processes are internalized by adolescents in their identities.

Teaching Strategies

We identified 16 studies regarding the role teaching strategies may unintentionally play in the development of adolescents’ identities. As is shown in Table 4 in Appendix B (Online Supplement), these articles comprise one theoretical paper and 15 ethnographic studies. The nine studies in which sociocultural perspectives on identity development are used are concerned with (1) how teaching strategies inform opportunities to engage in the classroom and with the subject matter as constrained by tools, norms, and values and (2) how teaching strategies make certain identity positions available in the classroom. An illustrative example is provided by Horn ( 2008 ). In her longitudinal ethnographic research, Horn compared the teaching strategies in mathematics classes of two different high schools. In one of the schools, students were provided with cumulative sets of short mathematical problems to work on individually. In the other school, students and teachers collaboratively developed activities that supported multiple-ability group work. At the first school, the teaching strategy unintentionally communicated that “Math is something that you only have to remember everything that you’ve ever learned before. And you get to a point somewhere along the line where your brain says, ‘My brain is full.’ And you can’t go on” (student quote in Horn 2008 , p. 220). Hence, the first school appeared to invite adolescents to understand themselves as “just not a mathematics person” as soon as the cumulative learning content got too advanced. However, based on classroom observations and interviews with students and teachers, Horn found that the other school’s teaching strategy stressed instead that everyone is able to improve their mathematics skills for as long as they want to. This school did so by providing students who have different abilities and talents with opportunities to collaboratively work on mathematical issues.

Some of the studies grounded in sociocultural perspectives (Clark et al. 2013 ; Evnitskaya and Morton 2011 ; Horn 2008 ), as well as some of the ethnographic (Smagorinsky et al. 2005 ) and theoretical (Wallace 2012 ) studies that do not explicitly mention a theoretical perspective on identity development, were merely concerned with available opportunities to engage and present identity positions in the classroom setting. Other sociocultural studies (Anderson 2007 ; Aschbacher et al. 2010 ; Calabrese Barton et al. 2013 ; Carlone 2004 ; Lambert 2015 ; Rubin 2007 ), together with ethnographic studies that are grounded in combined perspectives on identity development (Brickhouse et al. 2000 ; Cobb et al. 2009 ; Cone et al. 2014 ), or do not mention a particular perspective on identity development (DeGennaro and Brown 2009 ; Hamilton 2002 ), focused in addition on how adolescents developed their identities in relation to these opportunities and positions: Various researchers examined how opportunities to engage shaped students’ demonstrated (Anderson 2007 ; Brickhouse et al. 2000 ; Calabrese Barton et al. 2013 ; Rubin 2007 ) and narrated (Aschbacher et al. 2010 ; Brickhouse et al. 2000 ; Carlone 2004 ; DeGennaro and Brown 2009 ; Lambert 2015 ; Rubin 2007 ) engagement in the classroom as an indication of their identities. Others focused on how teaching strategies shaped adolescents’ self-understandings as capable participants in classroom contexts (Anderson 2007 ; Calabrese Barton et al. 2013 ; Cobb et al. 2009 ; Cone et al. 2014 ; Hamilton 2002 ; Lambert 2015 ), or on adolescents’ envisioned future in a particular field (Calabrese Barton et al. 2013 ) as an indication of their identities. Irrespective of how the various identity dimensions were operationalized, the abovementioned studies found that teaching strategies did unintentionally inform adolescents’ identity development. This finding is also supported by Charland’s ( 2010 ) ethnographic study in which a psychosocial perspective on identity development is employed. Based on interviews with 58 African-American students in art classes, this study suggests that teaching strategies in art classes that do not leave space for self-expression may discourage students to understand themselves as artists, to engage in visual art, and to further explore their artist identities.

Teacher Expectations

In our literature selection, we found 17 articles concerning the role teacher expectations may (often) unintentionally play in the development of adolescents’ identities. As can be derived from Table 5 in Appendix B (Online Supplement), these articles comprise one theoretical paper and 16 ethnographic studies.

Four of the articles that adopt a sociocultural perspective on identity development demonstrated, based on classroom observations and teacher interviews, that teachers may have rather persistent expectations of adolescents through which certain identity positions are made available or unavailable (Berg 2010 ; Rubin 2007 ; Vetter 2010 ; Wortham 2006 ). Berg ( 2010 ) for example found in her longitudinal ethnographic research on a foster child that this adolescent was repetitively approached by his teachers and social workers based on others’ reports and the previous experiences they had with him as an outsider and a difficult student. Yet, these teachers and social workers failed to notice the student’s changed behavior. Consequently, the range of available identity positions in relation to which the adolescent could develop his identity was limited. Together, these four studies indicate that static teacher expectations limit adolescents’ ways to position themselves, which may sometimes benefit (Vetter 2010 ) but other times harm adolescents’ engagement in school practices (Berg 2010 ; Rubin 2007 ; Wortham 2006 ). It should be noted, though, that none of these studies provide insights into how teacher expectations shape adolescents’ narrated self-understandings.

Five other studies in which a sociocultural perspective on identity development is employed (Aschbacher et al. 2010 ; Edwards-Groves and Murray 2008 ; Johnson et al. 2011 ; Landers 2013 ; Olitsky et al. 2010 ) relied fully on student interviews or questionnaires regarding perceived teacher expectations. Consequently, in these studies, it cannot be examined whether perceived teacher expectations correspond to teachers’ actual expectations of their students. Yet, whether the perceived teacher expectations that are reported represent truth, imagination, or both, the studies do suggest that adolescents’ self-understandings are informed by their perceptions of their teachers’ expectations, as is indicated by an adolescent’s remark in Edwards-Groves and Murray’s study (Edwards-Groves and Murray 2008 ), “And anyway I think I am dumb and stupid ‘coz I am not as good as the others, they [the teachers] think that too” (quote in Edwards-Groves and Murray 2008 , p. 168).

Next, three more studies that are grounded in sociocultural perspectives on identity development (Bartlett 2007 ; Fields and Enyedy 2013 ; Heyd-Metzuyanim 2013 ) combined (participant) classroom observations with student and sometimes teacher interviews or focus groups. These studies provide additional and stronger evidence for the role teacher expectations may play in adolescents’ identity development. The study by Heyd-Metzuyanim ( 2013 ) showed how teacher expectations could inform adolescents’ identity development even when these expectations are communicated implicitly. Heyd-Metzuyanim ( 2013 ) described how she, as a teacher, implicitly and unintentionally expressed her low expectations of one of her students’ mathematical abilities through her continuous disengagement from this student’s mathematical thinking problems; Heyd-Metzuyanim no longer expected the student to make any additional progress in mathematics, and the identity position of becoming a better mathematician was no longer made available to the student. The observation and student interview data suggest that the student, in relation to how she was positioned by her teacher through the teacher’s expectations, changed the story of herself as a mathematics learner from someone who is willing and able to learn mathematics at the beginning of the school year to someone who could no longer grow as a mathematics student later on in the school year. The student’s mathematics identity appeared to be informed by the communicated teacher expectations and the student’s perceptions thereof.

Next, Bottrell’s ( 2007 ) study in which a sociological perspective is adopted was concerned with the social groups that teachers, according to students, implicitly create and the teacher expectations these groups are accompanied with. Bottrell reported, based on youth center observations and students’ interviews, stories of adolescents who shared that they experienced their teachers in formal education to distinguish, without formal differentiation, between more and less successful students. In case the adolescents thought they belonged, in the eyes of their teachers, to the latter group, they sometimes felt that their teachers did not have hopes for them at all, based on which they appeared to develop the idea that they were not worth bothering about. Again, though, this study does not provide insights into the extent to which the perceived teacher expectations correspond to teachers’ actual expectations of their students.

Then, two ethnographic studies in which no particular perspective on identity development is explicitly mentioned (Seaton 2007 ; Smith 2008 ) were not so much concerned with how (perceived) teacher expectations are reflected in adolescents’ self-understandings but with whether adolescents do or do not identify with the expectations that teachers explicitly express. In these two studies, teacher expectations appeared to be understood as making available fixed identity positions that adolescents may or may not endorse. For example, Smith ( 2008 ) studied a ninth-grade honors class at an American high school through classroom observations and student interviews and focus groups. Smith observed that teachers explicitly stressed that honors students were expected to work hard, to do more, and be more integer than other students. Yet, whereas Smith found that some students embraced this identity position, others commented, despite their being enrolled in the honors class, “I’m plenty smart, but I just don’t think I’m the type of person that the teachers think belongs in an honors class” (quote in Smith 2008 , p. 499). This finding indicates that teachers’ expectations have to be desirable and meaningful from students’ perspectives in order to become part of their identities.

Finally, what struck us in the analysis of the studies that focused on the role of teacher expectations in adolescents’ identity development was that various times it was argued (Steele 1997 ) and found, by ethnographic studies that differed in the perspectives on identity development they employed, that teachers (perceivably) have certain expectations of groups of adolescents that are distinguished by their ethnic background (Aschbacher et al. 2010 ; Bartlett 2007 ; Edwards-Groves and Murray 2008 ; Johnson et al. 2011 ; Wortham 2006 ), perceived academic abilities (Landers 2013 ; Jethwani 2015 ), and/or gender (Jethwani 2015 ; Johnson et al. 2011 ). Although it was recognized in these studies that adolescents’ identity development is, at least to a certain extent, an individual process, scholars found inequalities in (perceived) teacher expectations across different groups of students. This indicates that individual adolescents who share a certain characteristic may be confronted with norms and identity positions in relation to which they can and cannot develop their identities that are different from the norms and identity positions of adolescents who do not share that characteristic. For example, Aschbacher et al. ( 2010 ) found that, in the student interviews and questionnaires they collected among a group of 33 diverse high school students, the adolescents spoke frankly about ethnic/racial biases they faced in science classes at school. Aschbacher et al. ( 2010 ) reported that various Asian-American students shared that they thought their science teachers and administrators were supportive and had high expectations of them, whereas several African-American and Latino students talked about how they felt their teachers had lower expectations of them than of others. Together with other studies (Bartlett 2007 ; Edwards-Groves and Murray 2008 ; Jethwani 2015 ; Johnson et al. 2011 ; Landers 2013 ; Steele 1997 ; Wortham 2006 ), this suggests that inequalities may occur in (perceived) teacher expectations across different groups of students. Certain groups of students may experience to have different opportunities in relation to which they can develop their identities (as indicated by their engagement and/or self-understandings), which may either foster or hinder their identity development.

In our analysis of the literature, we identified 11 exclusively empirical studies regarding the role peer norms may unintentionally play in the development of adolescents’ identities. As is shown in Table 6 in Appendix B (Online Supplement), nine of these articles concern qualitative research, one presents a quantitative study, and one regards a mixed-methods study. Three studies in which sociocultural perspectives are adopted and that are based on various ethnographic research methods (Fields and Enyedy 2013 ; Ideland and Malmberg 2012 ; Volman and Ten Dam 2007 ) were concerned with and found that peers may deny each other access to certain identity positions through peer norms. An example is provided by Fields and Enyedy ( 2013 ) who studied a programming class in a middle school by means of observations, student interviews, questionnaires, and focus groups. Fields and Enyedy ( 2013 ) found that, even though the teacher of the programming class made the identity position of an attentive expert available to one of the students in this class, his peers refused to regard this student as such. This student’s classmates appeared to do so, because the student who was now trying to help out his classmates was better and longer known by them for his sarcasm, which they generally experienced as mean. The prevalent norm among the adolescent’s peers seemed to be that they could not start their relationship with this student from a clean slate, just because they found themselves in a new class. Fields and Enyedy ( 2013 ) analysis suggests that this made it difficult for the student to enact the identity position that he was offered by his teacher and that he tried to pursue. However, no insights are provided into whether and how this informed the student’s self-understanding. Four other ethnographic studies in which sociocultural perspectives are employed (Hall 2010 ; Hall et al. 2010 ; Johnson et al. 2011 ; Vetter et al. 2011 ) focused on how peers can make certain identity positions less appealing by stigmatizing these identity positions. These studies indicate that when adolescents actually do identify themselves with identity positions that are stigmatized by their peers, they may hide that they do in order to safeguard their reputation. For example, Hall ( 2010 ) found—based on observations as well as teacher questionnaires and interviews—that the teachers of a middle school offered their students three different reader identity positions: one of a poor reader (someone who is unable to understand most of what he or she reads, and who does not participate in class nor asks for help), one of becoming a good reader (a poor reader who engages in the practices of a good reader, for example by participating actively and by asking questions), and one of a good reader (someone who understands most of what he or she reads, who participates in class and who asks questions). However, students shared in their questionnaires and interviews that they felt it was not really possible to engage in class as someone who is becoming a good reader. Students mentioned to fear the social consequences of engaging in class as such, because classmates jointly reinforced the norm that it is embarrassing to have reading difficulties. Therefore, as some of the students reported, they would rather not get actively involved in class so they could hide their reading difficulties. This appeared to jeopardize these students’ opportunities to further develop their self-understandings as readers in a constructive way.

The finding that adolescents may feel restricted in taking up certain identity positions because they are stigmatized by peers is also supported by Charland’s ( 2010 ) ethnographic study—in which psychosocial perspective is adopted—as well as by two—respectively, ethnographic (Fletcher et al. 2009 ) and mixed-methods (Wilmot 2014 )—studies in which no particular perspective on identity development was explicitly mentioned. Interestingly, these three studies were concerned with the role of peer norms in adolescents’ identity development in the same way as some of the studies that are grounded in a sociocultural perspective, despite their different understandings of how identities develop. In addition to the other studies, though, Charland’s ( 2010 ) interview and focus group study indicates that adolescents’ exploration of, in this case, artist identities, may be hindered when peers reinforce the norm among themselves that visual arts is for “nerds” or “sissy’s” (Charland 2010 , p. 122).

Next, a quantitative study by Marcouyeux and Fleury-Bahi ( 2011 ), in which a social psychological perspective is employed, looked at the relation between a school’s perceived reputation and adolescents’ identities. To examine this, Marcouyeux and Fleury-Bahi ( 2011 ) asked 542 high school students in France, through surveys, about how they think adolescents from other schools would perceive the respondent’s school in terms of prestige and the quality of education. They also asked the respondents about their identification with school and learning. In this study, a positive relationship was found between the school’s image as perceivably perceived by peers and students’ identification with school and learning. This finding indicates that being a member of a group that is perceivably high in status according to peers may positively shape adolescents’ identities.

Organizing Explorative Learning Experiences: How Schools and Teachers May Intentionally Affect Adolescents’ Identity Development

In our analysis of the literature, we identified 37 articles that regarded educational processes through which schools and teachers may intentionally foster adolescents’ identity development. Most of the studies concerning the intentional fostering of adolescents’ identity development are conducted in after-school clubs, extracurricular classes provided at school, or at summer camps ( n  = 21). Even though learning experiences are often not referred to as such in the literature, our analysis of the existing body of research caused us to distinguish between in-breadth, in-depth, and reflective explorative learning experiences that all, in their own way, support adolescents in exploring who they are and want to be.

In-Breadth Exploration

In our literature selection, we found ten articles regarding learning experiences that allow adolescents to get introduced to learning contents, learning activities, and identity positions they were thus far unfamiliar with. We refer to such experiences as in-breadth explorative learning experiences. As can be derived from Table 7 in Appendix B (Online Supplement), the articles that will be discussed in this section comprise three theoretical papers and seven ethnographic studies. All the articles concerning in-breadth explorative learning experiences argued (Brickhouse 2001 ; Squire 2006 ; Stokes and Wyn 2007 ) or demonstrated (Barrett and Baker 2012 ; Bruin and Ohna 2013 ; Carlone et al. 2015 ; Johnson et al. 2011 ; Jones and Deutsch 2013 ; Stapleton 2015 ; Van Sluys 2010 ), irrespective of their perspective on identity development (also see Table 2 ), that providing adolescents with such experiences may invite them to adopt new interests, to identify undiscovered talents, and to try out new identity positions. For example, Stapleton ( 2015 ), who adopts a sociocultural perspective, examined a 4-week summer program in which a group of 30 American adolescents was taken to a site that was deeply affected by climate change. The adolescents visited schools, social outreach organizations, local population members, attended lectures about climate change, and examined climate change’s impact on mangrove forests. The interviews with 13 of the participating adolescents indicated that being introduced to people and sites that are affected by climate change stimulated many to become more engaged with environmental issues. The learning experiences the summer program introduced these adolescents to also appeared to inform their self-understandings. As one participant mentioned, “[The summer camp] has changed my identity, it’s changed my daily outlook, what I buy, how much I buy when I go to stores, it’s changed my transportation, my daily living habits” (quote in Stapleton 2015 , p. 105). Hence, the summer program appeared to have introduced the adolescents to a new topic that intrigued them, while providing them with insights into how they themselves could tackle environmental issues.

This body of literature suggests that introducing adolescents to unfamiliar learning contents, learning activities, and identity positions through on-site and hands-on activities especially helps adolescents to imagine the identity implications thereof. Supposedly, on-site and hands-on activities introduce adolescents to learning contents, learning activities, and identity positions in authentic, real-life ways, which can help them decide to what extent they identify with these contents, activities, and positions.

Finally, one theoretical (Brickhouse 2001 ) and various empirical studies in this group of literature (Barrett and Baker 2012 ; Bruin and Ohna 2013 ; Johnson et al. 2011 ; Van Sluys 2010 ) that differ in the perspectives on identity development they adopt examined the role in-breadth explorative learning experiences may play in the identity development of adolescents with a higher risk of marginalization. Bruin and Ohna ( 2013 ), who do not explicitly mention a particular perspective on identity development, studied alternative educational courses involving increased workplace-practice for adolescents who could not flourish in Norwegian’s regular and more theoretically oriented education. In these alternative courses, the aim was to introduce students to the requirements and expectations that they will face in their future vocations. Based on interviews with eight students, Bruin and Ohna ( 2013 ) concluded that, whereas these students previously felt that school was not for them, the alternative courses allowed them “to discover and nourish hidden talents and interests and new sides of themselves and experiencing how feeling able builds self-confidence and supports learning” (quote in Bruin and Ohna 2013 , p. 1100). Their analysis, as well as the other articles, suggests that, by acquiring new skills through hands-on activities, these students were able to adjust their self-understandings in a positive way in relation to previously unavailable identity positions.

In-Depth Exploration

We identified a group of 16 articles regarding learning experiences that may support adolescents in further exploring and specifying their already present self-understandings. We refer to such experiences as in-depth explorative learning experiences. As is shown in Table 8 in Appendix B (Online Supplement), among these articles, two theoretical, three mixed-methods, and 11 ethnographic studies can be found. One theoretical (Luehmann 2009 ) and six ethnographic (Furman and Calabrese Barton 2006 ; Polman 2010 ; Polman and Hope 2014 ; Polman and Miller 2010 ; Rahm et al. 2014 ; Rudd 2012 ) studies that are grounded in sociocultural perspectives on identity development provide insights into how learning experiences that acknowledge that adolescents may already have a sense of who they are (for example a “history person”) could facilitate the exploration of contents, activities, and positions that are closely related to adolescents’ already present self-understandings (for example, the identity position of an art historian or of a history teacher). Five ethnographic articles—of which one employs a sociocultural perspective on identity development (Liu and Hannafin 2010 ), whereas the others do not explicitly mention a particular perspective on identity development (Adams et al. 2014 ; Jones and Deutsch 2013 ; Kendrick et al. 2013 ; Russ et al. 2015 )—additionally focused on whether in-depth explorations actually inform adolescents’ narrated self-understandings and found that they did. For example, Adams et al. ( 2014 ) examined a multi-year out-of-school STEM program for adolescents with a general interest in STEM. This program offered hands-on activities, scientist talks, visits to a museum’s behind the scenes research labs and collections, and field trips. The teachers selected research topics that span the collaborating museum’s areas of expertise and that were broad enough to give youth flexibility in the themes they wanted to explore. Focus group and interview data indicated that allowing adolescents to further specify their STEM interests fostered their STEM identity development. As one girl remarked:

The good thing about [the program is that] we took so many classes on so many subjects…. I got to learn so much about everything in science… I learned what I like and what I do not like. [I] got exposed to everything. (quote in Adams et al. 2014 , p. 18)

Hence, the learning experiences provided by this program appeared to enable adolescents to try out roles and activities that were closely related to their already present self-understandings so that they could explore what it actually entails to be a specific type of STEM person. Again, this study, together with the other sociocultural or related studies that concern in-depth explorative learning experiences, stresses the importance of hands-on and on-site learning experiences to support adolescents in making identity commitments.

The literature also indicates that—irrespective of the employed perspective on identity development and research methods—next to hands-on and on-site activities, role models may help adolescents in the in-depth exploration of their identities (Farland-Smith 2012 ; Hughes et al. 2013 ; Jones and Deutsch 2013 ; Whiting 2006 ). What is more, studies by Farland-Smith ( 2012 ) and Hughes et al. ( 2013 ) suggest that exposing marginalized adolescents to role models might help them to challenge stereotypes that would otherwise prevent them from further exploring certain identity positions. For example, Hughes et al. ( 2013 ), who combine perspectives on identity development, demonstrated—through survey, observation, and interview data—how meeting female role models in the male-dominated STEM field helped girls to develop a more detailed and knowledge-based (rather than prejudiced) picture of how they could become valuable members of a STEM community. Being introduced to female role models convinced various girls that there was enough space for them in the STEM field, which appeared to stimulate the further exploration of their STEM-related identities.

However, a mixed-methods study among 1138 American adolescents by Gilmartin et al. ( 2007 ) in which perspectives on identity are combined too suggests that adolescents only position people who are real experts in their eyes as role models. For example, in their study, it was found that the percentage of female science teachers at a school was not significantly related to adolescents’ science engagement and self-understandings. The interviews Gilmartin et al. ( 2007 ) performed indicated that female science teachers are not considered as expert role models by adolescents because of their perceived lack of “real-life science experience,” apart from teaching.

Reflective Exploration

We identified a group of 12 articles that concern learning experiences that help adolescents reflect upon their already present self-understandings. We refer to these experiences as reflective explorative learning experiences. As can be derived from Table 9 in Appendix B (Online Supplement), the articles that will be discussed in this section comprise five theoretical papers and seven ethnographic studies. One of the ethnographic studies in which a sociocultural perspective on identity development is employed, concerned an extracurricular reading club for Asian English Language Learners who attended an American high school (Choi 2009 ). This study indicates, based on student interviews and online student discussions, that stimulating self-reflection, in this case through reading and discussing a novel together with peers, may help adolescents to better understand their own thoughts and feelings and could therefore contribute to their identity development.

The Sinai et al. ( 2012 ) study, in which a psychosocial perspective was adopted, demonstrated—through classroom observations, student assignments, and student focus groups—that writing assignments may help adolescents to enter a dialogue with certain parts of themselves, such as a younger version of themselves. In some cases, this appeared to support adolescents in gaining insights into who they currently are and into who they want to become, as was reflected in their narrated self-understandings. Various theoretical articles that either do not explicitly mention a perspective on identity development (Hall 2007 ) or combine various perspectives on identity development (Harrell-Levy and Kerpelman 2010 ; Ligorio 2010 ) also argued that engaging adolescents in (internal) dialogues can help them to learn more about what their interests are, about what they value, and about what kind of persons they want to become.

Next, a theoretical study in which identity development is understood from a sociocultural perspective (Ten Dam et al. 2004 ), together with a theoretical study that does not explicitly adopt a particular perspective on identity (Rossiter 2007 ), argued that reflective explorative learning experiences are also important because they may foster adolescents’ understanding of how their identity development is influenced by their sociocultural context. The underlying idea is that this could help adolescents to consciously search for a balance in their identity development between societal norms on the one hand and adolescents’ individual dreams of who they want to be(come) on the other.

In addition, two ethnographic studies in which a sociocultural perspective on identity development is adopted (Rogers et al. 2007 ; Vianna and Stetsenko 2011 ), three ethnographic studies that do not explicitly adopt a particular perspective (Hall 2007 ; Hardee and Reyelt 2009 ; Muhammad 2012 ), and one theoretical study in which various perspectives on identity are combined (Henfield 2012 ), suggest that offering adolescents, and especially those who are at risk of marginalization, the opportunity to become aware of and critically assess societal inequalities may foster their identity development and make them more resilient. For example, Hardee and Reyelt ( 2009 ) examined how alternative arts-based education may support the identity development of adolescents in a juvenile arbitration program and of adolescents who are not succeeding in American public schools. In the arts-based workshops, adolescents were asked to question and challenge dominant ideologies by engaging in theater assignments, writing assignments, and collage-creating assignments. The analysis of the ethnographic data suggests that this helped the participants develop a stronger sense of who they are, what they stand for, and of what external barriers they might have to overcome in their further development. One student for example noted, “It helps to talk about this kind of stuff ’cause this isn’t stuff we talk about in school. I could talk about this all day. It makes me feel stronger inside, like I know me” (quote in Hardee and Reyelt 2009 , p. 33). This quote, as well as the studies mentioned above, indicates that learning about structural inequalities may help adolescents to better understand their position in society and to develop their identities while being aware of ascribed positions, in addition to chosen ones.

Conditions for Effective Explorative Learning Experiences

Next to articles on educational processes that may unintentionally or intentionally play a role in adolescents’ identity development, we identified 37 articles that focus on preconditions that are thought to be required when teachers intentionally want to support adolescents in exploring their identities.

Meaningful Learning Experiences

We found 20 articles concerning the role of meaningful learning experiences in supporting the development of adolescents’ identities. As is shown in Table 10 in Appendix B (Online Supplement), among these articles, eight theoretical, one quantitative, and 11 ethnographic studies can be found. Various of these articles argued (Brickhouse 2001 ; Cowie et al. 2011 ; Flum and Kaplan 2006 ; Higgins 2015 ; Steele 1997 ; Subramaniam et al. 2012 ) or indicated (Basu et al. 2009 ; Black et al. 2010 ; Brickhouse et al. 2000 ; Cobb et al. 2009 ; Freire et al. 2009 ; Hazari et al. 2010 ; Mittendorff et al. 2008 ; Mortimer et al. 2010 ; Polman and Miller 2010 ; Skerrett 2012 ; Tan and Calabrese Barton 2007 ; Thompson 2014 ), irrespective of their theoretical perspective on identity development (also see Table 2 ) and employed research methods, that adolescents regard learning experiences as meaningful when they feel there is space for their own out-of-school knowledge and experiences in class and when they can relate what they learned in school to their out-of-school daily life. Additionally, in theoretical papers that employ sociocultural (Lemke 2001 ), combined (Whiting 2006 ), or no explicitly mentioned (Higgins 2015 ; Steele 1997 ) perspectives on identity development, it is argued that learning experiences are considered to be meaningful when adolescents recognize themselves in the learning material and content.

Together, the studies mentioned in this section suggest that meaningful learning experiences may make it easier for adolescents to link their already present self-understandings to the learning contents and activities in school and vice versa. This may help them to identify with the learning content and activities, which, in turn, would stimulate them to further explore whether they want to make certain identity commitments when it comes to those contents and activities.

Some of the studies that focus on meaningful learning experiences also explored how such experiences can be organized in school. Three ethnographic studies in which a sociocultural perspective is adopted (Basu et al. 2009 ; Skerrett 2012 ; Thompson 2014 ) and an ethnographic study in which various perspectives on identity development are combined (Cobb et al. 2009 ) found that adolescents, when they are able to voice which themes and learning interests appeal to them, and when teachers take this into account in selecting (or letting the students select) the topics and assignments, may be supported in relating their education to their personal lives. Furthermore, several articles departing from different perspectives on identity development suggest that entering a dialogue with adolescents and discussing the importance and implications of what they learned in school for their personal development may help adolescents to connect what is taught in school to their out-of-school daily lives (Black et al. 2010 ; Brickhouse et al. 2000 ; Flum and Kaplan 2006 ; Mittendorff et al. 2008 ).

Here, it should be noted that identity exploration, which is understood by scholars who adopt a psychosocial perspective on identity development as the questioning of already present identifications through triggering frictions and some discomfort that allow for the (re-)evaluation of childhood identifications (Erikson 1968 ; Kroger 2007 ; Marcia 1993 ; Sinai et al. 2012 ), does not necessarily exclude the possibility of relating adolescents’ personal lives to school and vice versa. Meaningful learning experiences do not have to concern experiences that perfectly suit adolescents. Rather, they are experiences that appeal to adolescents in such a way that they feel motivated to engage in identity exploration.

Supportive Classroom Climate

We identified a group of 18 articles that concern the role of a supportive classroom climate in fostering the development of adolescents’ identities. As can be derived from Table 11 in Appendix B (Online Supplement), the articles that will be discussed in this section comprise four theoretical papers, one quantitative study, and 13 ethnographic studies. Most articles, irrespective of their perspective on identity development and employed methods (also see Table 2 ), argued (Cummins et al. 2015 ; Flum and Kaplan 2006 ; Hamman and Hendricks 2005 ) or found (Buxton 2005 ; Fields and Enyedy 2013 ; Hazari et al. 2015 ; Kendrick et al. 2013 ; Lam and Tam 2011 ; Olitsky 2007 ; Tan and Calabrese Barton 2007 ; Van Ryzin 2014 ) that it is important to make adolescents feel respected and appreciated to warrant a supportive classroom climate. Also, some of these articles (Flum and Kaplan 2006 ; Hamman and Hendricks 2005 ; Hazari et al. 2015 ; Olitsky 2007 ; Tan and Calabrese Barton 2007 ), together with other theoretical (Harrell-Levy and Kerpelman 2010 ) and empirical (Archer et al. 2009 ; Carlone et al. 2015 ) studies (that vary too in the theoretical perspective on identity they adopt), focus on the importance of making adolescents feel secure enough to make “mistakes.” Additionally, various articles indicate that peers who approach each other open mindedly (Fields and Enyedy 2013 ), and recognize each other for who they are and want to be (Cummins et al. 2015 ; Harrell-Levy and Kerpelman 2010 ), are essential aspects of a supportive classroom climate too.

The factors listed above are suggested by the literature to stimulate adolescents’ identity development, because these factors are thought to make adolescents feel confident in trying out new roles (whether broadening or deepening adolescents’ self-understandings), in reflecting on their own thoughts and feelings, and in critically assessing societal inequalities. Discovering who you are and want to be is understood to require some courage, because it may involve risks and discomfort; it is accompanied by new experiences and change (Erikson 1968 ; Kroger 2007 ; Marcia 1993 ; Sinai et al. 2012 ). A supportive social climate may help adolescents to feel safe enough to take these risks and deal with such possible discomfort. In the group of literature that focuses on the role of a supportive classroom climate in supporting the development of adolescents’ identities, we found several suggestions to foster a supportive classroom climate. First, two theoretical (Hamman and Hendricks 2005 ; Lam and Tam 2011 ) and two ethnographic (Robb et al. 2007 ; Rudd 2012 ) articles that differ in the perspectives on identity development that they employ indicate that teacher compliments (Hamman and Hendricks 2005 ; Robb et al. 2007 ) and warm teacher-student relationships (Lam and Tam 2011 ; Rudd 2012 ) may contribute to a supportive classroom climate. Some of these articles argued (Hamman and Hendricks 2005 ) or demonstrated (Robb et al. 2007 ; Rudd 2012 ) that this is the case, because teacher compliments and personal teacher-student relationships make students feel recognized and valued.

Second, other articles (again differing in the perspective on identity development they employ) focus on how teachers can communicate to their students that they are allowed to make mistakes (Archer et al. 2009 ; Hazari et al. 2015 ; Tan and Calabrese Barton 2007 ; Rudd 2012 ). For example, Hazari et al. ( 2015 ) found, in their ethnographic study on physics classes that is grounded in a sociocultural perspective, that when teachers share their own doubts and make mistakes every once in a while, this may help to reassure students, as comes to the fore in the following quote:

Well, like I do not know if he does it on purpose but sometimes he makes mistakes like in the problems and stuff and like the whole class laughs and then it makes us feel more comfortable because like he, our own teacher is making mistakes. (quote in Hazari et al. 2015 , p. 749)

Together with the ethnographic study by Tan and Calabrese Barton ( 2007 ) that is grounded in a sociocultural perspective too, the study by Hazari et al. ( 2015 ) indicates that adolescents, when they do not continuously feel the pressure to perform, may feel more supported to freely explore their identities. Additionally, the study by Rudd ( 2012 ), in which perspectives on identity development are combined, suggests that when teachers approach their students open mindedly—in the sense that they offer students second chances and chances to reposition themselves on a regular basis—students may feel less judged and restricted and may therefore feel more invited to explore their identity.

Finally, several ethnographic studies differing in their adopted theoretical perspectives on identity development demonstrated how mutual recognition among peers could be stimulated by engaging adolescents in learning activities that invite mutual encouragement (Carlone et al. 2015 ; Tan and Calabrese Barton 2007 ) or by making adolescents aware of what they have in common (Hardee and Reyelt 2009 ; Jones and Deutsch 2013 ; Parker 2014 ; Tan and Calabrese Barton 2007 ). For example, in an art program studied by Hardee and Reyelt ( 2009 ), adolescents were asked to create art pieces. Subsequently, the adolescents discussed their personal interpretations of the art that was made, which, based on observation and interview data, appeared to make them aware of the experiences and views they shared that seemed to foster adolescents’ bonding processes.

School, a place where adolescents spend a lot of time and are introduced to new ideas and activities, is an important context where adolescents’ identity development can be supported (e.g., Flum and Kaplan 2006 ; Kaplan and Flum 2009 ; Kaplan and Flum 2012 ; Rich and Schachter 2012 ; Schachter and Galili-Schachter 2012 ; Schachter and Rich 2011 ; Silseth and Arnseth 2011 ). Yet, due to a scattered research field, it was difficult to establish how schools and teachers can foster adolescents’ identity development and what knowledge gaps should be addressed to further support schools and teachers in doing so. Therefore, the present literature review aimed to present an overview of what insights the existing literature provides into the role of school in adolescents’ identity development.

We found that three groups of literature could be distinguished in the existing literature. The first group concerns articles that focus on educational processes through which adolescents’ identity development may unintentionally (and often negatively) be informed by schools, teachers, and peers: selection practices and differentiation, teaching strategies, teacher expectations, and peer norms. The second group of articles regards educational processes through which schools and teachers can intentionally organize experiences that support adolescents’ identity development: namely, through in-breadth exploration, in-depth exploration, and reflective exploration. The third group of articles comprises studies on two preconditions that are required to intentionally support adolescents’ identity development in school: meaningful learning experiences and a supportive classroom climate.

What struck us is that a fair share of studies on educational processes that may unintentionally play a role in adolescents’ identity development were performed in formal educational settings, whereas most of the studies on how schools and teachers can intentionally organize experiences that support adolescents’ identity development were conducted in extracurricular and out-of-school settings. The absence of studies on explorative learning experiences in adolescents’ identity development in formal education suggests that explorative learning experiences are currently not well integrated in the formal curriculum. We think this is worrisome, as introducing students to new learning contents and activities is the main purpose of formal education. Furthermore, the literature on educational processes that may unintentionally play a role in adolescents’ identity development shows how schools and teachers may significantly impact adolescents’ identities in a negative way. Yet, neither in educational practice nor in educational research, enough attention is paid to how adolescents’ identities can be influenced in a constructive manner in formal education.

What Schools and Teachers Can Learn About Their Role in Adolescents’ Identity Development

One of the contributions of this review is that it invites schools and teachers to look at educational practices in new, critical ways: The review shows how educational processes that may be considered as unproblematic could unintentionally shape how adolescents’ come to understand themselves and provides suggestions for how learning experiences that support adolescents’ identity development can be integrated in the curriculum.

First, this review makes clear that educational processes that unintentionally play a role in adolescents’ identity development are ubiquitous. The literature identified the following educational processes through which messages are communicated to adolescents concerning who they should or can be: selection practices and differentiation , teaching strategies , teacher expectations , and peer norms . It is in relation to such messages that adolescents’ develop their identities; These messages can be internalized by adolescents. Moreover, the identified educational processes involve practices that tend to be considered as normal, unproblematic, and—in the cases of selection processes, differentiation, and certain teaching strategies—efficient, yet were found to often inform adolescent’s self-understandings in a negative way. Based on the literature, it can be recommended that becoming more aware of and reflect more upon the messages that these practices may communicate could help to prevent adolescents’ identity development from being influenced in a negative manner.

Second, this review showed that different types of explorative learning experiences can be organized to foster adolescents’ identity development: in-breadth , in-depth , and reflective explorative learning experiences . Adolescents can be stimulated to explore new identity positions through in-breadth exploration or be helped to explore and further specify already existing self-understandings through in-depth exploration. Alternatively, schools and teachers can foster adolescents’ understandings of their own thoughts and feelings through reflective explorative learning experiences. Schools can ask themselves how they can restructure the curriculum in such a way that it enables these different types of explorative learning experiences, and teachers can ask themselves how they can redesign their classes so that they become explorative learning experiences. No matter what the specific identity development purpose is, and while acknowledging that this may be difficult to arrange, the literature suggests that explorative learning experiences should be meaningful to adolescents and situated in supportive classroom climates in order to be successful.

We would like to stress, though, that the provision of explorative learning experiences in formal education to support adolescents’ identity development does not necessarily entail an extra task for teachers and schools. Introducing adolescents to new ideas, activities, and possibilities is what teachers and schools are supposed to do anyway. Providing explorative learning experiences is a way of fulfilling this task through a pedagogical approach that stimulates adolescents to connect what they are taught in school to who they are and want to be (Biesta 2014 ; Vianna and Stetsenko 2011 ).

Directions for Future Research

In our selection of literature, studies that are grounded in sociocultural, psychosocial, social psychological, and sociological perspectives on identity development can be found. Currently, the great majority of these studies looks at adolescents’ identity development from a sociocultural perspective and provides insights into how available norms, values, tools, and identity positions in schools may impact how adolescents come to understand themselves. Yet, studies grounded in a psychosocial, social psychological, or sociological perspective on identity development are less prevalent (also see Table 2 ).

In this review, it has become clear—by primarily grouping the selected studies based on the identified educational processes and preconditions, instead of based on the theoretical perspectives on identity that are adopted—that when scholars, who differ in their adopted theoretical perspectives on identity, would combine their strengths, this could make a large difference in moving this body of research forward.

So far, only the role of selection practices and differentiation, peer norms, and supportive classroom climates in adolescents’ identity development have been studied from different theoretical perspectives. For example, when it comes to the educational process of selection practices and differentiation, studies using a sociocultural perspective showed the impact ability grouping may have, through the different identity positions that are available to different ability groups, on adolescents’ engagement with school (as an indication of adolescents’ school- and learning-related identities). Yet, without studies that employed a social psychological perspective, we would not have known as much about the more negative behavioral and personality characteristics that are attributed to students from lower status educational tracks compared to students from higher status tracks. Next, psychosocial studies have found indications for differences in the process of identity development (in terms of exploration and commitment) between students in different academic tracks, although the direction of the differences remains still unclear. Hence, when studies examine the role of educational processes in adolescents’ identity development from different angles, this may provide us with invaluable and complementary insights (also see Lewis and Valle 2009 ). Yet, as the articles on the role of peer norms and supportive classroom climates show, studies that differ in the theoretical perspective on identity they are grounded in can also approach the role of certain educational processes in adolescents’ identity development in a similar way, consequently validating each other’s research findings. To illustrate, articles in which a sociocultural perspective is employed, as well as articles in which a psychosocial or no explicitly mentioned perspective on identity development is adopted, all suggest that peers may restrict each other’s access to certain identity positions by refusing to recognize each other in certain ways or by stigmatizing particular identity positions which makes these positions less appealing to publicly identify with.

For the majority of the educational processes that are identified in the existing literature, it still remains to be seen to what extent research grounded in different theoretical perspectives on identity development would complement and/or validate each other. However, the findings that are derived from articles on selection processes and differentiation, peer norms, and supportive classroom climates promise that research on the other identified educational processes, when studied from different angles, will add to the current research field. Furthermore, by bringing research concerning particular educational processes and preconditions together, based on different theoretical perspectives on identity, this literature review allows scholars to see how their research may complement research performed by scholars who employ other theoretical perspectives, and vice versa, while supporting them in identifying research gaps when it comes to particular educational processes or preconditions.

To date, studies that are grounded in psychosocial, social psychological, and sociological perspectives tend to be less occupied with whether and how educational processes and preconditions in day-to-day school-based experiences and interactions may impact adolescents’ identities than studies in which a sociocultural perspective is employed. This is a limitation of the existing body of research that points to a direction for future research and, moreover, that cannot be easily substituted by findings from other strands of research. Although psychologists do study the identity-related phenomena of self-concept (people’s perceptions of themselves; Marsh 1990 ) and possible selves (people’s positive and negative images of their selves in a future state; Oyserman et al. 2006 ) in education, these phenomena are generally studied in a quantitative manner to examine respectively their relation to adolescents’ academic achievements (e.g., Marsh 1990 ) and goal-related actions (e.g., Oyserman et al. 2006 ). These strands of research too tend to be less concerned with how daily interactions and experiences in school inform adolescents’ self-concepts or possible selves.

With regard to more circumscribed identity dimensions, the existing research was highly skewed towards studies on the development of adolescents’ STEM identities. Research on schools’ role in the development of, for example, adolescents’ history identities or geology identities is non-existent, and studies concerning the role of school in adolescents’ literacy identity are scarce. It remains to be studied whether these identity dimensions—as well as identity dimensions not covered in this review study, such as gender and ethnic identities—are subject to the same educational processes as the identity dimensions that are prevalent among the articles included in this review.

We would like to conclude our literature study by emphasizing that this review demonstrates, more than anything, that even though we know that schools and teachers in formal education may unintentionally impact adolescents’ identity development, there are only a few studies on how adolescents’ identity development can intentionally be supported in formal education (referred to as “identity education” by Schachter and Rich 2011 ). Moreover, the body of literature on learning experiences that can intentionally be organized to support adolescents’ identity development suggests that learning experiences outside of school may impact the identities of adolescents too. This is something to take into account in future research, as adolescents participate in learning experiences in various contexts (home, sports clubs, side jobs), and the communicated identity messages and explorative learning experiences of each of these contexts may interact. The bottom line is, though, that, currently, research (irrespective of its perspective on identity development) cannot sufficiently support schools and teachers in the intentional fostering of adolescents’ identity development in formal education: The strategies that are identified by the literature on extracurricular and out-of-school settings may not simply be transferable to formal school settings. Therefore, we argue that, to support adolescents’ identity development in our contemporary society, future research’s first priority should be to map to what extent identity exploration is encouraged in current formal curriculums and to provide insights into how adolescents’ identity development can successfully and intentionally be fostered in formal education.

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Acknowledgements

This work was supported by the Netherlands Initiative for Education Research [grant number 405-15-716]. Special thanks to Janneke Staaks (information specialist at the University of Amsterdam) for her assistance in the selection of the databases and the development of our search strategy. We would also like to thank Desiree Berendsen, Carla van Boxtel, Lenie van den Bulk, Hanoch Flum, Avi Kaplan, Thea van Lankveld, Sarah Leker, Piet Post, Ati Raban, Floor Rombout, Marloes Schrijvers and Wim Wardekker (a group consisting of researchers, teacher educators, teachers, and principals) for their helpful comments on our first draft.

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Verhoeven, M., Poorthuis, A.M.G. & Volman, M. The Role of School in Adolescents’ Identity Development. A Literature Review. Educ Psychol Rev 31 , 35–63 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10648-018-9457-3

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Essay on Personality Development | Role of Education in Personality Development

• Essay on Personality Development

Education is an important factor in the personality development of individuals. The school, after the home, is one of the social structures every child will pass through and one of its purposes is to build the character of that child. We shall be looking at some of the roles it plays in this process.

What is personality development?

Personality development is the process of expanding your personality. This may include doing activities that you don’t normally do, but find enjoyable and fulfilling like playing a new sport or trying new hobbies. It also includes developing skills that you already have but are not using to their full potential such as playing an instrument or speaking another language. Developing your personality can also mean discovering who you are in order to better understand yourself and grow into the person that’s right for you.

Character Development

As I stated earlier, the school plays a great role in the overall personality development of an individual.

From childhood, the child is exposed to this social setting and spends most of his day there. The influence that education, which is the major service the schools offer, has on the child cannot be overlooked.

After the home front, the school is responsible for the upbringing of children and their overall character development. Therefore, there should be a deliberate effort to ensure that the character of the child is molded properly during this time. Education is not just about teaching theory to children, but a school environment is a place where a good foundation is laid for children to help in the future.

In school, virtues such as honesty, fairness, kindness, and respect are taught. The teachers and educationists have a tremendous influence on students and they are seen as role models so it is necessary that set good examples always.

You must understand that children learn very well by observation so care must be taken to how teachers behave before their students. In school, there are a lot of planned actions and activities that are carried out in the classroom to help students develop a good character which will help them in life.

I shall go through some of these as I go on. There are some important things that should be put in place to help students build their character.

There are several methods of building character in students and when the character is inbuilt in the student, positive behavior is almost automatic. There are several schools of thought that have provided different pillars that help build character.

Here, I have listed a combination of these pillars to help in the personality development of our young ones. They are:

1.1 – TRUSTWORTHINESS

They should be taught the importance of being trustworthy which basically is to learn how to keep their words. Students would learn the need to be honest and sincere; the need to be a person of integrity and why they should be reliable.

1.2 – RESPECT

They should be taught the need to show respect to others by being courteous, acting with dignity, giving autonomy, tolerating opposing views, and accepting criticism.

1.3 – RESPONSIBILITY

They should be taught the need to be responsible for all their actions and daily living.

1.4 – FAIRNESS

This is a character trait of being fair to all and in all situations. They should be taught the importance of this.

1.5 – CARING

The students should be shown why this character trait is essential and how it tells well of them.

1.6 – CITIZENSHIP

This enables students to learn the importance of contributing to the good of society.

1.7 – TEAMWORK

This character trait would help students learn how to work with others in a team. It helps teach them how to tolerate others and their viewpoints.

1.8 – EXCELLENCE

The student should learn how important it is to excel in whatever they do and that excellence has its rewards.

1.9 – COMPASSION

Student should learn to have compassion for and be empathetic to the needs and challenges of others. To teach the students these character traits, you can spread them out and emphasize one of them each month. The students can be encouraged to research on each trait and can be assigned creative writing projects on them.

Set the rules

In the classroom, the teacher should set the necessary rules that will guide the behavior of the student.

Be clear of what is acceptable and unacceptable. It is also advisable to discuss them with the students. To make this work, make sure that you set an example for them so that it would be easier for them to follow.

You should be kind, neat, and punctual in class. You should also show respect to others and finish your work within schedule. By doing so, they will realize that they themselves do not have an excuse to fail or disregard rules.

To achieve maximum results, the teacher will need to explain to the student the character traits which each rule is meant to build. The teacher can also allow the students to make suggestions on possible rules that would be of benefit to the class.

They should always exhibit positive behavior so as to become role models for the students. It would also be good if a reward system can be put in place to reward good behavior.

Point them towards positive role models

Another way by which individuals can build their personality properly is to have good examples of heroes and role models in various fields of study.

Students would easily want to measure up to the character of someone they admire. The teacher should talk about such people that the students can learn from.

They can also be asked to describe, assess, and match the personality traits and behaviors of those people. The teacher can also talk about the behavior and lifestyle of current world leaders and celebrities and as the student to assess if their words match their actions.

Build a culture of respect

Teachers should teach students the need for them to develop self-respect and understand the importance of showing others respect. They can be shown with examples of the benefits of treating others with respect.

Teach them to talk positively

The students can be encouraged to learn how to talk right. Positive talk produces good results both now and in the future. Show them how their words affect their future.

Further Reading

• How to Write an Essay | Structure of Essay (Comprehensive Guide)
• Essay on Happiness is State of Mind
• Essay on Education
• Essay on Time Management
• Essay on Why Trees are Important in our Life
• 500 Words Essay on Nature in English
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Personality development in the context of individual traits and parenting dynamics

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Our conceptualization of adult personality and childhood temperament can be closely aligned in that they both reflect endogenous, likely constitutional dispositions. Empirical studies of temperament have focused on measuring systematic differences in emotional reactions, motor responses, and physiological states that we believe may contribute to the underlying biological components of personality. Although this work has provided some insight into the early origins of personality, we still lack a cohesive developmental account of how personality profiles emerge from infancy into adulthood. We believe the moderating impact of context could shed some light on this complex trajectory. We begin this article reviewing how researchers conceptualize personality today, particularly traits that emerge from the Five Factor Theory (FFT) of personality. From the temperament literature, we review variation in temperamental reactivity and regulation as potential underlying forces of personality development. Finally, we integrate parenting as a developmental context, reviewing empirical findings that highlight its important role in moderating continuity and change from temperament to personality traits.

At the core of personality psychology is a focus on variability in human behaviors and attitudes that are stable across context and can arise from within the individual. The belief that people are ultimately individuals who bring unique perspective and contributions to their own development began to flourish in the Western world in the 19th century. This new focus on the individual propelled initiatives within philosophy and psychology to focus on dimensions that differentiate us from one another ( Barenbaum & Winter, 2008 ). Over time, this acknowledgement of individual differences permeated other areas of psychology – raising the notion that variation in individual traits can be systematic and predictive, and not simply random noise to be filtered out. Since personality can influence a host of constructs of interest – motivation, achievement, social behavior, decision-making – attempts to examine individual differences in this domain are evident across the field.

Early on, much of the emerging personality research was mired in a debate centered on quantifying what portion of personality was trait-based in contrast to experience-shaped. However, the current review will not fully wade into this debate—which ironically often pointed to broad theories of development, while not necessarily taking on a developmental approach ( Barenbaum & Winter, 2008 ). Rather, we will focus on how transactions between endogenous and contextual factors shape the personality development. Particularly, we want to highlight early emerging forces, such as temperament, that shape the emergence of personality traits within the context of the parenting environment. In doing so, we review how researchers conceptualize personality today, how temperamental reactivity and regulation may be underlying forces of personality development, and the role of the parenting context in moderating continuity and change from temperament to personality traits. Our understanding of these complex, bi-directional, interactions are outlined and illustrated in a simplified conceptual model (Section 3) that guides our interpretation of the currently available literature.

1. Current conceptualization of personality

The Five Factor Model (FFM) of personality has guided research and theory building for almost three decades ( John, Naumann, & Soto, 2008 ). FFM, also known as the Big Five model, contends that the construct of personality includes Basic Tendencies or traits that are biologically-based, as well as Characteristic Adaptations that result from dynamic interactions between Basic Tendencies and experience. The combination of Basic Tendencies and Characteristic Adaptations , give rise to our observed personality phenotypes and directly impact the individual’s self-concept and objective biography (for a review, see McCrae & Costa, 2008 ). The theory postulates that there are five basic tendencies of personality: Neuroticism, Extraversion, Agreeableness, Openness , and Conscientiousness . Briefly explained, Neuroticism reflects emotional instability, and a tendency to display behaviors related to negative emotionality, such as anxiety, tension, and sadness. Extraversion refers to a high desire to approach and engage with the social and material world, and it includes traits of sociability, positive emotionality, and assertiveness. Agreeableness reflects a prosocial orientation and amiability that includes behaviors of altruism and trust, whereas the Openness factor includes dimensions of originality, perceptiveness, and intellect with which individuals experience life. Finally, Conscientiousness refers to a tendency to control impulses in compliance with social order, including task-oriented behaviors such as planning, organizing, as well as following norms or rules ( John, Naumann, & Soto, 2008 ).

In some ways, this conceptualization of personality has been closely aligned with our typical conceptualization of childhood temperament. For example, personality traits have been defined as “endogenous dispositions that follow intrinsic paths of development essentially independent of environmental influences” ( McCrae et al., 2000 , p. 173). The term “endogenous” suggests that these traits are biologically-based and early occurring, much like temperament. In fact, McCrae and colleagues (2000) argued that based on behavioral genetic and heritability studies of personality, we can conclude that personality traits have a large genetic component and that childhood shared environment (e.g., adoptive parents and siblings) has little to no effect on adult personality. Furthermore, they also present cross-cultural analyses of the maturation of personality traits from age 14 to age 50, supporting general declines in Neuroticism and Extraversion , and increases in Conscientiousness with age across five countries. Although these results lend support to the biological and universal aspects of personality traits, we should be careful in making strong inferences. Personality traits are usually assessed at an age when they may have reached a high degree of stability. Thus, these studies may 1) miss potential ways in which context can interact with early expressions of these traits (i.e., temperament) to shape continuity, and 2) miss individual variation or change that cannot be captured at group-level analyses ( Halverson & Deal, 2001 ).

Temperament research typically focuses on the early developmental period, measuring individual differences in behavior and physiology that are expressed in infancy and may lay the foundation for later personality. Indeed, temperament-linked differences are evident as early as four months of age ( Fox, Henderson, Rubin, Calkins & Schmidt, 2001 ; Kagan, 2012 ). By measuring systematic differences in emotional reactions, motor responses, and physiological states (e.g., heart rate variability), we can identify a number of temperament dimensions or temperamental styles that we believe may contribute to the underlying biological components of personality ( Rothbart & Bates, 2012 ). For example, an infant who displays increased limb movement when presented with a toy is rated as highly reactive ( Kagan, 2012 ). If this reactivity is accompanied by smiles and pleasant vocalization, then the infant id also rated as high in positive affect. This pattern of high positive reactivity is linked to the personality trait of Extraversion ( Caspi & Shiner, 2006 ; Slobodskaya & Kozlova, 2016 ), suggesting that this tendency for high approach and engagement of novelty is manifested early in infancy. However, links between temperament and personality traits are rarely strong, suggesting that these biological traits may not follow a path completely independent of environmental influences ( Shiner & Caspi, 2012 ). For example, studies suggest that temperament is influenced by prenatal experiences ( Huizink, 2012 ), and that after birth, early context may continue to influence change and continuity of infant temperament ( van Ijzendoorn & Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2012 ). Furthermore, recent findings from epigenetic research has provided the mechanisms by which experience can robustly influence temperamental traits, such as reactivity and regulation ( Roth, 2012 ).

While previous work in infant temperament has provided some insight into the early origins of personality traits, we still lack a rich or cohesive developmental account of how different adult personality profiles emerge (or evolve) from infancy to adulthood. Despite attempts to link temperament dimensions to adult personality profiles, bridging the gap between early individual differences and adult personality traits has proved to be an intricate endeavor. We believe the moderating impact of context could shed some light on the complex trajectory from infant temperament to adult personality. First, however, we more carefully review our current understanding of temperament and the link to personality.

2. Temperament-linked individual differences and personality

Rothbart and Derryberry (1981) defined temperament as individual differences in reactivity and self-regulation that are constitutional or biologically based. Reactivity, or the arousability of emotion, motor, and physiological systems, is evident in behavioral responses to novel stimuli such as increased vocalization, motoric movement, and affective expression. Furthermore, temperamental reactivity can be positive or negative, depending on the affective valence accompanying the infant’s response. Individual differences at these two emotional extremes are characterized as exuberant and fearful temperaments, respectively. Exuberant infants explore novel spaces and toys and are more likely to respond to a stranger or new social interaction with positive affect ( Fox et al., 2001 ). When in the same situation, fearful infants are more likely to cry, kick, or cling to their mothers, and may also show extreme hypervigilance and negative affect compared to non-fearful children ( Kagan, 2012 ). Temperamental regulation functions to modulate reactivity, such that the behavioral expression of high reactivity may be constrained if effective regulation is also present, or exacerbated if regulation abilities are low.

2.1. Temperamental reactivity

Negative reactivity is associated with a low threshold of arousal in limbic structures, particularly the amygdala and the broader threat response system ( Kagan, Reznick, & Snidman, 1987 ). Greater arousal results in heightened sensitivity to context, such that infants with lower thresholds are more sensitive to novel stimuli and thus more likely to show negative responses characterized by fear, even when presented with ostensibly “neutral” stimuli ( White, Lamm, Helfinstein, & Fox, 2012 ). Such negative reactivity is evident in the later emerging temperament profile of Behavioral Inhibition (BI). BI toddlers show longer latencies to interact or approach, respond with negative affect, and remain in close proximity to their mother when presented with a novel toy or in the presence of a stranger, reflecting a highly vigilant response. Furthermore, these behavioral expressions have been associated with physiological differences also originating in the limbic system, such as higher and more stable heart rate and higher cortisol levels ( Kagan et al., 1987 ). Although we cannot extensively describe physiological differences between negative and positive reactivity infants in the current review, a robust collection of studies have identified temperament-linked differences in electroencephalogram (EEG) alpha power, sympathetic tone and baseline rate in the cardiovascular system, cortisol reactivity, the Event Related Negativity (ERN) waveform, and neural response to both threat and reward (for an in-depth description of methodology and group comparisons see Fox, Henderson, Pérez-Edgar, & White, 2008 ; Kagan & Snidman, 2004 ; McDermott et al., 2009 ; Schwartz et al., 2012 ).

Positive reactivity in infants on the other hand, may be the result of a high threshold of arousal, which likely affords infants the ease and comfort to navigate new social situations because they do not perceive such situations as threatening. Typically, Western personality preferences have led us to embrace the exuberant child, while simultaneously believing that fearfulness is a cause for concern ( Pérez-Edgar & Hastings, 2018 ). Although negative reactivity has more generally been associated with negative outcomes, such as anxiety ( Chronis-Tuscano et al., 2009 ; McDermott et al., 2009 ), positive reactivity can also lead to maladaptive outcomes if unregulated (see below). For example, Morales, Pérez-Edgar, and Buss (2016) found that exuberant toddlers who scored low in regulation tasks showed increased attention bias to reward, and their exuberance predicted externalizing behaviors. Externalizing behaviors, in turn, have been associated with traits of low Agreeableness and low Conscientiousness , and can manifest behaviorally in aggression and antisocial behavior ( Miller, Lynam, & Jones, 2008 ).

Early temperamental traits can lead to lasting physiological and cognitive profiles particularly when embedded within a context that reinforces and magnifies their expression ( Rothbart & Bates, 2012 ). In contrast, some environments may actively (even if unconsciously) work to mitigate early traits that do not conform to desired behavioral and emotional patterns ( Belsky, Bakermans-Kranenburg, & van IJzendoorn2007 ). The progression from temperament reactivity to later child outcomes – including emergent personality – through environmental mechanisms that shape continuity may explain why a small percentage of BI infants develop acute social difficulties and clinical anxiety as early as adolescence ( Kagan, 2012 ), while most grow to be healthy, if a bit shy.

2.2.Temperamental regulation

Self-regulation is the modulation (upward or downward) of reactivity through the processes of attention, inhibition, approach and avoidance, functioning as a mechanism for reactive control ( Rothbart, Posner, & Kieras, 2006 ). For instance, an infant with high reactive control may be more likely to disengage from an unpleasant or negative stimulus in the environment (a scary toy) and focus attention elsewhere. Early in infancy, reactive control plays a crucial role in the expression of temperament because it directly modulates behavioral manifestations of reactivity. For example, the infant who is more likely to disengage attention from a negative stimulus will display less vocalization and motoric movement in response.

Temperamental regulation can also incorporate effortful control ( Rothbart, Ellis, Rueda, & Posner, 2003 ). Describing control as “effortful” reflects top-down processes that, unlike automatic reactive processes, are recruited voluntarily. For example, BI children with higher effortful control may more easily recruit strategies to regulate negative feelings in social situations, which can facilitate their social interactions. The anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) is one of the main brain structures involved in effortful control, and along with the Executive Attention Network (EAN) have been extensively studied for their role on regulation abilities (for a review, see Rueda, Posner, & Rothbart, 2005 ; Henderson & Wilson, 2017 ). In summary, individual differences are evident in the way infants react to their environment and regulate environmental input. Thus, the behavioral manifestation of temperament is a product of the interplay between the infant’s motoric and emotional reactivity and the infant’s regulation capacity.

2.3.The contextual role of temperament

The interplay between temperamental reactivity and regulation becomes more nuanced as regulation becomes more effortful or voluntary. Recent evidence suggests that not all regulatory processes affect temperamental reactivity in the same fashion. White and colleagues (2011) examined a large sample of infants from 4-months to preschool age. They found that BI children with poor attention shifting were more likely to follow a developmental path to anxiety compared to BI children who were better at shifting their attention. This evidence, on its own, suggests that more robust regulation may buffer risk trajectories from fearful temperament to Neuroticism and psychopathology. However, White et al. (2011) found a different moderation pattern for inhibitory control, an associated, but distinct, component of self-regulation. Inhibitory control is the ability to stop an automatic or dominant impulse and to activate a subdominant response for the purpose of goal completion. Unlike attention shifting, high, and not poor, inhibitory control was associated with development of anxiety problems in BI children, a finding that has since been replicated (see Henderson & Wilson, 2017 ).

A nuanced understanding of regulation provides some explanation for the variability in developmental trajectories from temperamental reactivity to personality, which will depend in part on which regulatory processes are called upon by individual children. For example, training inhibitory control processes in exuberant children may buffer risk for externalizing problems, and, in the absence of externalizing tendencies, children may develop into more Agreeable and Conscientious adults. However, using the same strategy in behaviorally inhibited children could exacerbate negative reactivity and the risk for internalizing behaviors, which has been associated with adult Neuroticism ( Muris, Meesters, & Blijlevens, 2007 ). Together, these findings emphasize the differential effects of specific self-regulation components, and more importantly, point to the important role of temperament in tethering development to a given adult personality profile over others, and to influencing whether regulation comes to buffer or potentiate risk for psychopathology.

3. Developmental links from temperament to personality

There is now increasing evidence for links between temperament dimensions and the Big Five. The Five Factor Theory of personality helped distinguished between basic tendencies of personality ( Extraversion, Neuroticism, Conscientiousness, Agreeableness , and Openness to Experience ) and later emerging components that are largely driven by life events and personal experience (e.g., Characteristic Adaptations and Self-Concept ). The Big Five, which reflect endogenous characteristics driven by biological systems much like temperament, has proven to be a more suitable construct to assess developmental links between temperament and adult personality ( Shiner & Caspi, 2012 ).

The effort to link temperament to personality has mostly focused on how temperament dimensions of Positive Emotionality , Negative Emotionality , and Effortful Control assessed early in childhood predict differences in personality traits later. Positive Emotionality , given a context that reinforces its stability throughout childhood, likely develops into the broader trait of Extraversion , which includes positive emotions, the motivation to engage in social relationships, and the desire to seek rewarding cues in the environment ( Olino, Klein, Durbin, Hayden, & Buckley, 2005 ; Caspi & Shiner, 2006 ).

Negative Emotionality , in contrast is often linked with manifestations of Neuroticism . For example, De Pauw, Mervielde, and Van Leeuwen (2009) assessed 443 preschoolers on their temperament and personality traits concurrently, and found a large overlap between both constructs, and each positively correlated with internalizing behaviors. Furthermore, Slobodskaya and Kozlova (2016) examined longitudinal links between temperament dimensions assessed within infancy and toddlerhood, and personality traits in childhood. They found that high Negative Emotionality along with low Effortful Control in infancy predicted childhood Neuroticism . In fact, results from their path analysis indicated that Effortful Control in infancy predicts all three of the personality traits assessed in childhood: Extraversion , Conscientiousness , and Neuroticism . Although these results are preliminary given the limited sample size and large variation of time intervals between assessments, they support the contextual role of temperamental regulation in the development of later personality. As previously discussed, Effortful Control is characterized by regulatory abilities that facilitate soothability in infancy, and the ability to inhibit dominant impulses and voluntarily shift attention when necessary to achieve a goal. This dimension has been linked to Conscientiousness , Extraversion , and generally adaptive traits in adult personality ( Halverson et al., 2003 ).

The extant literature supports moderate links between individual differences in infant temperament and later personality traits, while also suggesting that temperament does not predict personality in a deterministic way. What then is the developmental trajectory from infant temperament to childhood and adult personality? We believe the dynamic interaction between temperament-linked individual differences in infancy and early contextual factors leads to emergence of personality traits in childhood, as depicted in the left portion of Figure 1 . As these traits continue to actively and evocatively interact with the environment from infancy throughout childhood and adolescence, they increasingly become more context- and person-specific, resulting in the distinct personality profiles observed in adulthood ( Shiner & Caspi, 2012 ).

Mechanisms of change from temperament to personality Development

For example, “goodness of fit” refers to the extent that a child’s temperament is compatible with the context of development. This term was proposed by Chess and Thomas (1991) to describe the relational or dynamic aspect of temperament. The term “fit” implies a synchrony or transaction between temperament and context, and fit is considered “good” when the environment can meet the demands of a child’s temperament and provides opportunities for growth and sets expectations for regulation that are in accordance with that temperament. Dissonance between temperament and contextual demands would be considered a poor fit, and could potentially lead to maladaptive outcomes. The dynamic interaction between temperament and context may buffer or exacerbate the evolution of temperament traits into personality traits ( Shiner & Caspi, 2012 ).

For instance, a recent study by van der Voort and colleagues (2014) reported the longitudinal buffering effects of maternal sensitivity on children’s inhibited temperament. They followed a sample of 160 adopted infants into the adolescent years, assessing patterns of anxious and depressed behaviors. Although inhibited temperament was a strong predictor of socially reticent behaviors in middle childhood and internalizing problems in adolescence, maternal sensitivity measured at both infancy and middle childhood interacted with inhibited temperament to predict less internalizing problems in adolescence. Sensitivity may allow parents to more readily perceive fearful and vigilant cues in their inhibited infant, and provide more support in those instances in which the infant needs reassurance of safety. Conversely, if parenting behaviors do not fit the infant’s temperamental demands, inhibited and fearful tendencies could be further reinforced throughout childhood.

A good example comes from a series of studies from Kiel and Buss (2010 ; 2011 ; 2012 ; 2013) . Initially, they found that the relation between fearful temperament and protective parenting was stronger when mothers were more accurate in predicting or anticipating their children’s fearful responses ( Kiel & Buss, 2010 ). Presumably, this accurate anticipation increased the likelihood that mothers of fearful children would respond with protection in novel situations, which then perpetuated temperamental fearfulness. In a follow-up study, they maternal accuracy in anticipating fearful responses and protective parenting in toddlerhood was linked to social withdrawal at kindergarten entry ( Kiel & Buss, 2011 ). More recently, they have also shown that it is protective parenting in low-threat , but not high-threat situations that relates to fearful temperament ( Kiel & Buss, 2012 ). This pattern implies that ‘overprotective’ parenting behaviors, even if superficially ‘sensitive’, may potentiate risk from fearful temperament to later internalizing behaviors, anxiety, and high levels of Neuroticism .

In summary, we presume that temperament dimensions and the Big Five personality traits share underlying biological systems that drive their commonalities. When these basic, biological tendencies of adult personality are examined in isolation from the influence of life experience, moderate to strong links with temperament begin to emerge ( McCrae et al., 2000 ; Rothbart, 2011 ; Zentner & Bates, 2008 ). Such links suggest that temperament and personality traits may in essence be the same construct, differentiated only by the developmental point at which they are expressed ( Slobodskaya & Kozlova, 2016 ). Supporting this notion, Shiner and Caspi (2012) argue that personality traits are different from temperament dimensions in that the former include components that are only expressed when individuals develop more advanced cognitive abilities and self-awareness. They explain links between temperament and personality traits in terms of an outward expansion of children’s temperament. Specifically, as children develop and continue to be influenced by experience, life events, and social interactions, the expression of temperament expands beyond individual differences in basic reactivity and emotion, to more nuanced differences in intricate systems such as motivation, goal setting, beliefs, and views of self and others. We build on their cognitive-focused model, and argue that parenting practices form part of those experiences, life events, and social interactions that drive the expansion of temperament. Our developmental model in Figure 1 is in line with Shiner and Caspi’s (2012) view, depicting personality traits as biologically rooted in temperament, and interacting with early context and life experience to shape adult personality.

As previously stated, despite moderate links between temperament and personality traits there remains considerable unexplained variance in adult functional profiles after accounting for temperament and personality traits. At the very least we see moderate environmental influences on personality development even beyond the context of early childhood. We depict extended role of the environment in the center portion of Figure 1 , in agreement with McCrae et al.’s (2000) argument that the environment likely conditions the way in which personality evolves through adulthood.

Taking an even broader perspective, we believe the transactions between the individual and the environment depicted in our model are also dynamically embedded within the larger cultural context of family systems, socio-cultural expectations, and intergenerational processes that may exert important influence on child characteristics and contextual expectations ( Poole, Tang, & Schmidt, in press ). In essence, we suggest that context actively shapes the emergence and expression of personality through dynamic transactions between temperament and environmental factors. These transactions may happen via moderating effects of temperament, as well as bidirectional effects in which temperament elicits or evokes the environmental inputs children encounter, and consequently these environmental inputs gradually shape the expression of temperament (Oppenheimer, Hankin, Jenness, Young, & Smolen, 2013), creating a loop of experience-expectant and experience-dependent transactions. We explore this transactional relationship between child temperament and context using parenting as one example of early environmental influences on personality development.

4. The Parenting Context

Parents have direct genetic influences on children’s temperament and personality ( Scott et al., 2016 ). In addition, passive gene-environment correlations mean that parenting practices, as well as the choices parents make in shaping their child’s environment, are influenced by shared genetic characteristics. In this way, parents have both direct and indirect genetic effects on their child’s developmental outcomes. Thus, as we discuss the contextual influences of parenting on child temperament and personality, it is important to keep in mind that any behavioral influence parents have on their children is also likely to carry a genetic component.

Parents create most of the immediate setting in which infants develop, namely the home and the interpersonal environment, including the face-to-face relationships that take place there. These affordances make parents active agents in children’s social and emotional context, specifically through early parenting style and practices ( Belsky et al., 2007 ). For example, when parents respond to their infant’s cry with soothing and support, they are providing the means for infant emotion regulation. Similarly, in the presence of a stranger or novel situation, a parents’ facial cues (e.g., smile) signal to the infant whether the social context is safe or dangerous. Variations in parenting behavior directly impact the formation of the attachment relationship, and attachment relationships, in turn, influence children’s socioemotional competence and personality over time ( Lewis-Morrarty et al., 2015 ; Stevenson-Hinde, Chicot, Shouldice, & Hinde, 2013 ).

Additionally, parents also shape the infant’s social context beyond the immediate family setting, such as the peer environment. For example, before children gain autonomy, their parents choose what play activities children can engage in (e.g., story time at the library), and the playmates children can interact with. Parents continue to influence their children as they pass though important developmental transitions, such as school entrance, puberty and adolescence. These are periods when children undergo identity exploration and active reorganization of their social world (e.g., romantic relationships), which have relevant theoretical implications for the development of personality ( Reitz, Zimmermann, Hutteman, Specht, & Neyer, 2014 ; Syed, & Seiffge-Krenke, 2013 ).

4.1. Theoretical models of parenting influence

Theorists have proposed several mechanisms through which parenting can shape child outcomes, specifically the development of personality. Bowlby was one of the first to discuss the development of “internal working models” based on the parent-child attachment relationship ( Bowlby, 1980 ). The central tenet of working models is that children internalize representations about “the self” from the dynamic and transactional interactions between them and their caregiver ( Bretherton, 1990 ). Furthermore, children adopt working models of behavior based on the quality of these interactions that they then carry onto other contexts (e.g., school). In essence, parenting quality can influence children’s concept of who they are and how others view them. Additionally, parenting quality can also influence children’s manifestation of personality traits. For example, children who experience harsh punishment and controlling parenting may perceive themselves as unworthy or unlovable, and model intrusive and controlling behaviors that could then lead to low agreeableness or high neuroticism.

Environmental elicitation is a second mechanism theorized to explain relations between the parenting context and personality development. Here, a child’s individual characteristics can elicit specific parenting behaviors ( Shiner & Caspi, 2003 ). For example, a “difficult temperament”, which is a term used to describe infants who are easily irritable, cry often, and are hard to sooth, may elicit frustration in the parent and lead to harsh, controlling parenting or even rejection. The environmental elicitation model can be traced back to an organismic view of development, where changes arise from within the organism (e.g., the child) as the organism actively acts on the world and evokes responses from the environment ( Overton, 2015 ).

A caveat to the environmental elicitation model is that research now suggests a more dynamic approach may be at play, where the elicited environmental responses may be as dependent on environmental characteristics as they are on child characteristics ( Lerner, Rothbaum, Boulos, & Castellino, 2002 ). This is reflected in the bidirectional effects between child and context in Figure 1 . Children’s individual characteristics in tandem with parental individual characteristics can influence the type and quality of parenting response. For example, some studies suggest that parents with higher education levels are more likely to show warmth and support in response to a difficult child, whereas parents with low educational attainment are more likely to respond with harsh control and reciprocal negative affect ( Paulussen-Hoogeboom, Stams, Hermanns, & Peetsma, 2007 ). This approach to environment elicitation can be traced back to Bronfenbrenner’s Bioecological framework of development, in which developmental change is theorized to occur through dynamic transactions between organism and immediate environment, and where the individual characteristics of the organism and the characteristics of the environment are equally important in these interactions (for an overview, see Rosa & Tudge, 2013 ).

The working model of behavior and the environmental elicitation model are not necessarily mutually exclusive, and there is empirical evidence suggesting that they may in fact work simultaneously within the framework of parenting and personality development. For example, Van den Akker and colleagues (2014) examined personality development from age 6 to age 20 along with maternal over-reactivity and warmth. The sample included 596 children and their mothers, who reported on their children’s personality traits at five different time points throughout the study, as well as their parenting practices. Van Den Akker and colleagues found that high maternal over-reactivity predicted decreases in Conscientiousness at later time points, and high maternal warmth predicted decreases in emotional stability, which would be reflected in high Neuroticism . This finding echoes the earlier work of Buss and Keil (2011 ; 2012) .

Additionally, the authors also reported that increases in benevolence, which is a characteristic of Agreeableness , predicted later increases in maternal warmth and decreases in over-reactivity. Similarly, high Extraversion in childhood predicted increases in maternal over-reactivity and warmth. Although these results merit replication and further investigation of why specific traits are more reinforced or discouraged by different parenting practices, they nonetheless provide valuable evidence for bidirectional effects between temperament and early context. Additionally, they provide convincing evidence that environmental elicitation and working models of behavior are two mechanisms simultaneously at play, producing dynamic transactions between personality traits and parenting.

4.2. Parenting practices and personality development

The literature has largely focused on specific types of parenting behaviors associated with positive or negative child socioemotional outcomes. Although the aim of this paper is to review the parenting context in interaction with intrinsic child factors, it is worth summarizing briefly the findings that initially emerged when examining the main and direct effects of parenting on child outcomes. Two major dimensions have been used to describe parenting quality: parental warmth or sensitivity and parental control. Parental warmth is a global construct that usually reflects positive parenting behaviors. These behaviors may include measures of sensitivity, support, positive affect, and responsiveness among others ( Behrens, Parker, & Kulkofsky, 2014 ). Warm and responsive parenting has been consistently associated with higher levels of social and emotional competence. For example, Raby, Roisman, Fraley, and Simpson (2015) reported on the socioemotional development of 243 individuals followed from infancy to adulthood. Behavioral expressions of maternal sensitivity were also measured at different time points throughout infancy, as early as three months of age. They found that early maternal sensitivity significantly predicted social competence across childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. Furthermore, these effects remained significant after accounting for potential child-context developmental transactions, such as children independently choosing more aspects of their environment as they grow in autonomy. These results not only highlight the important role of parenting on child outcomes but also the general, enduring impact of early context on children’s social development.

Positive parenting practices have also been associated with more specific aspects of social development, such as prosocial behavior. Prosocial behavior encompasses tendencies for sharing, helping, and cooperating for the purpose of benefiting someone other than the self ( Eisenberg, Eggum-Wilkens, & Spinrad, 2015 ), and has been implicated in adolescent and adult Agreeableness ( Habashi, Graziano, & Hoover, 2016 ; Luengo et al., 2014 ). Daniel, Madigan, and Jenkins (2016) assessed parenting warmth in both mothers and fathers in relation to toddlers’ prosocial behavior in a sample of 239 families. They found that both maternal and paternal warmth at 18 months predicted increases in prosocial behavior at 36 and 54 months, which is in line with the enduring effects of sensitivity reported by Raby et al. (2015) . Beyond predicting changes in prosocial behavior, Domitrovich and Bierman (2001) reported that supportive parenting also predicted social competence through associations with low levels of child aggression, and buffered children from the negative effects of peer dislike. Although partially limited by the cross-sectional design, these results and findings previously discussed suggest that warm supportive parenting has lasting positive effects on children’s later ability to navigate their social world. These effects, in turn, impact the form and expression of adult personality.

Multiple forms of parental control have been studied, including measures of parental harsh intrusiveness, dominance, and pressure, in contrast to gentle guidance and scaffolding behaviors that encourage child autonomy ( Grolnick & Pomerantz, 2009 ). Harsh control and intrusive parenting predict poor socioemotional competence ( Parker & Benson, 2004 ; van Aken, Junger, Verhoeven, & Dekovic, 2007 ). In a longitudinal study, Taylor, Eisenberg, Spinrad, and Widaman (2013) assessed children’s effortful control and intrusive parenting at 18, 30, and 42 months. Intrusive parenting was behaviorally coded from a series of mother-child interactions, including a teaching task, a free-play task, and a clean-up task. Taylor and colleagues found that parents’ intrusiveness was negatively related to later assessments of child effortful control, which encompasses regulatory skills such as attention shifting and emotion regulation that are relevant for social interactions. Furthermore, effortful control mediated the association between intrusive parenting and poor ego resiliency, which is a personality characteristic that reflects adaptability and flexibility to changes in the environment, and it is associated with social competence ( Hofer, Eisenberg, & Reiser, 2010 ).

Further highlighting the negative effects of harsh control, Wiggins and colleagues (2015) reported on the developmental trajectories of internalizing and externalizing symptoms in relation to harsh parenting from a large sample of children assessed at ages 3, 5, and 9 years. They found that a trajectory of increasing harsh parenting uniquely predicted a severe trajectory of externalizing symptoms, and was negatively associated with internalizing symptoms. These results suggest that harsh, controlling parenting may lead children to model these behaviors with their peers, causing social conflict and rejection, which may further reinforce the negative behaviors.

Despite significant contributions made in establishing direct links between parenting quality and child outcomes, a great deal of evidence suggests that parenting dimensions do not affect children in the same way ( Slagt et al., 2016 ). In some cases, parenting may only relate to social development through variables that moderate or mediate its effects, such as gender, genetic variability, or personality ( Lianos, 2015 ; Rabinowitz & Drabick, 2017 ).

In fact, Lianos (2015) assessed preadolescents’ personality traits in relation to the parenting style they received, and found that the association between parenting quality and social competence varied by children’s personality. Specifically, high parental rejection was significantly associated with lower social competence only for preadolescents low in Neuroticism , whereas individuals high in Neuroticism were as socially competent as children who did not experience parental rejection. Similarly, high parental overprotection seemed more detrimental for preadolescents low in Agreeableness and Extraversion , as they were significantly less socially competent than children who scored high on these traits, or children who did not experience overprotective parenting. These transactions between emerging personality traits and environmental factors are theoretically depicted in our developmental model ( Figure 1 ), and may also represent an enduring pattern of transactions carried over from infancy. Lianos’ findings also highlight the importance of examining the role of parenting context as a moderator of developmental links between children’s individual characteristics and later outcomes, including the final piece in our model: Personality Profiles . We next review the intersection of individual differences and parenting context in predicting personality development, describing the theoretical models employed so far, synthesizing the current findings, and suggesting areas that warrant further research.

4.3. Temperament reactivity and parenting

Positive reactivity, which is typically reflected by extreme high approach and excitement in the face of novelty, has been largely understudied in relation to parenting behaviors. There is some cross-sectional evidence to suggest that positive reactivity is associated with parental warmth ( Latzman, Elkovitch, & Clark, 2009 ), but such associations cannot clearly distinguish bidirectional effects and could be explained by gene-environment correlations or heritability of parents’ temperament. Longitudinal studies could elucidate the direction of these associations. However, few studies have reported longitudinal assessments between positive reactivity and parenting, especially in infancy.

Lengua and Kovacs (2005) assessed temperament and parenting using both children’s and parents’ report of these variables at two time points. They found that initial positive reactivity predicted higher levels of maternal acceptance, which supports the elicitation model. The authors suggested that the positive characteristics of these children, such as laughter and approach, may be perceived by parents as rewarding and elicit acceptance and warmth. Interestingly, the authors did not find support for the working model of behavior, as initial parental acceptance did not predict changes in positive reactivity.

Even fewer studies have considered the parenting context as a moderator of links between positive reactivity and later socioemotional adjustment, including personality development. Positive reactivity may have a protective effect against negative parenting behaviors, such as maternal rejection, physical punishment, and harsh control ( Lengua, Wolshick, Sandler, & West 2000 ; Lahey et al., 2008 ). For instance, children who are high in approach and positive emotionality may elicit more engagement and positive reactions from adults. In the face of negative parenting, children’s positive reactivity may facilitate deep and positive connections with other adults, who may then serve as an attachment figure that provides some emotional and social guidance for the child ( Werner, 1993 ). This particular area of study could benefit from longitudinal studies assessing positive reactivity and parenting over longer periods, and perhaps earlier in development. Multiple time point data could more directly examine the working model of behavior and the environmental elicitation model simultaneously, assessing whether changes in positive reactivity are only evident after longer time intervals. Additionally, the lack of parenting effects on positive reactivity may be the result of exploring this association later in childhood, as evident bidirectional effects may be more pronounced earlier in development when parents have greater control over the child’s daily experiences.

Negative reactivity has received far more attention than positive reactivity in this literature, perhaps because of its intuitive links to maladaptive outcomes. As previously explained, the global dimension of “difficult temperament” includes characteristics of irritability, high fear, and soothing difficulty, and it has been associated with lower maternal support and responsiveness, and higher parental disapproval and hostility ( Boivin et al., 2005 ; Gauvain, 1995 ). However, a meta-analysis of this relation ( Paulussen-Hoogeboom et al., 2007 ) suggests that results are mixed, and in some cases, may depend on other child characteristics (e.g., gender), and demographic variables (e.g., mother education).

In the case of fearfulness, some findings indicate a positive association with parental warmth and acceptance ( Lengua & Kovacs, 2005 ), whereas others have found longitudinal links to less negative parenting. Lengua (2006) assessed children’s temperamental fear and irritability as well as maternal rejection and discipline practices at three different time points over the course of three years. The sample included 190 children between the ages of 8 and 12, and their mothers. Latent growth modeling revealed that although initial levels of fear were concurrently related to higher levels of maternal rejection and inconsistent discipline, they predicted decreases in these negative parenting dimensions at later time points. Interestingly, initial irritability was also concurrently associated with higher maternal rejection, but it did not uniquely predict changes in rejection. In fact, irritability was associated with higher inconsistent discipline and it also predicted later increases in this dimension.

This interesting pattern of results point to the differential effects of specific temperamental characteristics on parenting, and to the potential for change in temperament given elicited changes in parenting toward higher warmth and less over-reactive control. For example, an infant who is extremely fearful to novelty and high in negative affect may be at risk for early internalizing problems given temperamental stability. However, if such fearful temperament elicits higher maternal warmth and support, coupled with more scaffolding and gentle control, changes in parenting could elicit decreases in fearfulness and negative emotionality, and might decrease the risk of developing adult personality traits of high Neuroticism and low Agreeableness . This is the central developmental pattern we depict in the first and second stages of Figure 1 , with bidirectional effects between child intrinsic characteristics and contextual factors.

This transaction pattern is in line with Differential Susceptibility Theory (DST; Ellis, Boyce, Belsky, Bakermans-Kranenburg, & van IJzendoorn, 2011 ). DST postulates that some individual characteristics of an organism (e.g., temperament) may render it more sensitive to contextual influences (e.g., parenting) such that when faced with a negative context, the organism will show a worse outcome. However when embedded in a positive environment, the organism will benefit the most and perform the best. Children who possessed characteristics that increase sensitivity to context then develop “for better or for worse”, because they either thrive in privileged environments or struggle in adverse circumstances. Our theoretical model can encompass DST because we purposefully leave strength and valence of effects unspecified, acknowledging that the strength and direction of contextual influence may be conditioned by child characteristics. The extant literature supports a pattern in which children high in negative reactivity show high socioemotional competence in the context of maternal warmth and autonomy-supporting parenting ( Bradley & Corwyn, 2008 ). However, the other side of the coin has also been reported. Children high in negative reactivity whose parents report harsh control and low warmth show further continuity of negative reactivity and behavioral problems (Engle & McElwain, 2011; Feng, Shaw, & Moilanen, 2011 ), lower social adjustment ( Stright, Gallagher, & Kelley, 2008 ), and higher neurophysiological risk for anxiety ( Brooker & Buss, 2014 ). These overall patterns suggest that children high in reactivity may present with typically positive personality traits, such as Agreeableness or Conscientiousness , or more negative traits, such as Neuroticism , based on their developmental context. However, as noted above, there are limits to both sensitivity and the power of the environment. As such, it is very unlikely that a child sensitive to the environment due to negative reactivity will, even under the best of circumstances, show high levels of Extraversion .

4.4. Temperament regulation and parenting

Studies of temperament regulation usually include behavioral measures of effortful control, which is manifested on attention sustaining, perseverance, and low frustration in the face of difficulty ( Rueda, 2012 ). A large number of studies suggest that maternal warmth and supportive parenting are associated with higher levels of effortful control (for a meta-analysis, see Karreman, Van Tuijl, van Aken, & Deković, 2006 ). A study by Chang and colleagues (2015) investigated relations between effortful control and proactive parenting from age two to five. Initial levels of proactive parenting, characterized by practices of scaffolding and structured play, predicted increases in effortful control at age five. This result remained significant even after accounting for language skills, which is a significant predictor of effortful control.

There is also some empirical support for the eliciting effects of effortful control on parenting. Higher levels of self-regulation have been associated with more maternal support and less rejection ( Kennedy, Rubin, Hastings, & Maisel, 2004 ; Lengua, 2006 ). However, the studies are scarce and some of the results have been moderated by child’s gender or have systematically varied by parent (e.g., father vs. mother; Lifford, Harold, & Thapar, 2009 ). Future studies should further examine the circumstances in which effortful control predicts changes in parenting, especially because a more recent study did not find support for such elicitation effects ( Taylor et al., 2013 ). Overall, both elicitation and shaping effects between parenting and temperament regulation are important to personality development, because early effortful control has been associated with later personality traits of high Conscientiousness and Agreeableness ( Rueda, 2012 ).

Besides exploring bidirectional effects, the literature has narrowed in on the interaction between self-regulation and parenting to predict child outcomes. A consistent pattern of results has emerged in the past 15 years: parenting practices appear especially important for the socioemotional development of children with low effortful control (for a meta-analysis, see Slagt et al., 2016 ). Other studies have replicated this pattern and provided support for unique environmental effects of the parenting context. For instance, Reuben et al. (2004) examined parenting, effortful control, and externalizing behaviors using a longitudinal adoption design in 225 families, including adoptive and birth parents. Adoptive maternal warmth predicted decreases in externalizing behaviors only for children with low effortful control. This study in particular highlights the importance of the parenting context and points to its contextual influence on children’s development independent from any shared genetic variance.

5. Conclusions

Personality has for decades been theorized to originate from temperament. However, we rarely see direct links between temperament and personality, suggesting that biologically determined profiles of temperament are not the only forces at work in shaping developmental trajectories. Instead, the current body of evidence suggests that adult personality develops along pathways influenced by environmental factors, such as the parenting context, that shape the continuity and manifestation of early-appearing biological differences.

Infant temperament probably begins to interact with parenting practices early in development, and these transactions can reinforce or discourage continuity of temperament and personality development. Infants’ behavioral and emotional reactivity elicits an array of parenting responses in order to meet the infant’s needs. Additionally, more recent findings also suggest that the elicited parenting behaviors and practices are dependent on the parent’s individual characteristics, and they can in turn shape the child’s temperamental characteristics. Empirical evidence that parenting can explain changes in temperament and that temperament can elicit changes in parenting is compatible with the “goodness of fit” transactional model proposed by Thomas and Chess (1991) . This model can also account for the moderating effects of infants’ temperament on the association between parenting behaviors and child outcomes. Both the theoretical model and the extant evidence highlight that a match between parenting and temperament, rather than a universal construct of “good parenting”, seems to be relevant in predicting personality development.

A growing literature suggests that parenting interacts with temperament to affect socioemotional development, especially pointing to the possibility that some temperament dimensions may be more vulnerable than others to the detrimental effects of a negative parenting context ( Slagt et al., 2016 ). Although the patterns are not always consistent across developmental periods, specific temperament dimensions, or parenting practices ( Rabinowitz & Drabick, 2017 ), the evidence is nonetheless indisputable that context, in the form of parenting, can moderate the relationship between temperament-linked individual differences and child outcomes. Additionally, the extant findings suggest that the intersection of temperament and parenting should be investigated as a dynamic, transactional relation. If it is to be fully understood, investigators should employ more longitudinal studies where both child temperament and parenting behaviors are observed at multiple time points, and their transactions considered to predict personality development ( Slagt et al., 2016 ). Finally, the complexity of temperament-parenting transactions also implies the possibility of simultaneous child and parent individual characteristics playing a functional role in the personality traits that children later express. Bronfenbrenner emphasized the importance of such simultaneously occurring characteristics:

Proximal processes that affect development vary systematically as a joint function of the characteristics of the developing person and the environment (both immediate and more remote) in which the processes are taking place ( Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1993 , p. 317).

To the extent that we consider personality to be a developmental process, Bronfenbrenner’s Bioecological Theory informs our current understanding of how personality develops in context. By his account, individual characteristics of the child and the context will inevitably affect the nature of their transaction, and therefore should be carefully considered in our designs. For example, child gender has occasionally been found to moderate the influence of effortful control on later parenting practices ( Lifford, Harold, & Thapar, 2008 ). This moderation calls for a comprehensive, holistic account of the child in our designs and measurement models, rather than including isolated individual characteristics that may only represent one portion of the child’s experienced “truth”. Similarly, caregiver role, parent psychopathology, education level, and household size are all characteristics of the parenting context that could influence “proximal processes” or parent-child transactions, and thus should be reflected in our studies. In conclusion, when examining personality development, transactions between child and parent over time are crucial, and these complex, dynamic relations can only inform the trajectory to adult personality when multiple individual characteristics of both entities (i.e., organism and context) are carefully considered.

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