universal basic income thesis statement

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Stanford scholar explores pros, cons of ‘basic income’

Stanford historian Jennifer Burns said that while political challenges exist to implement a “universal basic income,” this type of measure would protect workers and families against the fluidity of today’s workplace and employment worlds.

Given the flux of American politics right now, an idea like “universal basic income” could gain political traction, a Stanford historian says.

Stanford scholar Jennifer Burns , a research fellow at the Hoover Institution and an associate professor of history in the Stanford School of Humanities and Sciences, says such a program could help protect workers who hit rock bottom in an age of technological disruption.

A basic income – also called basic income guarantee, universal basic income or basic living stipend – is a program in which citizens of a country receive a regular sum of money from the government. Tech leaders Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg have floated the idea, and the city of Chicago is considering such a proposal as a way to reduce the disruptions of automation in the workforce.

Jennifer Burns, associate professor of history, says a universal basic income program could help protect workers who have hit rock bottom. (Image credit: Courtesy Jennifer Burns)

Burns researches and writes about 20th-century American intellectual, political, and cultural history and is currently writing a book about the economist Milton Friedman , who supported the idea of a universal income.

What would be the benefits of a universal basic income if it were to become a reality?

The most attractive aspect of universal basic income, or UBI, is that it can serve to underwrite market participation, in contrast to other welfare programs that essentially require people to not be employed to receive the benefit. Some programs even require participants to have essentially zero assets in order to qualify. In effect, the programs kick in when people have hit rock bottom, rather than trying to prevent them from getting there in the first place.

What are the best arguments against a universal basic income?

The best argument against UBI is feasibility. You may be surprised I do not mention cost. If one multiplies the popular figure for an annual UBI – typically $12,000 a year – by the population of the United States, you get an eye-popping figure of over $3 trillion. The figure varies depending on whether children are included and at what benefit level. However, if you set this against current taxes and transfers, and conceptualize the UBI as a benefit that can be taxed for higher earners, the costs come down significantly.

The real challenge is political. First, there is significant bias against unconditional transfer programs. Most welfare programs in the United States are tied in some way to employment; for example, think of Social Security. Building popular support for a program that breaks this connection between welfare and work will require political leadership of the highest order. And then there is the enormous hurdle of integrating a UBI with the extant institutional and bureaucratic structure of the federal state. For these reasons, we may see a UBI on the state level first.

What did Milton Friedman think of the idea of a universal basic income?

Although he didn’t call it a UBI, the idea of a minimum income was the earliest policy proposal Friedman came up with. In his papers, I was astounded to find his first proposal for what he called “a minimum standard of living” written in 1939. This is when he was completely unknown as an economist, although he was clearly already thinking big.  Eventually, he revised it into a proposal for a negative income tax, which was enacted through the earned income tax credit, or EITC, a policy still in place today. The EITC is considered a highly successful program, with well-documented benefits for children in particular. Scholars have also found it serves to increase workforce participation among recipients.

Although he has a reputation as a radical libertarian, Friedman believed there was a clear role for the state in society. In particular, he believed there would always be persons who could not compete effectively in a market economy. He also recognized the role of luck in life, even calling the memoir he wrote with his wife, Rose, Two Lucky People . Whether it was temporary assistance or long-term support, Friedman saw a place for welfare. But Friedman was a great believer in the power of choice. Rather than give poor people specific benefits – food stamps, for example – he favored giving people cash that they could then bring into the marketplace and use to exercise individual choice.

Wouldn’t people stop working if they got “free money”?

That’s another common response to the idea of UBI. In most scenarios, the grant would not be enough to forsake paid employment altogether. The idea is that when combined with paid income, a UBI would lift the living standard of even low-skilled, low-income workers. This is why the EITC has been so effective. However, families could pool grants, perhaps enabling several members to leave the workforce altogether. This possibility has proven a point of interest both to conservatives, who point out that current welfare programs often incentivize fathers to live apart from their children, and progressives who want to provide cash benefits to mothers and others providing family care.

Milton Friedman had an interesting take on this issue. William F. Buckley asked him if he wasn’t worried about people taking the money and neglecting their children, etc. Friedman responded: “If we give them the money, we will strengthen their responsibility.” He seemed to be making a point that more recent social science research has fleshed out. Poverty, scholars have found, actually makes it harder to be responsible, to plan, to think about the future. When you are focused on getting enough to eat, or making rent, you don’t have many psychological resources left over to focus on anything else. And, when you can’t pay a traffic fine or afford safe housing, all the other foundations of a good life like steady employment and getting your children an education can also be out of reach.

What does the future hold for universal basic income in the U.S.?

If the future of UBI can be gauged from media interest, its future is bright. Also, the idea has attracted an enormous number of high-level supporters. Particularly in Silicon Valley, it’s a genuine fad, attracting adherents from entrepreneurs and tech leaders like Mark Zuckerberg and Elon Musk.

There are two challenges ahead. The first is to spread the basic idea so that it continues to move from fringe to mainstream. The second is to build it into a workable policy with a political base. Given the fluidity of American politics right now, it could be the perfect moment for a policy that is at once utopian, bipartisan and deeply rooted in American thought.

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Home > STUDENTWORK > HONORS-THESIS > 69

Honors Thesis

The Effect of a Universal Basic Income on Life Decisions: Evidence from a Student Lab Experiment

Tyler Wenande , University of South Dakota

Date of Award

Spring 2019

Document Type

Department/major.

Political Science

First Advisor

Dr. Shane Nordyke

Second Advisor

Third advisor.

Universal Basic Income (UBI), Economic Lab Experiment

A Universal Basic Income (UBI) is an unconditional cash transfer administered universally regardless of employment or economic status. A UBI, while typically thought of as a response to rising income inequality or threatening automation, has the potential to achieve a number of effects, only some of which are economic. And while a UBI could have positive effects, there are some critiques of UBI that warrant merit and will be examined in this paper after discussing the potential positive effects. An experiment was designed to test some of the theories promoted by UBI critics and proponents. Subjects, divided into two groups with the treatment group receiving a UBI, played an economic game where they made decisions about work and leisure, consumption, education, and savings. Subjects decisions were recorded and data was analyzed using OLS multivariate regressions to reveal results that generally align with real-world pilots. UBI recipients work less when they can use that time to achieve higher levels of education. When there is no opportunity for education, there was no statistically significant difference in the amount of time that subjects spent working. UBI recipients also had higher savings and consumption levels.

Recommended Citation

Wenande, Tyler, "The Effect of a Universal Basic Income on Life Decisions: Evidence from a Student Lab Experiment" (2019). Honors Thesis . 69. https://red.library.usd.edu/honors-thesis/69

Since January 31, 2020

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IMF Working Papers

Universal basic income: debate and impact assessment.

Author/Editor:

Maura Francese ; Delphine Prady

Publication Date:

December 10, 2018

Electronic Access:

Free Download . Use the free Adobe Acrobat Reader to view this PDF file

Disclaimer: IMF Working Papers describe research in progress by the author(s) and are published to elicit comments and to encourage debate. The views expressed in IMF Working Papers are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF, its Executive Board, or IMF management.

This paper discusses the definition and modelling of a universal basic income (UBI). After clarifying the debate about what a UBI is and presenting the arguments in favor and against, an analytical approach for its assessment is proposed. The adoption of a UBI as a policy tool is discussed with regard to the policy objectives (shaped by social preferences) it is designed to achieve. Key design dimensions to be considered include: coverage, generosity of the program, overall progressivity of the policy, and its financing.

Working Paper No. 2018/273

Income distribution Income inequality Labor Personal income Progressive taxation

9781484388815/1018-5941

WPIEA2018273

Please address any questions about this title to [email protected]

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Universal Basic Income, Poverty, and Social Justice: A Moral and Economic Imperative for Social Workers

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Leah Hamilton, Stacia Martin-West, Universal Basic Income, Poverty, and Social Justice: A Moral and Economic Imperative for Social Workers, Social Work , Volume 64, Issue 4, October 2019, Pages 321–328, https://doi.org/10.1093/sw/swz028

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Modern technology threatens to dramatically alter the U.S. labor economy, but the crumbling social safety net may be insufficient for affected workers. Some advocates propose to address these converging problems through universal basic income (UBI). Authors conducted a preliminary review of social work perspectives on the topic of UBI. They found very little relevant literature, especially among American scholars. Existent social work literature frames UBI as an alternative to the neoliberal welfare state and mass unemployment. Social workers also contribute a critical social justice orientation to UBI scholarship in other disciplines. Grounded in the NASW Code of Ethics , authors argue that it is imperative for American social workers to seriously consider UBI as an answer to growing inequality and the unique expertise that social workers offer as allies of marginalized populations.

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Universal Basic Income and Consumption Essay

The issues related to inequality and economic disparities always have topical for human civilization. The uneven distribution of wealth has become the central theme of endless conflicts around the globe. In fact, economic inequality can be considered to be the primary factor of the class stratification of society. In order to address the problem, prominent economists, politicians, experts, and activists have proposed an array of solutions. In recent years, the notion of universal basic income (UBI) has acquired particular importance. The idea of providing each household with a certain amount of money has been actively discussed as a means of eradicating poverty and inequality. The idea’s proponents claim that the UBI is an effective instrument, which would enable a better quality of life for hundreds of millions of people. Nevertheless, such propositions tend to disregard the economic impact of the universal basic income. Instead, it has the potential to increase the degree of uncertainty in the already complicated environment. This essay argues that the implementation of the UBI will not alleviate the issue of income disparities, reviewing it from a purely economic perspective.

In its general understanding, the idea of universal basic income is presented in a similar manner across various contexts. According to the concept, each person should be entitled to a specific amount of income on unconditional terms. The exact amount of funds is to be determined individually for each particular nation. Ideally, it should exceed the basic sustenance level, thus allowing people to have a broader range of needs covered. Proponents assume that the UBI is bound to alleviate the stress experienced by those who are forced to take unpleasant jobs for the sake of survival. Simon Lewis dedicated a considerable portion of his opinion-based article to universal basic income. The author lists the UBI among the key aspects of a well-functioning society of the future. Lewis states that the implementation of this idea is expected to increase people’s quality of life and reduce global consumption levels by a significant margin. This forecast is based on the idea that the current elevated level of consumption is conditioned by the pursuit of reward after hard work.

Nevertheless, it appears possible to view the discussed matter from a different perspective, which would dictate an entirely different outcome. First of all, the envisaged reduction of consumption levels appears to contradict current trends. The rise of consumerism has been observed across nations, and the tendency remains strong in the 2020s. Today’s industries develop at an unprecedentedly rapid pace, presenting new benefits of modern civilization more quickly than ever. Consequently, consumers are eager to purchase and test the new advancements, which often happens at the expense of more relevant elements of sustenance (Campbell 2018). Evidently, the demands and desires of society constantly evolve, and the introduction of the UBI will resolve the issue. If universal income is provided, the demand-conditioned aspects of the market are only going to increase, thus prompting industries to respond by an elevated supply. For example, if a person receives an additional $1000 per month, the current trends suggest that they will be more likely to spend it on various means of entertainment rather than more basic needs. Changing the patterns of consumption is a major objective, but it would require a profound shift of global mentality.

Furthermore, the idea of a universal basic income deserves additional research in terms of its macroeconomic impact. As established above, the idea of the UBI is unlikely to instigate short-to-mid-term positive results on a scale of individual consumer behavior. However, it is equally projected to have major repercussions for the global economy. In the 21 st century, the vast majority of developed nations rely on capitalist principles. Within this framework, purchasing power plays a crucial role in determining the state of the market in terms of supply, demand, production, and prices. In other words, the value and the cost of a specific product or service are determined by its necessity and the number of consumers who can afford it. In this regard, the UBI ventures beyond the principles of the modern economy (Hoynes and Rothstein 933). If each household receives a specific, fixed sum on an unconditional basis, the default level of wealth will simply move from zero to the UBI amount. Consequently, the market will react to the innovation, adjusting its key parameters in kind. In the end, the expenses will increase proportionally to the current state through inflation.

The idea of the universal basic income, as it is, demonstrates a broad array of variables, which are often ignored by its proponents. In his article, Simon Lewis argues that the implementation of the UBI will be a major step toward an equal society. According to these ideas, less financially secure people will be able to provide themselves with basic needs while having a portion of their budgets left for other purposes. However, this presentation of the idea does not necessarily eliminate the idea of economic disparity. Fouksman and Klein write that the questions of power and class relations remain the most serious impediments to the UBI. The situation will not dramatically change, as wealthy people will receive the basic amount, as well. If there are to be specific criteria, excluding certain groups from the UBI framework, it will contradict the very basis of the notion. The UBI is supposed to be universal, and imposing limitations will revert the concept toward the territory of welfare. In this case, the initiative will face similar issues as welfare distribution in the context of systemic discrimination and power abuse.

The universal basic income represents an area of intense interest for researchers and the public, in general, due to its perceived potential in terms of resolving profound economic issues. The idea of the UBI has attracted many proponents who continue to promote it as the key to a prosperous future. The concept implies that each citizen is to receive a guaranteed payment on a universal basis, meaning that less fortunate social groups can enjoy financial security and better quality of life. In reality, the UBI is far from being an inherently positive phenomenon for a variety of reasons. First of all, additional funds are unlikely to cause a major change in terms of consumer behavior patterns. This process is projected to be long and difficult, only being attainable through profound education in the area of financial literacy and environmental awareness. In addition, the UBI has the potential to disrupt the fundamental economic concepts upon which capitalist societies are based. Overall, it is possible to conclude that the idea of universal basic income in its current state is far from optimal, as its practical disadvantages outweigh the perceived benefits.

Works Cited

Campbell, Colin. The Romantic Ethic and the Spirit of Modern Consumerism. Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.

Fouksman, E. and E. Klein. “Radical Transformation or Technological Intervention? Two Paths for Universal Basic Income.” World Development , vol. 122, 2019, pp. 492-500.

Hoynes, Hillary and Jesse Rothstein. “Universal Basic Income in the United States and Advanced Countries.” Annual Review of Economics , vol. 11, 2019, pp. 929-958.

Lewis, Simon. “Four steps this Earth Day to avert environmental catastrophe.” The Guardian, 2021. Web.

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IvyPanda. (2022, July 16). Universal Basic Income and Consumption. https://ivypanda.com/essays/universal-basic-income-and-consumption/

"Universal Basic Income and Consumption." IvyPanda , 16 July 2022, ivypanda.com/essays/universal-basic-income-and-consumption/.

IvyPanda . (2022) 'Universal Basic Income and Consumption'. 16 July.

IvyPanda . 2022. "Universal Basic Income and Consumption." July 16, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/universal-basic-income-and-consumption/.

1. IvyPanda . "Universal Basic Income and Consumption." July 16, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/universal-basic-income-and-consumption/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Universal Basic Income and Consumption." July 16, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/universal-basic-income-and-consumption/.

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Home > USC Columbia > HONORS_COLLEGE > SENIOR_THESES > 587

Senior Theses

Free money: the feasibility of implementing a universal basic income in the united states.

Chase H. Dorn , University of South Carolina - Columbia Follow

Date of Award

Spring 2023

Degree Type

Moore School of Business

Director of Thesis

Dr. Christian Jensen

First Reader

Dr. Jason DeBacker

Second Reader

The objective of this thesis is to explore whether a universal basic income paid to all United States citizens is both economically possible and advantageous. A recent surge in popularity of the idea has led to a plethora of universal basic income experiments that have been or are being performed across the world, however there has yet to be a UBI implemented on a national level. Using data from these experiments and existing academic research into the policy, the first part of the thesis details the necessary components of a UBI, documents the history of the idea, notes the justifications for implementing the policy, and addresses related criticisms.

The second part of the thesis calculates a ballpark cost estimate of an aggressive universal basic income that would eliminate poverty almost completely. It utilizes a simplified method employed in earlier academic research as a basis for the cost equation before exploring five different hypothetical methods of funding such a program: repurposing of redundant welfare budgets, a value-added tax, wealth tax, corporate tax, and carbon tax. Using aggressive cost estimates and conservative funding estimates, the rudimentary calculation methods determine a UBI to be feasible for the United States. This thesis is intended to deconstruct the utopian and far-fetched label that UBI often receives, showing that considering this policy to be realistic is not quite as naïve as some might think.

Recommended Citation

Dorn, Chase H., "Free Money: The Feasibility of Implementing a Universal Basic Income in the United States" (2023). Senior Theses . 587. https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/senior_theses/587

© 2023, Chase H Dorn

Since April 19, 2023

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Home > CUNY Graduate Center > Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects > 4321

Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects

Essays on universal basic income.

Nana Mukbaniani , The Graduate Center, City University of New York Follow

Date of Degree

Document type.

Dissertation

Degree Name

Sangeeta Pratap

Committee Members

Randall Filer

Lilia Maliar

George Vachadze

Subject Categories

Macroeconomics

Universal Basic Income, Wealth Distribution, Precautionary Savings, Heterogeneous Agents, Inequality, Minimum Consumption Requirement

Universal Basic Income (UBI) is a program in which individuals receive a regular sum of money, usually from the government. The transfer amount is thought to be unconditional of income and enough to cover all subsistence needs. Such a system is easy and cheap to administer because the government does not need to check the eligibility of each applicant. UBI programs are growing as more cities, states and countries (Stockton, California, Newark, New Jersey, Ontario, Canada, Kenya, Finland, Germany, Spain, China, etc) implement experiments of such programs. The idea of a UBI is gaining ground in the U.S.. One of the main responses of the U.S. to high unemployment caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and quarantine was a modified version of a temporary country-wide UBI program in 2020 (CARES Act). 30 mayors across the U.S. created a coalition - Mayors for a Guaranteed Income - to explore cash payment programs and address the racial wealth inequality. UBI is actively discussed to be a potential policy that can mitigate adverse impact of accelerated automation on wages and employment. Thus, it is important to understand what we have learned from UBI experiments, what macroeconomic models predict in the UBI environment, and what is the best approach to implement such programs. This dissertation consists of three chapters. In the first chapter I review the literature on a Universal Basic Income (UBI) policy. I explore the UBI experiments that have been conducted worldwide, their limitations, and lessons that we have learned from them. I also review the macroeconomic models that address the idea of unconditional transfers, their limitations and the required future developments to evaluate how UBI works in a more complex and realistic environment. In the second chapter, I use general equilibrium model of heterogeneous agents to evaluate the impact of the UBI system, on aggregate levels and distributions of wealth, consumption, labor, and welfare. I contrast this with a targeted transfers system where people need to meet certain eligibility criteria (usually, income) to qualify for transfers. I find that in the UBI system with $1,000 monthly payments, the level of aggregate capital falls by 16% and the inequality of wealth increases no matter how the UBI system is financed: through taxes or through foreign aid. Guaranteed payments induce people to save less because of less precautionary needs. As precautionary savings motive is stronger for the asset poor, people in the lowest wealth quintiles reduce their savings more, which increases the inequality of wealth. Even though the welfare of the least skilled and the asset poor increases significantly because of unconditional transfers, the tax-financed UBI system requires a consumption tax rate to be equal to 43% that slightly reduces the welfare of the wealthier. Even though consumption tax rate is unrealistically high, the effective consumption tax rate (consumption tax net of transfers) decreases on average and aggregate welfare increases by 15.7% as measured by consumption equivalent variation. A hybrid model with both targeted transfers and partial UBI (monthly payments of $500) with low, 5% capital income tax rate (to encourage savings) is more efficient as it provides significant, almost 8% gain in welfare with only 22% consumption tax rate and without compromising output or welfare of the asset rich. In the third chapter, I study the impact of a Universal Basic Income (UBI) policy on aggregate output and welfare when there is an automation of production technologies. When the productivity of robots increases, robots substitute for labor and thus, the share of labor in value added decreases. I use general equilibrium models with heterogeneous agents who face idiosyncratic earnings risk and Cobb-Douglas technology with Traditional Capital and Labor Services. Traditional capital does not include robots and can be employed in production only with labor services. Labor services is a CES nest of robot capital and Human capital that can substitute each other. I calibrate the economy to match the evolution of the labor share in the last three decades. If the productivity of robots doubles, I find that output increases in the new equilibrium and the welfare of wealth poor households decreases significantly resulting in more than 6% decrease in aggregate welfare (measured as consumption equivalent variation, CEV). In such a setting, the transition to a UBI system increases welfare significantly, by more than 15%, however, reduces output by 12% because it reduces the precautionary savings motive. The hybrid system in which every household receives 50% of subsistence requirement and the eligibility threshold for targeted transfers equals 50% of subsistence requirement works well as it is less detrimental to output while increasing aggregate welfare by 4% as CEV. Further increase in output in the UBI and Hybrid systems can be achieved by a lower capital income tax rate.

Recommended Citation

Mukbaniani, Nana, "Essays on Universal Basic Income" (2021). CUNY Academic Works. https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/4321

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Universal Basic Income: To UBI or not to UBI

February 12, 2022

by Sonny Africa

The catastrophic collapse of family incomes from lockdowns worldwide when COVID-19 hit has spurred interest in universal basic income (UBI) programs. It seems especially urgent now as socioeconomic statistics come in. Officially reported poverty increased in the first semester of 2021, the recently released December 2021 labor force figures set up the Duterte administration to have the biggest increase in unemployment in the post-Marcos era, and so-called job creation is virtually all in poor quality informal work.

Pope Francis visibly pushed for UBI last year, some lawmakers have tossed the idea around, and the lone Leftist presidential candidate in the May 2022 elections is formally proposing it. Institutionalizing more comprehensive and actually universal social protection is certainly long overdue. Current measures are fragmented and, outside of the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps) of conditional cash transfers (CCTs) for the poorest four million or so families, underfunded.

However, this starts with the current and next administration making the clear policy choice that one of its key development objectives is ensuring that every Filipino has a minimum decent standard of living. This should be on a daily basis and especially in situations of distress, crisis and vulnerability such as the current pandemic.

Need for universal social protection

A universal social protection floor should include not just basic income security but also essential health care and minimum education and nutrition for children. The best and most sustainable sources of financing for this are the redistributive measures of higher income taxes and a wealth tax on the rich. IBON has been advocating for a billionaire tax for years.

There is already a rudimentary delivery mechanism for cash transfers that can be improved further. For social services, the government will need to let go of its overly market-oriented framework. Health care can’t be privatized and education shouldn’t be commercialized. Robust publicly-provided social services are still the best ways for affordability and accessibility over the long-run.

The crisis will worsen inequality especially with the government not taking any steps to mitigate this. The richest families and largest corporations will remain secure. MSMEs have closed permanently with adverse consequences on their owners and employees.

Many poor have been put out of work, face lower incomes from whatever odd-jobs they have, spend more on health care and education, and depleted any savings they might have had. The high unemployment also certainly means huge downward pressure on wages.

Free, affordable services more vital

The objective of a universal basic income (UBI) to ensure that everyone has a minimum basic income is unassailable. However, it’s probably inappropriate in the Philippine policy context and at its level of development.

For the UBI to be meaningful it will have to be large and such a large permanent cash transfer will likely have adverse policy consequences. The budget for this will easily run into the hundreds of billions of pesos.

Given the government’s overly market-oriented approach to social development, this could lead to a decline in public services where the UBI will be seen as the quick fix to development and universal social protection. Budgets for the public health system, education system, and welfare services will likely suffer and be increasingly turned over to the “efficient” private sector. The end result will be even more emaciated publicly-provided social services.

This kind of dynamic is already seen in the health sector. The government’s approach to universal health care is PhilHealth – e.g., a health insurance scheme essentially giving patients funds to pay for health care. The pandemic has drawn attention to how this privatized approach has resulted in an increasingly underfunded public health system and in insufficient health care capacity.

Public hospitals are underfunded because PhilHealth supporting the health expenses of its beneficiaries is supposed to incentivize private hospitals to provide this.  This has already resulted in more private hospital beds than public hospital beds.

Profit-seeking private hospitals however frown on excess bed and health worker capacity because, by financial calculations, unused capacity is excess inventory which cuts into profits. Private hospitals are also more expensive because of their profit premium – private hospitals are 3-4 times more expensive than public hospitals.

From a long-term development policy perspective, it makes more sense to focus on ensuring universal basic social services (including building public sector capacity to provide this) and modernizing the economy to create jobs and decent incomes (with vibrant agriculture and strong Filipino industry). Without these, UBI will just be a populist quick fix improving official ‘poverty’ figures but not really addressing structural constraints to national development.

Put another way, free or affordable social services, decent jobs and incomes, affordable transport and utilities, and comfortable homes are much better indicators of beating poverty than programmed UBI cash transfers.

At the micro level, a large UBI cash transfer may also inadvertently create a strong disincentive to work. This is less of a problem in a more advanced capitalist country of mostly formal work because minimum wage levels tend to be relatively uniform and high. In this context, a UBI recipient still has an incentive to work for the presumably greater earnings from getting a minimum wage or higher.

The Philippines however has such a high level of informality that earnings from odd-jobs or unregistered enterprises are on a continuum from nothing to around the minimum wage. In this context, it’s possible that a guaranteed UBI will discourage work at the lower and lowest ends of the scale with corresponding implications on overall economic activity.

A UBI can be productive but this cannot be a stand-alone effort and has to be just one element of a larger universal social protection scheme to avoid untoward consequences.

Downloadable Content

Universal Basic Income

• Masters Thesis
• Pena, Jorge
• Glidden, Marc
• Trebow, Elizabeth
• Franklin, Maurice
• California State University, Northridge
• Public Sector Management and Leadership
• Dissertations, Academic -- CSUN -- Public Administration.
• homelesness
• food insecurity
• wage inequality
• http://hdl.handle.net/10211.3/222100
• by Jorge Pena

Items in ScholarWorks are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise indicated.

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Home > SCRIPPS > SCRIPPS_STUDENT > SCRIPPS_THESES > 1946

Scripps Senior Theses

Universal basic income: what feminist marxism and anarchism can teach us about it.

Riley Harmon Follow

Graduation Year

Document type.

Campus Only Senior Thesis

Degree Name

Bachelor of Arts

Politics and International Relations

Roberto Sirvent

David Seitz

Rights Information

2022 Riley A Harmon

In this thesis I conduct a theoretical exploration of the concept of implementing a universal basic income in the United States. I use Feminist Marxism and Anarchy to argue that a universal basic income would be a reformist reform because of the strength it would give capitalism and the state. I argue this through analysis of two “near” universal basic incomes: Nixon's Family Assistance Plan and the COVID-19 stimulus checks.

Recommended Citation

Harmon, Riley, "UNIVERSAL BASIC INCOME: WHAT FEMINIST MARXISM AND ANARCHISM CAN TEACH US ABOUT IT" (2022). Scripps Senior Theses . 1946. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1946

This thesis is restricted to the Claremont Colleges current faculty, students, and staff.

Since May 31, 2022

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