research on lgbtq in india

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Research Article

A scoping review of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and intersex (LGBTQI+) people’s health in India

Roles Conceptualization, Formal analysis, Funding acquisition, Investigation, Methodology, Supervision, Validation, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing

Affiliations Centre for Sexuality and Health Research and Policy (C-SHaRP), Chennai, India, The Humsafar Trust, Mumbai, India

Roles Conceptualization, Funding acquisition, Investigation, Methodology, Supervision, Validation, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing

* E-mail: [email protected]

Affiliations Factor-Inwentash Faculty of Social Work, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, VOICES-Thailand Foundation, Chiang Mai, Thailand

Roles Formal analysis, Investigation, Project administration, Visualization, Writing – original draft

Affiliation Centre for Sexuality and Health Research and Policy (C-SHaRP), Chennai, India

Roles Formal analysis, Project administration, Writing – original draft

Affiliation The Humsafar Trust, Mumbai, India

Roles Formal analysis, Investigation, Writing – original draft

Roles Formal analysis, Investigation

Roles Data curation, Project administration

Affiliation VOICES-Thailand Foundation, Chiang Mai, Thailand

• Venkatesan Chakrapani, 
• Peter A. Newman, 
• Murali Shunmugam, 
• Shruta Rawat, 
• Biji R. Mohan, 
• Dicky Baruah, 
• Suchon Tepjan

• Published: April 20, 2023
• https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0001362
• Reader Comments

Amid incremental progress in establishing an enabling legal and policy environment for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer-identified people, and people with intersex variations (LGBTQI+) in India, evidence gaps on LGBTQI+ health are of increasing concern. To that end, we conducted a scoping review to map and synthesize the current evidence base, identify research gaps, and provide recommendations for future research. We conducted a scoping review using the Joanna Briggs Institute methodology. We systematically searched 14 databases to identify peer-reviewed journal articles published in English language between January 1, 2010 and November 20, 2021, that reported empirical qualitative, quantitative or mixed methods data on LGBTQI+ people’s health in India. Out of 3,003 results in total, we identified 177 eligible articles; 62% used quantitative, 31% qualitative, and 7% mixed methods. The majority (55%) focused on gay and other men who have sex with men (MSM), 16% transgender women, and 14% both of these populations; 4% focused on lesbian and bisexual women, and 2% on transmasculine people. Overall, studies reported high prevalence of HIV and sexually transmitted infections; multilevel risk factors for HIV; high levels of mental health burden linked to stigma, discrimination, and violence victimization; and non-availability of gender-affirmative medical care in government hospitals. Few longitudinal studies and intervention studies were identified. Findings suggest that LGBTQI+ health research in India needs to move beyond the predominant focus on HIV, and gay men/MSM and transgender women, to include mental health and non-communicable diseases, and individuals across the LGBTQI+ spectrum. Future research should build on largely descriptive studies to include explanatory and intervention studies, beyond urban to rural sites, and examine healthcare and service needs among LGBTQI+ people across the life course. Increased Indian government funding for LGBTQI+ health research, including dedicated support and training for early career researchers, is crucial to building a comprehensive and sustainable evidence base to inform targeted health policies and programs moving forward.

Citation: Chakrapani V, Newman PA, Shunmugam M, Rawat S, Mohan BR, Baruah D, et al. (2023) A scoping review of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and intersex (LGBTQI+) people’s health in India. PLOS Glob Public Health 3(4): e0001362. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0001362

Editor: Prashanth Nuggehalli Srinivas, Institute of Public Health Bengaluru, INDIA

Received: November 19, 2022; Accepted: March 18, 2023; Published: April 20, 2023

Copyright: © 2023 Chakrapani et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

Data Availability: All relevant data are within the paper and its Supporting Information files.

Funding: This work was financially supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada in the form of a grant (Partnership Grant, 895–2019-1020 [MFARR-Asia]) awarded to PAN. This work was also financially supported by the DBT/Wellcome Trust India Alliance Senior Fellowship (IA/CPHS/16/1/502667) in the form of salary for VC. The specific roles of these authors are articulated in the ‘author contributions’ section. The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.

Competing interests: The authors have read the journal’s policy and have the following competing interests: VC was employed by by the DBT/Wellcome Trust India Alliance Senior Fellowship at the time of this study. PAN serves on the Editorial Board for PLOS Global Public Health. This does not alter our adherence to PLOS Global Public Health policies on sharing data and materials.

Introduction

The right to the highest attainable standard of health is both universal and fundamental in international law [ 1 ]. This is enshrined in Article 12 [ 2 ] of the Convention on Social , Economic , and Cultural Rights and underlies United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 3 (SDG-3), which promises “Health for All” by 2030 and that “no one will be left behind.” This includes lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer identified, and people with intersex variations (LGBTQI+), who are entitled to the same standard of health as everyone else [ 3 ].

Despite the promise of the SDGs, evidence from across the globe suggests that LGBTQI+ health consistently lags behind that of the general public. Systematic and scoping reviews on health and healthcare access among LGBTQI+ people in high-income countries have shown that these populations continue to face disproportionate physical and mental health burdens in contrast to heterosexual populations [ 4 – 9 ]. For example, global reviews and large-scale studies have documented high levels of problematic alcohol use [ 10 ], sexualized drug use [ 11 ], mental health problems [ 4 , 12 ], and high rates of HIV and other sexually transmitted infections (STIs) [ 13 – 15 ] among various LGBTQI+ subpopulations. Consistent with the minority stress model [ 16 ], many of these poor health outcomes are associated with societal stigma, discrimination, and violence, and systemic barriers in access to health services experienced by LGBTQI+ individuals [ 9 , 17 , 18 ].

Increasing recognition of health issues and disparities faced by LGBTQI+ people in the context of advances in LGBTQI+ rights movements globally have contributed to an evolving legal and policy environment that is becoming more supportive of LGBTQI+ rights, and more attuned to addressing LGBTQI+ health disparities and discrimination [ 19 ]. These advances in the recognition of LGBTQI+ rights have concomitantly contributed to increasing awareness of the need for research evidence to meaningfully implement this policy shift. Population-specific data are sorely needed to document gaps, disparities, and progress in LGBTQI+ health over time, as recognized by numerous bodies including the World Bank and UNDP; both have called for more attention and investment in research on LGBTQI+ health [ 20 ]. This trend is evident in India where the decriminalization of adult consensual same-sex relationships (2018) [ 21 ] and the enactment of the Transgender Persons Protection of Rights Act (2019) [ 22 ] have recently emerged in rapid succession. The latter act was designed, among other things, to support and promote the delivery of non-discriminatory and gender-affirmative health services to transgender people. Subsequently, India’s Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment’s expert committee on issues related to transgender persons has called for research evidence to design interventions to improve the health of transgender people [ 23 ].

We are aware of no overview and thorough mapping of the evidence base on LGBTQI+ health in India. A few published reviews of LGBTQI+ health in India have focused on specific topics, such as HIV research among MSM or mental health issues among LGBTQI+ individuals [ 24 – 26 ]. To address the fragmented nature of current research knowledge, we conducted a scoping review to synthesize the evidence on LGBTQI+ health in India. The aim of this review was to characterize the breadth of published research on LGBTQI+ health in India and identify gaps in the evidence base, to provide recommendations for future research, and to synthesize existing evidence to inform health policies and interventions to advance LGBTQI+ health.

We used the scoping review framework initially proposed by Arksey and O’Malley [ 27 ] and advanced by the Joanna Briggs Institute [ 28 ]. The key steps involved: (1) identifying the research questions; (2) identifying relevant studies; (3) study selection using a pre-defined set of inclusion and exclusion criteria; (4) charting the data; and (5) collating, summarizing and reporting the results.

Research questions

The specific questions guiding this review were: (1) What are the peer-reviewed literature sources available on LGBTQI+ health in India?; (2) What health problems and conditions are reported among LGBTQI+ people?; and (3) What are the gaps in the available evidence on LGBTQI+ health in India? We conceptualized health problems and conditions broadly, including physical and mental health problems and conditions commonly addressed in the research with LGBTQI+ populations, such as HIV, depression, anxiety, and problematic alcohol use, as well as their social determinants, including stigma, discrimination, violence, and access to care.

Identifying studies from academic databases

As the first comprehensive review of a broad range of health research among LGBTQI+ people across the vast geography and population of India, we limited our search to academic peer-reviewed journal articles. A literature search was conducted using the following academic databases: Medline, Education Resources Information Centre (ERIC), Applied Social Sciences Index and Abstracts (ASSIA), Public Affairs Information Service Index (PAIS Index), Bibliography of Asian Studies, EconLit, Education Source, Social Work Abstracts, Sociological Abstracts, PsychInfo, LGBTLife, Gender Studies, HeinOnline, ProQuest Thesis, Worldwide Political Science Abstracts, and Child and Adolescent Development. Search strings previously validated for LGBT+ populations [ 29 ] were used for identifying relevant articles. Search strings were customized to account for the unique syntax of each database surveyed (see S1 Appendix ). We added relevant Indian LGBTQI+ terminology, including indigenous sexual role-based identity terms, such as kothi (feminine same-sex attracted males, primarily receptive sexual role), panthi (masculine and insertive role) and double-decker (both insertive and receptive role). We also searched for indigenous trans identities, such as hijras, thirunangai, jogappas, mangalmukhi, jogti hijras, and shivshaktis; however, as hijras was the only Indian language term used for trans identity in the article titles and abstracts, we used English language terms, such as trans men, trans women, trans person, and transgender. To delimit the results geographically, we added the term “India*” to all search strings. The searches from each database were documented, duplicates were eliminated, and citations were imported to Covidence (Veritas Health Innovation, Melbourne) for abstract and full-text screening.

Study selection

Studies were selected according to pre-defined inclusion criteria. Studies must have been: 1) published between January 1, 2010 and November 20, 2021; conducted among LGBTQI+ people in India; 3) written in English; 4) peer reviewed; and 5) report primary data (qualitative, quantitative, or mixed methods). Two independent reviewers first screened the titles and abstracts for inclusion. In the case of discrepancies, a third reviewer was consulted to reach consensus. Full texts of potentially relevant articles were screened using a similar process. We selected the time frame to focus on recent articles relevant to current public health programs and policies in India, in order to identify extant research gaps and inform the future research agenda. Additionally, the third phase of India’s National AIDS Control Programme (NACP-III), launched in late 2009, explicitly addressed targeted HIV interventions for men who have sex with men and transgender women, which brought national attention to the health issues of sexual and gender minority populations.

Charting, collating and summarizing the results

The following data were extracted for analysis: year of publication, study location, sample size, study population, objectives, design, methodology (qualitative, quantitative or mixed methods) and key findings. We summarized the results using frequencies, and thematic analysis and synthesis [ 28 ]. Studies were grouped by key themes that emerged from the synthesis: prevalence of HIV and STIs, and risk factors; stigma, discrimination and violence, and health impact; access to health services; interventions to improve health outcomes among LGBTQI+ populations; new HIV prevention technologies and their acceptability; and under-represented LGBTQI+ populations.

The search strategy yielded 2,326 sources after removing duplicates. Screening of the titles and abstracts yielded 588 articles included in full-text review. Of these, 177 peer-reviewed articles met the a priori eligibility criteria and were included in the scoping review ( Fig 1 ). We extracted study characteristics and key findings for the included articles ( Table 1 ).

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Study characteristics

Of the 177 articles, the majority (59%; n = 105) were published from 2016 onward ( Fig 2 ). In terms of methodology, 62% were quantitative, 31% qualitative, and 7% mixed methods studies. A majority (55%; n = 98) of studies were conducted among MSM, 16% (n = 28) among TGW, and 14% (n = 25) among both MSM and TGW ( Fig 3 ). Seven studies (4%) were conducted among lesbian or bisexual women, five (3%) among LGBTQI+ people as a whole, and two each among transmasculine people, and people with intersex variations.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0001362.g002

HCP, healthcare professional; LGBT, lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender; MSM, men who have sex with men; TGW, transgender women.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0001362.g003

Nearly half (47%; n = 84) of the studies were conducted in four (of 28) Indian states—Maharashtra (n = 30), Tamil Nadu (n = 23), Karnataka (n = 19) or Andhra Pradesh (n = 12), with the majority of these in state capitals—Mumbai, Chennai, Bangalore, or Hyderabad. Over a third (36%; n = 65) of the studies were conducted in multiple Indian states.

Overall, 77% of studies (n = 137/177) reported sources of funding support, and 12% (n = 21) reported not receiving any specific funding; 11% (n = 19) did not report sources of funding. Of those studies that reported a funding source, the majority (72%; n = 99/137) were foreign sources (largely from the U.S. National Institutes of Health [NIH] and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation); 12% (n = 17) were Indo-U.S. collaborative research projects funded jointly by the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) and NIH. Twenty studies (15%) received primary funding from the government of India (Indian Council of Medical Research [ICMR] and the National AIDS Control Organization [NACO]) and other Indian institutions.

HIV/STI prevalence and risk factors

Thirty-seven percent (n = 65) of the articles focused on reporting STI/HIV prevalence estimates [ 30 – 47 ] and correlates of HIV-related risk behaviors [ 48 – 94 ] among MSM and TGW ( Fig 4 ). In the 18 studies [ 30 – 47 ] that reported HIV and STI prevalence estimates among MSM and TGW, nine [ 31 – 33 , 37 , 39 – 42 , 45 ] were conducted in clinical settings, six [ 30 , 34 , 35 , 38 , 43 , 46 ] in community settings, and three [ 36 , 44 , 47 ] in both clinical and community settings. Of these 18 studies, eight [ 30 , 34 , 35 , 37 , 40 , 43 , 45 , 46 ] reported HIV/STI prevalence and risk factors among MSM, three [ 36 , 39 , 44 ] human papillomavirus (HPV) prevalence among MSM living with HIV, and three [ 31 , 33 , 45 ] reported prevalence of perianal dermatoses, HPV and other STIs (such as syphilis, chlamydia and gonorrhea) among MSM. Two studies [ 38 , 47 ] reported correlates of HIV incidence among MSM, with one study each reporting Hepatitis C prevalence among MSM living with HIV [ 42 ], and one study the prevalence of herpes [ 45 ].

LB, lesbian and bisexual.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0001362.g004

Overall, HIV prevalence among MSM ranged from 3.8% to 23.0% across different study sites. Among MSM, HPV/genital warts (23.0% to 95.0%), syphilis (0.8% to 11.9%), HSV/genital herpes (7.1 to 32.0%), and genital molluscum contagium (9.6%) were the most commonly reported STIs [ 30 , 31 , 33 , 34 , 36 , 37 , 39 , 40 , 42 , 45 ]. One study [ 42 ] reported Hepatitis-C prevalence among MSM as 1.3%. Syphilis rates tended to be higher among single MSM (8.3%) than married MSM (1.0%) [ 35 ]. In a study [ 32 ] conducted among 84 TGW who attended STI clinics in Pune, HIV prevalence was 45.2%.

Forty-seven articles [ 48 – 94 ] reported correlates of HIV-related risk among MSM and TGW. Among MSM, significant correlates of HIV risk behaviors/indicators such as condomless sex [ 48 – 50 , 58 , 64 , 77 , 78 , 92 , 93 ], infrequent HIV testing [ 60 , 65 , 72 , 74 ], and HIV/STI positivity [ 48 , 51 , 55 , 79 ] were low literacy and unemployment [ 48 , 76 , 77 ], alcohol and/or drug use [ 54 , 60 , 64 , 65 , 79 , 90 , 93 ], engagement in sex work [ 49 , 60 , 61 , 65 , 67 , 68 , 75 , 76 , 78 ], higher number of male sexual partners [ 48 – 50 , 53 , 56 , 72 , 74 ], early age of sexual debut [ 93 ], and low HIV risk perception [ 60 , 65 , 72 , 74 ]. Six of the 47 articles included data on TGW; five of these [ 79 , 81 , 84 , 87 , 89 ] did not provide details on correlates of HIV risk behaviors, with one study [ 94 ] reporting that having a male regular partner was associated with HIV seropositivity.

Stigma, discrimination, and violence, and health impacts

Over one-fourth of the articles (27%; n = 48) [ 95 – 142 ] reported on stigma, discrimination, violence, and their associations with physical and mental health. Among these, 16 articles focused on stigma-related aspects of LGBTQI+ health [ 96 , 100 – 102 , 109 , 110 , 112 , 114 , 119 , 124 – 126 , 129 , 132 , 137 , 140 ], 3 on violence [ 97 , 103 , 118 ], 17 on mental health and its correlates, such as quality of life [ 95 , 99 , 105 , 106 , 108 , 111 , 115 , 123 , 127 , 128 , 130 , 131 , 135 , 136 , 138 , 139 , 142 ], two on resilience [ 122 , 133 ] and one article each on coping skills [ 141 ] and promoting LGBTQI+ acceptance [ 134 ]. Three articles reported on stress [ 116 ], perceived psychological impact [ 120 ] and violence [ 121 ] associated with Section-377 of the Indian Penal Code, which until September 2018 criminalised adult consensual same-sex relationships.

Several studies highlighted various types of stigma and discrimination experienced by MSM and TGW, which include perceived stigma, felt normative stigma, HIV-related stigma, family-enacted stigma, gender non-conformity stigma, and internalized stigma [ 96 , 100 , 101 , 109 , 124 – 126 , 129 , 132 , 138 ], gender discrimination, workplace discrimination [ 137 , 139 ] and polyvictimization [ 140 ]. Perpetrators of discrimination and violence against MSM and TGW, including those living with HIV, included peers, sexual partners, family members, healthcare providers, and police [ 98 , 102 , 103 , 109 , 112 , 118 , 119 , 129 , 130 , 137 , 139 ]. Fear of discrimination and suboptimal care [ 112 ] or refusal of care [ 109 ] prevented some persons from disclosing their sexual or gender identity to healthcare providers.

Fifteen studies [ 98 , 99 , 107 – 109 , 112 , 115 , 125 , 127 – 130 , 137 , 139 , 140 ] indicated that stigma and discrimination contribute to depression and other negative mental health outcomes, such as suicidal ideation or attempts, among sexual and gender minorities. Two studies documented a high prevalence of mental health issues among MSM: depression (29% to 45%), anxiety (24% to 40%), suicidal ideation (45% to 53%), suicide attempts (23%), substance abuse (28%) including alcohol dependence (15% to 22%) [ 95 , 130 ]. Similarly, among TGW, high levels of depression (43%), problematic alcohol use (37%) [ 108 ], anxiety (39%), depression (21%), suicide risk (75.8%) [ 136 ] and violence (52%) [ 139 ] were reported. Three studies with MSM [ 99 , 108 , 109 , 115 ] and one with MSM and TGW [ 108 ] reported psychosocial syndemics, that is, co-occurring psychosocial conditions such as problematic alcohol use and internalized homonegativity, and their synergistic impact on HIV risk. The COVID-19 pandemic was also addressed as exacerbating psychological distress among LGBTQI+ people [ 125 , 131 ].

Several studies addressed resilience, coping, and social support. A few studies documented various types of social support and other resilience resources available to MSM and TGW [ 107 , 109 , 117 ], with one study reporting moderate or high levels of resilience among 72% of TGW [ 122 ]. In terms of coping with adversity, MSM and TGW reported supportive roles of peers, NGOs [ 109 ], family, friends and partners [ 107 ], and gharanas (‘clans’ or houses of hijra-identified trans people) [ 127 ]. Some MSM and TGW reported strategies to prevent violence, discrimination and psychological distress, which included bribing police, running away from unsafe places and persons, and negotiating condom use during forced sex encounters [ 109 ], hiding sexual identities [ 103 ], denial [ 123 ], and behavioral disengagement [ 141 ]. One study documented positive coping strategies among older transgender people, such as spirituality, hope, and acceptance of gender dissonance [ 125 ]. In a few studies, social support and resilient coping strategies were identified as predictors of HIV risk [ 108 ] or mediators and moderators of the effects of discrimination on HIV risk or depression [ 110 ]. A resilience-based psychosocial intervention that integrated counselling was found to be effective in reducing HIV risk among MSM, with self-esteem and depressive symptoms mediating this effect [ 133 ]. A community-based theatre intervention was identified as effective in improving positive attitudes and knowledge, and promoting acceptance and solidarity towards LGBTQI+ communities among young adult heterosexual audiences [ 134 ].

Access to services: HIV/STIs and gender-affirmative procedures

In total, 22 studies [ 143 – 164 ]—10 quantitative [ 143 , 145 , 146 , 148 – 153 , 156 ] and 12 qualitative [ 144 , 147 , 154 , 155 , 157 – 164 ]—investigated access to HIV/STI services, gender transition services, and other clinical services. Four of these studies focused on HIV testing [ 145 , 148 , 150 , 154 ] and four [ 144 , 148 , 156 , 162 ] on antiretroviral treatment (ART) access and uptake among MSM and TGW living with HIV. Two studies [ 152 , 153 ] addressed the HIV care continuum and linkages to care, three [ 147 , 157 , 158 ] challenges in accessing HIV testing, treatment and care services among MSM and TGW. Five studies focused on access to healthcare and support services for TGW: access to gender transition services [ 154 ], barriers to dental [ 150 ] and eye care [ 160 ], gender-affirmative technologies [ 159 ], and welfare schemes for TGW [ 161 ].

In relation to HIV testing among MSM, quantitative studies [ 146 , 149 , 151 ] reported that a majority of those recruited through community-based organizations (CBOs) or public sex environments were tested for HIV (61% to 86%) [ 146 , 151 ], in contrast to MSM recruited through online social networking sites (47%) [ 149 ]. Factors such as high literacy levels, being 25 to 34 years old, engagement in sex work, and exposure to HIV intervention programs were associated with higher rates of HIV testing. Qualitative studies [ 147 , 155 ] on HIV testing among MSM and TGW in two cities highlighted barriers such as HIV stigma and discrimination in healthcare settings and fears of adverse social consequences of testing HIV positive, and facilitators such as access to outreach programs operated by CBOs/NGOs, and accurate HIV risk perception.

Four studies (2 qualitative [ 144 , 162 ] and 2 quantitative [ 148 , 156 ]) conducted among MSM and TGW living with HIV reported that multilevel barriers prevented or significantly delayed access to free ART: the qualitative studies reported support from healthcare providers and peers as facilitators of ART adherence, while the quantitative studies [ 148 , 156 ] indicated that 76% (n = 65/85) were on ART and 48% of these (n = 31/65) reported nonadherence [ 148 ]. Those who were younger and who had negative beliefs about ART were less likely to be adherent [ 148 ]. Low levels of knowledge, negative perceptions about ART, and ART nonadherence were significantly associated with lower levels of viral suppression [ 156 ].

In relation to access to gender-affirmative medical care, a qualitative study [ 154 ] reported a near-total absence of gender-affirmative hormone therapy and surgeries in public hospitals. Among three qualitative studies on challenges in accessing HIV testing and treatment services among MSM and TGW, two [ 157 , 158 ] reported challenges faced by MSM and TGW in accessing HIV and gender transition-related services in the time of COVID-19.

Interventions to improve health outcomes among LGBTQI+ populations

Eleven articles [ 165 – 175 ] focused on health-related interventions, especially in relation to HIV prevention, of which 10 were exclusively conducted with MSM. Six of the 12 studies were pilot studies, including four pilot RCTs [ 167 , 171 , 173 , 175 ]. Two articles reported qualitative formative research studies to design counselling-based [ 166 ] and mobile phone-based interventions [ 170 ]. Studies of interventions to increase condom use or HIV testing utilized diverse modalities, such as face-to-face risk reduction counseling [ 167 ], provision of community-friendly services [ 168 ], virtual counseling [ 165 ], internet-based [ 175 ] and mobile phone-based messages [ 171 ], and motivational interviewing techniques [ 173 , 174 ]. Other intervention studies used video-based technologies such as mobile game-based learning for peer education [ 172 ], and a video-based counseling session [ 165 ].

New HIV prevention technologies and their acceptability

Overall, 18 studies [ 176 – 193 ] (11 quantitative, 7 qualitative) focused on new HIV prevention technologies, including oral pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) [ 176 , 177 , 182 , 184 , 187 – 190 , 192 , 193 ], future HIV vaccines [ 178 – 181 , 183 ] and rectal microbicides [ 185 ], as well as medical male circumcision [ 186 ], and oral HIV self-testing [ 191 ].

Of the ten articles on PrEP, eight examined acceptability or willingness to use PrEP among MSM and TGW; one explored the impact of prioritizing PrEP for MSM [ 184 ], and one compared the cost-effectiveness of offering PrEP to MSM with semiannual HIV testing as opposed to WHO-recommended 3-month testing [ 192 ]. Quantitative studies [ 176 , 177 , 188 – 190 , 193 ] reported generally high willingness to use PrEP among MSM and TGW despite low levels of awareness. Qualitative studies [ 183 , 188 ] reported factors associated with PrEP uptake, including perceived effectiveness in serodiscordant relationships, providing protection in cases of forced sex encounters, ability to use covertly, ability to have sex without condoms, and anxiety-less sex; barriers included PrEP stigma, fear of disclosure to one’s family or partners/spouse, and being labelled as HIV-positive or ‘promiscuous’ by peers. A mathematical modelling study [ 184 ] in Bangalore reported that PrEP could prevent a substantial proportion of infections among MSM (27% of infections over 10 years, with 60% coverage and 50% adherence).

Of the 5 studies on future HIV vaccine acceptability [ 178 – 181 , 183 ], two [ 178 , 180 ] assessed willingness to participate (WTP) in hypothetical HIV vaccine trials among MSM; one [ 179 ] explored mental models of candidate HIV vaccines and clinical trials; and two [ 181 , 183 ] assessed frontline health service providers’ perspectives on HIV vaccine trials and their likelihood of recommending HIV vaccines to MSM populations.

Underrepresented LGBTQI+ populations: Sexual minority women, transmasculine people and people with intersex variations

Sexual minority women..

Seven studies (4%) focused on sexual minority women [ 194 – 200 ], while two additional studies [ 201 , 202 ] included sexual minority women as part of a larger sample. Among the seven studies, most focused on romantic relationships, such as communication and prioritization in relationships [ 199 ], difficulties in maintaining relationships [ 196 ], understanding of intimacy [ 197 , 198 ], and lack of legal recognition of same-gender romantic partnerships [ 198 ]. One study [ 197 ] used a collaborative ethnographic approach to capture the understanding of community and activism from the perspectives of “women loving women” which had indirect connections to mental health. Another study [ 200 ] documented resilience sources (for example, self-confidence, optimism) used by sexual minority women to cope with major stressors.

The sexual health of sexual minority women was explored in two studies [ 194 , 198 ]. One used photo-elicitation interviews and a survey to explore health behaviors and concerns [ 194 ], reporting that a majority of sexual minority women were not accessing preventive healthcare services: 36% reported having been screened for breast cancer and 14% for cervical cancer, and only 20% had ever been tested for STIs. The other study [ 198 ] reported lack of knowledge regarding STIs and difficulty in identifying LGBTQ-friendly service providers as major barriers to accessing preventive services.

Transmasculine people.

Two studies (1%) [ 203 , 204 ] focused on transmasculine people’s health: one [ 203 ] documented challenges in negotiating gender identity in various spaces, such as family, educational settings, workplace and neighborhoods; and one [ 204 ] reported that a substantially higher proportion of transmasculine persons (36.3%) attempted suicide when compared with transfeminine persons (24.7%).

People with intersex variations.

Among the two studies (1%) [ 205 , 206 ] that focused on people with intersex variations, one [ 205 ] examined how healthcare professionals decide on gender assignment of intersex children, and the other study [ 206 ] documented the social stigma faced by people with intersex variations and their families. Findings from both of these studies highlighted that gender assignment decisions are influenced by sociocultural factors: parents of intersex children preferred a male gender assignment possibly because of the social advantages of growing up as a male in a patriarchal society.

This scoping review of a decade of peer-reviewed research on the health of LGBTQI+ people in India demonstrates a trend of increased publications addressing the health of sexual and gender minorities; however, it also identifies substantial gaps in the research—in terms of focal populations, geographical coverage, health conditions, and methods. Overall, this review demonstrates a predominant research focus on HIV and HIV-related risk behaviors among MSM and TGW populations; of these studies, a small subset were intervention studies aiming to improve the health of MSM and TGW. Notably, this review reveals the near complete omission of research on the health of sexual minority women—less than 4% of the studies identified. And amid the substantial focus on transgender women, largely in the context of HIV, scant research addressed the health of transmasculine people.

From a methodological perspective, among the quantitative studies that constituted the majority of the research, most were cross-sectional and descriptive in nature; few studies used longitudinal designs or mixed methods approaches, with very few intervention trials. The inclusion of a substantial proportion of qualitative and mixed methods studies, however, suggests a strength in the potential for characterizing the lived experiences of diverse LGBTQI+ people and experiences in the context of health disparities and challenges in healthcare access. Nevertheless, these too were dominated by a focus on MSM and TGW. A scoping review on LGBT inclusion in Thailand similarly reported substantial underrepresentation of lesbian and bisexual women, and transmasculine people, in the peer-reviewed literature [ 6 ].

The persistent and substantial gaps identified, even amid the overall increase in LGBTQI+ health research in India, have important implications for future research and research funding, health policies and programs, and healthcare services and practices for LGBTQI+ populations. There is a clear and compelling need to expand the evidence base on LGBTQI+ health in India to the many health and mental health conditions beyond HIV, and to the health challenges experienced across the diversity of LGBTQI+ people.

Specific population gaps identified in health research among LGBTQI+ people in India indicate the need for greater attention to lesbian and bisexual women, including potential health and mental health disparities compared to cisgender heterosexual women. Additional focus on lesbian and bisexual women’s experiences in access to and use of health services is sorely needed across an array of health conditions and healthcare settings, particularly given that studies reported their underutilization of routine preventive healthcare services. Reviews conducted on the health of sexual minority women in other countries arrived at similar conclusions [ 207 , 208 ]. Further gaps emerged in the dearth of research with transmasculine people [ 209 ], and more broadly in research on access to medical and surgical gender-affirmative care needs for trans people. Greater attention to studies of healthcare providers and healthcare settings, and on healthcare provider training, that aim to improve access to gender-affirmative clinical services are needed [ 210 ]. Finally, there is a wholesale lack of health research among people with intersex variations. Future studies should focus on general health profiles, experiences in access to healthcare, and impact of non-essential or ‘corrective’ surgeries on health and mental health outcomes among people with intersex variations [ 211 , 212 ].

Overall, the relatively small number of intervention studies were largely conducted with MSM in relation to HIV prevention. Nevertheless, while NACO supports several targeted interventions among MSM and TGW, with estimated programmatic coverage of nearly 88% to 95% of at-risk MSM and TGW [ 213 ], the lack of peer-reviewed publications on the effectiveness of such interventions limits their contribution to evidence-informed HIV prevention programs and policies in India. Although these interventions are primarily for programmatic purposes, the absence of published data represents a missed opportunity.

The stark lack of formal health outreach structures in India for lesbian and bisexual women, and for transmasculine people, makes it challenging to reach these populations through established organizational partners. Accordingly, greater involvement of a diversity of LGBTQI+ community-led groups in collaborative and participatory research studies is needed to expand opportunities to engage their inputs on research priorities, recruitment, and data collection methods, thereby also building their capacity in guiding and implementing research [ 214 ]. Such participatory mechanisms may be key to meaningful involvement of diverse and under-represented groups among LGBTQI+ communities and expanding relevant research evidence to advance their health. Strategic research funding mechanisms that target such underrepresented groups, as well as requiring community partnerships in certain health research streams, may be mechanisms to support such initiatives moving forward. For example, the U.S. NIH has established a sexual and gender minority research office, increased dedicated research funds, and released a five-year strategic plan to advance health research among sexual and gender minorities [ 215 ]. Similar steps need to be taken by the Indian Council of Medical Research, Department of Health Research. With just over one-fourth of the studies in this review funded fully or in part (in collaboration with NIH) by Indian government agencies, such as ICMR and NACO, there is a clear need to increase funding for LGBTQI+ health research by the Government of India.

This synthesis also highlights the connections between stigma, discrimination and violence, and the health issues faced by LGBTQI+ people. Several studies advance evidence on how discrimination and violence victimization contribute to psychosocial health problems and HIV risk among MSM and TGW [ 101 , 216 ]. Stigma and violence elimination programs, and interventions in multiple sectors (for example, healthcare, education, employment) and social campaigns to promote understanding and acceptance of LGBTQI+ people are needed. The lack of access to gender-affirmative hormone therapy and surgeries for trans people highlights the need to improve access to such services, especially in the context of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, of India. This act clearly places the responsibility on the Indian central government and state governments to provide medical gender-affirmative health services and health insurance for trans people [ 22 ].

Other research areas that require increased exploration include the role of family and peer support in LGBTQI+ mental health, interventions to increase support from families and communities, and programs to eliminate discrimination and promote acceptance in healthcare, educational and workplace settings [ 25 ]. Given the deleterious impacts of stigma and discrimination on mental health and access to care, and the protective effects of social support and resilience resources, studies that integrate an understanding of social-structural contexts that affect mental health are key to effective approaches to advancing LGBTQI+ health [ 26 ]. Expanding the evidence base on LGBTQI+ health will require additional investments by national and state health research funders, including targeted funding for non-HIV-specific LGBTQI+ health research in the academic sector and in government-funded and government-run health programs on HIV (National AIDS Control Program of NACO), sexual and reproductive health and mental health (under National Health Mission), and non-communicable diseases (for example, National Program for Prevention and Control of Cancers, Diabetes and Cardiovascular Diseases and Stroke).

Finally, few studies made explicit reference to theoretical frameworks (for example, syndemic theory [ 216 ], minority stress theory [ 96 ], and structural violence [ 217 ]), that guided study design, analysis or interpretation. For one, such theories can advance research and understanding of the needs of understudied populations, such as sexual minority women, with studies also benefitting from community-based participatory methodologies and partnerships [ 198 , 199 ]. The latter can advance application of theoretical frameworks that are sensitized to community-identified concerns, self-identifications, and priorities in Indian cultural contexts [ 199 ]. Several theoretical frameworks such as gender minority stress [ 218 ], gender affirmation [ 219 ] and intersectionality [ 220 ] that have been used productively in research among trans people in western countries, especially the U.S., appear not to be explicitly used in studies from India. Future research should include a focus on adapting existing frameworks to meaningfully address the Indian cultural context, as well as developing new indigenous frameworks for research with LGBTQI+ people in India. Future investigations should also ensure the inclusion of diverse subgroups of trans people—not solely gender binary, but also gender non-binary people—and portray local gender identity terms they use as well as indigenous constructions of gender identity, rather than defaulting to western terminologies, some of which do not translate well culturally or linguistically to the Indian LGBTQI+ experience [ 221 ].

Strengths and limitations

This scoping review should be understood in the context of study limitations. First, we limited searches to English-language texts and those included in major academic databases; however, we are not aware of Indian native language-based academic journals, given that academics and researchers largely publish in English. Second, we did not conduct quality assessments of individual studies as this is outside the purview of a scoping review; we aimed to map the field of available research, and research gaps, rather than answer a specific research question [ 28 ]. Third, we limited our review to peer-reviewed articles, for which we identified a substantial number of sources. Future scoping or systematic reviews should include grey literature from across India to broaden understanding of the landscape of research and gaps in regard to LGBTQI+ health; this is particularly the case given the concentration of studies identified among a minority of Indian states, and conducted almost exclusively in urban areas. Further, we did not include asexual-identified people in this review; future reviews should include this subpopulation to understand their health needs and healthcare experiences [ 222 ].

This scoping review identified key research gaps on LGBTQI+ health in India, with investigations largely limited to HIV-related issues, MSM and TGW populations, and urban study sites. This underscores the need for expanding health research in India to address the broad spectrum of LGBTQI+ people’s lives, specifically in moving beyond HIV-focused research to address mental health and non-communicable diseases as well. Future research should address the extensive gender gap in LGBTQI+ health research in India by focusing on health needs and healthcare experiences of lesbian and bisexual women. The broader spectrum of transgender and gender nonbinary people also merits increased focus, including studies on health needs and gaps with transmasculine people.

Finally, it is crucial to include sexual orientation and gender identity in national health surveys and to provide disaggregated data among LGBTQI+ subpopulations so that extant inequalities between heterosexual and cisgender people, and within LGBTQI+ people, can be documented [ 223 ]. Large-scale government-supported national health surveys among LGBTQI+ people provide a unique opportunity to document and explain health inequalities, and to identify potential solutions [ 224 ]. Strategies to enhance health research among LGBTQI+ people in India include developing a national LGBTQI+ health research agenda, providing dedicated LGBTQI+ health research funding from various government bodies, and investing in the training of researchers and new investigators to competently conduct LGBTQI+ health research. Additionally, investments in improving and sustaining the research and service provision capacities of community-based organizations are crucial as they already assume responsibility for serving a substantial number of LGBTQI+ people who are otherwise underserved by government-funded healthcare systems.

Supporting information

S1 checklist. preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and meta-analyses extension for scoping reviews (prisma-scr) checklist..

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0001362.s001

S1 Appendix. Sample search string for ProQuest database.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0001362.s002

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank Luke Reid, JD, PhD (cand.), Research Fellow, University of Toronto Factor-Inwentash Faculty of Social Work, for assistance in implementing the literature search.

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The Legal Struggles of the LGBTQIA+ Community in India

A recent judgement by the Supreme Court of India put off the question of allowing same-sex marriage, but it still may be seen as a victory for the community.

A large number of present-day Indian laws owe their origins to British rule. Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, which made punishable by law any sexual act that was “against the order of nature,” was one such controversial law. Its code included everything from oral and anal sex to intercourse between people of the same sex. In 2013, the High Court of Delhi initially read down the section (“reading down” is legalese for determining the law is no longer valid), but it was later reinstituted by a bench of the Supreme Court of India. In 2019, however, Section 377 was finally struck down by a larger constitutional bench of the Supreme Court.

Over the last decade, India’s vibrant and thriving LGBTQIA+ community has moved the courts to fight for recognition of its legal status and all the rights that should accrue to them as they do to other citizens, including the right to live together, marry, adopt, and have children through surrogacy. Recently, LGBTQIA+ petitioners filed a new case for the recognition of the right to marry members of their own community. In this case, however, the Supreme Court provided no relief, recommending instead that the question should be referred to Parliament to decide . However disappointed the community may have been by this ruling, many were appreciative of the fact that their pleas were heard and debated in the highest court of law, especially since the original legal battle was a long and arduous one.

In a 2019 article published in the National Law School of India Review , Kalpana Kannabiran examines the legal journey of this community at length. She particularly focuses on the “far-reaching influence of peoples’ movements on courtroom cultures in India,” which she arrives at by examining the use of “song, performance, poetry and the outpouring of emotion.”

Kannabiran “trace[s] an intellectual history of rights on the Indian sub-continent that undergird and anticipate the constitution, and cut a path through the dense, thorny thickets of ‘tradition’ towards the rainbows on the horizon.” Her legal entry point is the Supreme Court of India’s aforementioned reading down of Section 377 in Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India . She asserts that

important as this judgment is, it needs to be situated within the larger discourse of civil and political rights imperiled in the present moment of right wing Hindu majoritarianism and its dismantling of constitutional regimes at different levels in India today.

Kannabiran draws attention to various sources to which individual judges of the bench referred while delivering the judgment. These included philosophical entreaties by Goethe and Shakespeare’s timeless lyricality as well as pop culture references with lyrics by Leonard Cohen. Works by Oscar Wilde and his alleged lover Alfred Douglas also made an appearance, as did more contemporary writings by Indian author Vikram Seth and Indian playwright Danish Sheikh.

Lauding the judgment for its “reflection on the power and place of the literary in our constitutional imaginary [which] takes us to a long history of resistance against authoritarianism, arbitrary rule and the orders of caste and brahmanical patriarchy,” she hopes that the court continues to “interrogate punitive and regressive legal regimes” so it may “keep sight of its own moral moorings.”

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During her examination, she quotes the 2013 judgment delivered by the Supreme Court in Suresh Kumar Koushal vs. Naz Foundation , which had overturned the High Court’s original ruling. Here, the judge observed, “carnal intercourse was criminalized because such acts have the tendency to lead to unmanliness and lead to persons not being useful in society.” The bench also made the erroneous observation that only a few hundred people from this community had suffered from the application of this section. In the process, it discounted the humiliation and emotional suffering of this section of society for a long period of time.

The tide changed with Johar . Quite significantly, Kannabiran notes, it was “the acknowledgment of sexual intimacy and desire—and indeed unfulfilled longing (‘the love that dare not speak its name’) within court-speak,” which was “virtually unheard of prior to Johar ,” that became a beacon of hope to future sections of society battling disempowerment of various kinds. She further asserts that

perhaps one of the most significant interventions made in Johar is the affirming of the rights of minorities. […] The interlocking between caste orders, majoritarianism and heteronormative regimes produces specific proscriptions of speech and curtailment of liberties not confined to minorities but extending to those who speak with them.

Kannabiran ends on a poignant note, calling attention to the “perils and pitfalls that majoritarian rule poses to the futures of the Constitution” by quoting Dr. B. R Ambedkar, the father of the Indian Constitution:

“If things go wrong under the new Constitution, the reason will not be that we had a bad Constitution. What we will have to say is that Man was vile.”

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India’s LGBTQIA+ community notches legal wins but still faces societal hurdles to acceptance, equal rights

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While there has been some recent progress for India’s LGBTQIA+ community, there is still a long way to go to overcome social stigma and prejudice, and to ensure that all people in the country feel their rights are protected, regardless of gender identity or sexual orientation.

UNAIDS , the main advocate for coordinated global action on the HIV/AIDS pandemic, and the UN Development Progarmme ( UNDP ) offices in India have been important partners in this effort. 

On this International Day Against Homophobia, Biphobia and Transphobia (IDAHOBIT), celebrated annually on 17 May, we reflect on the journey of some members of this community in India and shed light on the challenges they are still faced with.

‘All hell broke loose’

Noyonika* and Ishita*, residents of a small town in the northeastern Indian state of Assam, are a lesbian couple working with an organization advocating for LGBTQIA+ rights.

But despite her advocacy role in the community, Noyonika has been unable to muster the courage to tell her own family that she is gay. “Very few people know this,” she says. “My family is very conservative, and it would be unthinkable for [them] to understand that I am gay.”

Noyonika’s partner, Ishita, is Agender (not identifying with any gender, or having a lack of gender). She says that she realized in childhood that she was different from other girls and was attracted to girls rather than boys. But her family is also very conservative, and she has not told her father about her reality.

Twenty-three-year-old Minal* and 27-year-old Sangeeta* have a similar story. The couple are residents of a small village in the northwestern state of Punjab. They now live in a big city and work for a well-regarded company.

Sangeeta said that although her own parents eventually came to terms with the relationship, Minal’s family was extremely opposed to the point of harassing the couple. “All hell broke loose,” said Minal.

“In 2019, we got permission to live together through a court order,” Sangeeta explained, but after this Minal’s family started threatening her over the phone.

“They used to say that they would kill me and put my family in jail. Even my family members were scared of these threats. After that [Minal’s family] kept stalking and harassing us for two to three years,” she said.

Today, Sangeeta and Minal are still struggling to have their relationship legally recognized.

*Names have been changed to protect identities.

Struggles for acceptance

Heart-rending stories like these can be found across India, where societal prejudices and harassment continue to plague lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex communities.

Sadhna Mishra, a transgender activist from Odisha, runs a community organization called Sakha. As a child, she faced oppression because she was seen as not conforming to societal gender norms. In 2015, she underwent gender confirming surgery and her journey towards her authentic self began.

Recalling the painful days of her childhood, she said, “Because of my femininity, I became a victim of rape again and again. Whenever I used to cry, my mother would ask why, and I would not be able to say anything. I used to ask why people called me Chhakka and Kinnar [transgender or intersex]. My mother would smile and say that’s because you are different and unique.”

It is because of her mother’s faith in her that Sadhna is now active in fighting for the rights of other transgender persons.

Still, she remembers well the hurdles she has faced, like the early days of trying to get launch her organization and the difficulties she had even finding a place for Sakha’s office. People were reluctant to rent space to a transgender person, so Sadhna was forced to work in public places and parks.

Social prejudices

A lack of understanding and intolerance towards the LGBTQIA+ community are similar, whether in larger cities or in rural areas.

Noyonika says that her organization sees many instances where a man is married to a woman because of societal pressure, without understanding his gender identity. “In villages and towns, you will find many married couples who have children and are forced to live a fake life.”

As for the rural areas of Assam where her organization works, Ishita gave the example of a cultural festival Bhavna being celebrated in Naamghars , or places of worship, where dramas based on mythological stories are presented. 

The female characters in these dramas are played mostly by men with feminine characteristics. During festivals they are widely praised, and their feminine characteristics are applauded, but out of the spotlight, they can become victims of harassment.

“They are intimidated, they are sexually exploited, they are molested,” Ishita explained.

A slow path to progress

In recent years, there have been positive legal and policy decisions acknowledging the LGBTQIA+ community in India. This includes the 2014 NALSA (National Legal Service Authority) decision, in which the court upheld everyone's right to identify their own gender and legally recognized hijras and kinnar (transgender persons) as a ‘third gender’. 

In 2018, the application of portions of Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code to criminalize private consensual sex between men was ruled unconstitutional by India’s Supreme Court. Further, in 2021, a landmark judgment by the Madras High Court directed the state to provide comprehensive welfare services to the LGBTQIA+ communities.

United Nations advocacy

Communication is an important way to foster dialogue and help create a more tolerant and inclusive society, and gradually, perhaps even change mindsets.

To this end, UN Women , in collaboration with India’s Ministry of Women and Child Development, has recently contributed to the development of a gender-inclusive communication guide.

Meanwhile, the UNAIDS and UNDP offices in India are working to assist the LGBTQIA+ community by running awareness and empowerment campaigns, as well as provide those communities with better health and social protection services.

“UNAIDS supports LGBTQ+ people’s leadership in the HIV response and in advocacy for human rights, and is working to tackle discrimination, and to help build inclusive societies where everyone is protected and respected,” said David Bridger, UNAIDS Country Director for India.

He added: “The HIV response has clearly taught all of us that in order to protect everyone’s health, we have to protect everyone’s rights.”

In line with the UN’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Organization’s broad commitment to ‘leave no one behind’, UNDP, is working with governments and partners to strengthen laws, policies and programmes that address inequalities and seek to ensure respect for the human rights of LGBTQIA+ people. 

Through the “Being LGBTI in the Asia and the Pacific” programme, UNDP has also implemented relevant regional initiatives.

Opportunities and challenges

UNDP India’s National Programme Manager (Health Systems Strengthening Unit), Dr. Chiranjeev Bhattacharjya said, “At UNDP India, we have been working very closely with the LGBTQI community to advance their rights.” 

Indeed, he continued, there are currently multiple opportunities to support the community due to progressive legal landmarks like the NALSA judgement, decriminalization of same sex relationships (377 IPC) and the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act of 2019 which has raised awareness regarding their development. 

“However, there are implementation challenges which will need multi-stakeholder collaboration and we will continue to work with the community to address them so that we leave no one behind,” he stated.

Even as the Indian legal landscape has inched towards broader inclusion with the repeal of Section 377, the country’s LGBTQIA+ communities are still awaiting recognition – and justice – when dealing with many areas of their everyday lives and interactions, for example: who can be designated 'next of kin' if one partner is hospitalized; can a partner be added to a life insurance policy; or whether legal recognition could be given to gay marriage. 

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• Published: 04 January 2024

Unveiling narratives: representation of same-sex love in bollywood films

• Prasitha V   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-6192-2699 1 &
• Bhuvaneswari G 1  

Humanities and Social Sciences Communications volume  11 , Article number:  57 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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The cultural history of India has been ignorant of various sexual orientations and gender identities leaving LGBTQIA+ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, Intersex, Asexual) community with a life of guilt and shame. Visual Media plays a key role in shaping society’s opinion of LGBTQIA+ people and individuals who come to terms with their gender and sexuality at a particular phase of their lives. The representation of homosexual characters is constantly diversified in Bollywood, and the change is evident from being caricatured and even scorned to being shown as prominent protagonists. The growing visibility and the positive portrayal of homosexual characters in Bollywood help to create a more inclusive society. This paper focuses on the select Bollywood films, Ek Ladki Ko Dekha Toh Aisa Laga (2019) by Shelly Chopra Dhar and Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan (2020) by Hitesh Kewalya. The paper analyses the visual elements in select films and their role in shaping the portrayal of homosexuality within the narrative. The paper also reads the chosen films through the lens of familial resistance to same-sex relationships. By analysing the select films, the paper concludes that, though prior Bollywood films have explored the theme of individuals disclosing their sexual identity to their families, the primary narrative focus is not on seeking acceptance from their family members. Thus, the unique emphasis on seeking acceptance and understanding between family members and homosexual individuals set the select films as exceptional narratives within the context of Bollywood’s portrayal of homosexuality.

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Homosexuality has become a contentious issue that garnered considerable attention, but the field of medicine and psychiatry do not classify homosexuality as a disorder. The American Psychiatric Association (APA) officially announced that homosexuality is not a mental illness in 1973 by removing it from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Psychological Disorders (Spitzer, 1981 ). Freud (1935) states that homosexuality is a variation in sexual function resulting from a specific interruption in sexual development (Marshall, 2014 ). This variation in sexual function is not limited to humans but is also evident in animals as well. Throughout the human and non-human animal kingdoms, sexual behaviour exhibits a wide range of diversity and is controlled by complex mechanisms. Havelock Elis, a British physician proposed that “homosexuality was a common biological manifestation in human beings and animals alike” (Beccalossi, 2012 , p. 172). Research shows that same-sex behaviour is not unknown among animals (Owen, 2004 ; Bawagan, 2019 ; Rao, 2017 ) Considering the extensive research and definitions, multiple countries around the world including India decriminalised homosexuality.

A perception that still exists is that homosexuality is a crime imported from the West, though it has a longstanding existence in Indian history. The book Same-Sex Love in India ( 2008 ), in which Ruth Vanita and Saleem Kidwai enumerated the existence of same-sex sexuality in Rig Veda , which dates back to 1500 B.C. The Kama sutra (aphorism on love), composed by Vatsyayana between the 1st and 6th century A.D., alludes to same-sex sexual behaviour (Vanita and Kidwai, 2008 ). In the same vein, depictions in the pillar caves of Karle (50–75 CE), reveal that two women embrace each other with bare breasts in Buddhist tradition (Bhugra et al., 2010 ). Thus, ancient texts suggest that homosexuality has a historical presence in India. “With the start of British colonisation, the destruction of the images of homosexual expression and sexual expression in general became more systematic. The influence of imperialist British on Indian sexuality took the form of repression and domination” (Tiwari, 2010 , p.15) Ironically, it was homophobia that was introduced into India from the West and not homosexuality. This can be understood through the fact that it was during the British era, that Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code was implemented to outlaw homosexual activity, which states that:

Unnatural offences – Whoever voluntarily has carnal intercourse against the order of nature with any man, woman or animal shall be punished with imprisonment for life, or with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to 10 years, and shall be liable to fine. Explanation – Penetration is sufficient to constitute the carnal intercourse necessary to the offence described in this section.

Thus, heterosexism as an ideological framework started denigrating non-heterosexual conduct, and homosexuals are subjected to discrimination, verbal abuse, and physical attacks in a culturally conservative and ideologically dense society like India. The practices that deviate from the dominant ideology of society in India are considered a crime, and those who engage in it are excluded from society. As Meyer states, this lead individuals who identify as homosexuals to internalise cultural anti-homosexual views, leading to internalised homophobia, long before they become aware of their sexuality (Meyer, 2009 ). The concept of heterosexism became deeply rooted in the socio-cultural norms and values of the Indian society which was sex-positive in the past. “Historically, cultural and social values and the attitudes towards sexuality in India have been sex positive, but over the past 200 years under the British colonial rule they became very negative and indeed punitive towards homosexuality and homosexual men and women in line with prevalent Victorian attitudes to sex and sexual activity.” (Bhugra et al., 2015 , p. 455) Nevertheless, it is synonymous to iterate that sexual prejudice and victimisation of homosexuals prevailed in India only after colonisation. The struggle against Section 377 in India began in the early 1990s, when the AIDS Bhedbhav Virodhi Andolan (ABVA) produced a study detailing the persecution faced by the gay community of India, particularly by law enforcement (Thomas, 2018 ). India decriminalised same-sex relationships in the year 2018 after multiple conflicts and decisions. Though legal decisions are in favour of homosexuality, society hasn’t been able to completely embrace homosexuals.

The pre-1990s Hindi industry is referred to as Bombay cinema. The term Bollywood is the blend of Bombay cinema and Hollywood. India’s ambition for globalising its economy coincided with the digital revolution in the early twenty-first century. Also, Bollywood as a global phenomenon not only signifies a break beyond the national cinematic model but hints at a shift in the writing of film history (Chakravarty, 2012 ). This prompted the integration of the entertainment industry, giving rise to the new sector known as entertainment media or Bollywood. Thus, Bollywood stands as a new cultural face of India as a result of economic liberalisation and technological advancements. Ashish Rajadhyaksha ( 2003 ) in his work, “The ‘Bollywoodization’ of the Indian Cinema: cultural nationalism in a global arena”, distinguished the Hindi cinema produced in Bombay from Bollywood by placing it within a broader social, political, and economic context. “Ashish takes recourse to the political economy/cultural studies divide by defining Bollywood as culture industry and Indian cinema as serving the cultural/ideological function of creating the national subject” (Chakravarty, 2012 , p. 274). The term “Cultural Industry” shows how Bollywood is not about merely making films but also about the production of cultural commodities that influence public culture and values. The term Bollywood is preferred over Bombay cinema in this study as films after the 1990s have been referred in this paper. This paper focuses on Hindi films (Bollywood) that explore themes related to homosexuality and the representation of homosexuals.

Being a marginalised category, homosexuals require an appropriate representation to address their problems and concerns (Lama, 2020 ). “As there is no single, easily identifiable characteristic of homosexuality, people of any sexual orientation often turn to visual media to obtain a picture of homosexuality and of gay and lesbian culture” (Levina et al., 2006 , p. 739; Gray, 2009 ). The primary source of social knowledge about LGBTQ identities is the media (Gray, 2009 ). “[H]ow we are seen determines in part how we are treated; how we treat others is based on how we see them; such seeing comes from representation” (Dyer, 2002 , p. 1). Thus, the perception of an individual towards a particular group is influenced by the visual representation, and in turn, the representation affects the individual’s behaviour towards that group. If visibility is the path to acceptance for homosexual individuals, much of that awareness travels through media representations including films, advertisements, and other forms of media. Films have become an effective form of media that relays significant societal issues and they also subtly influence society’s way of thinking. Consequently, Bollywood has created a dichotomy of representation depicting homosexual characters as either humiliating, comical characters as the character Yogendra in the film Student of the Year ( 2012 ) or as individuals who maintain lives filled with internal conflict by hiding their sexuality as the character Rahul in the film Kapoor & Sons ( 2016 ). The directors and scriptwriters have largely been constrained to adopt or experiment with homosexual protagonists in films. This hesitance can be attributed to the political challenges and strong opposition faced by the Bollywood industry, especially during the release of films like Fire ( 1996 ) and Girlfriend ( 2004 ). “Probably the only two Hindi films with lead characters as lesbians ( Fire and Girlfriend ) have invited huge protests and physical attacks on theatres by right-wing activists” (Srinivasan, 2011 , p. 77). Slowly, there has been an increase in the number of films dealing with the struggle of homosexuals and their attempts to assert their individuality and sexual identity. Several films in Bollywood deal with themes of familial rejection based on the characters’ sexual identity. However, the select films Ek Ladki Ko Dekha Toh Aisa Laga ( 2019 ) by Shelly Chopra Dhar and Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan ( 2020 ) by Hitesh Kewalya introduce a narrative of negotiation and reconciliation between family members and the homosexual individuals. The films also feature protagonists who fight for the acceptance of their sexual identity. The research uses a qualitative approach to analyse the visual elements in the narratives and to examine the familial resistance to homosexuals in select films. The research aims to answer the following questions. How do visual elements in the narrative contribute to the representation of homosexuality in the select films? How familial resistance is portrayed in the chosen films, from the perspectives of both homosexual individuals and their families?

Literature review

The Indian film industry often casts women in roles that symbolise “Mother India” and conform to traditional heteronormative roles within the domestic and reproductive realm. This practice confined them to represent and uphold cultural identities. The cultural identity associated with womanhood serves as a strategic element within the framework of the heteropatriarchal structure. The film Fire ( 1996 ) undertakes the challenge of deconstructing the narratives related to women, sexuality, and cultural nationalism and also hints at a tie between tradition, reproduction, and marriage (Lohani-Chase, 2012 ). In Indian society, where patriarchy strongly influences binary gender and gender roles, it also plays a significant role in shaping attitudes toward homosexuality. The representation of gay men is notably normalised in Bollywood films such as Dostana and Straight . Nonetheless, when lesbian characters are depicted in films like Fire and Girlfriend , it brings out complex interplay between gender and culture within society, leading to protests against such portrayals. This patriarchal approach highlights the intricate and gender-biased dynamics that shape the identities of queer women and constrains female participation. The depiction of female desire and the existence of an agency that recognises it are explicit in lesbian films, and as such, they are strongly opposed (Srinivasan, 2011 ). Bollywood provides a varied representation of homosexual characters. Initially, these characters were often portrayed as comical figures, depicted in illogical and odd situations, seemingly included to amuse and entertain the audience. An illustrative example is the character Pinkoo, depicted as an effeminate homosexual in the film Mast Kalandar (1991). Some films present sensitive gay characters as exemplified in the films Ajeeb Dastaan Hai Yeh ( 2013 ), My Brother Nikhil ( 2005 ), and I Am (2010). This comical and sensitive portrayal highlights the negative connotations associated with homosexual characters within the realm of Bollywood and normalises homophobia (Bhughra et al., 2015 ). Furthermore, a common stereotype associated with gay characters is the representation of an effeminate horny gay man as shown in the films Dostana ( 2008 ) and Kal Ho Na Ho (2003). These characters accept jokes at the cost of their sexuality and wear flamboyant clothes just to provide the audience with a dry chuckle between the scenes (Bose, 2018 ). In addition to the infrequency of lesbian representation, there is also a stark disparity in the character development and portrayal of lesbian characters in Bollywood films. Until recent years, many lesbian characters lacked realistic or progressive depictions, often falling victim to stereotypes or being subjected to the incessant male gaze as shown in films like Girlfriend and Unfreedom (Bose and Sreena, 2021 ). In recent narratives, films have started featuring lesbians as central protagonists. However, they are often portrayed as individuals who are connected to culture and gender norms. The portrayal of lesbians as valuing their families and being aware of their class privilege aims to foster greater acceptance of their sexuality among the audience and also address concerns related to acculturation anxieties.

Ek Ladki Ko Dekho Toh Aisa Laga ( 2019 ) brings queerness into the fold of the heteronormative natal family and represents Sweety (lesbian) as the quintessential good Indian queer woman whose deference to the family sanitises and disciplines her queerness. (Chatterjee, 2021 ).

The films that represent homosexuality in the current era such as Ek Ladki Ko Dekha Toh Aisa Laga ( 2019 ), Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan ( 2020 ), and Badhaai Do ( 2022 ) employ representational and discursive methods that reveal a necessity to demonstrate the compatibility of queerness with culture, queerness with the nation, and queerness with the family. This is done to facilitate queer representation within mainstream contexts and to introduce queer elements into the mainstream without unsettling it with the prospect of incompatibility. These films endeavour to normalise same-sex love in a manner that does not pose a threat to the prevailing heterosexual status quo (Arora and Sylvia, 2023 ). While research has been conducted on the negative portrayals and misrepresentation of same-sex love in Bollywood, there is a notable gap in the literature when it comes to comprehensive research that traces the diverse representations of homosexuality in Bollywood and provides a clear and in-depth analysis of the exceptional narratives among them. This paper aims to analyse the selected Bollywood films as exceptional narratives from the prior films that depict homosexual characters. The paper also analyses family as a resistance to same-sex love.

Homosexual films in bollywood

Bollywood’s diverse representation of homosexuality can be understood through the portrayal of characters, narratives, and themes dating from 1996 till date. The representation of homosexuality in mainstream Bollywood can be traced back to the film Fire by Deepa Mehta in the year 1996 . The film faced political resistance following its release.

Although the film was passed by the National Film Censor Board, thugs supporting the Hindu fundamentalist group Shiv Sena reacted by vandalising cinemas, attacking movie-goers, and demanding, in vain, that the film be banned (Misra, 2009 , p. 22).

While the film does an exceptional task of bringing lesbianism into the mainstream for the first time in Bollywood, it also perpetuates the justifiable notion that women become lesbians (situational) if they are not satisfied with their spouses, and the film attempts to rationalise the act. Sita and Radha (Shabana Azmi and Nandita Das), are both married to brothers and are a part of a joint household, developing a close connection and eventually being sexually intimate with one another. The film demonstrates that culture is a mixture and that cultural identity is a category that is always evolving and flexible. (Kapur, 2000 ). Thus, sexuality, which is also a construct of culture, is a fluid one. My Brother Nikhil ( 2005 ) by Onir brings a sensitive narrative of a gay character who comes out of the closet and is diagnosed with AIDS. This film revolves around a gay protagonist Nikhil Kapoor (Sanjay Suri) who faces double discrimination from society and family. There is also a political history that links AIDS and homosexuality in India. In 1994, a group of doctors suggested distributing condoms in Tihar prison due to the high reported rates of homosexual sex. The authorities opposed the idea, stating that Section 377 criminalises homosexual acts. In response, the ABVA (AIDS Bhedbhav Virodhi Andolan) filed a writ petition in the Delhi High Court challenging the constitutionality of Section 377 because it violated the right to privacy (Misra, 2009 ). Though the petition was dismissed in the year 2001, it served as an initial suit against the criminalisation of Section 377. Dostana ( 2008 ) by Karan Johar is a pseudo-gay storyline that desensitises the gay community and makes a complete mockery in which the characters Sam and Kunal (Abhishek Bachchan and John Abraham) pretend to be Gays for their benefit. Though Dostana has direct references to homosexuality, the film’s narrative unfolds in Miami rather than India, allowing the characters to be depicted openly as a gay couple. In the scenes where both the characters pretend to be gays, they adopt women-like gestures and act as effeminate which is the stereotypical belief created around gays (Sehgal, 2021 ; Upadhyaya, 2022 ). The film Fashion ( 2008 ) which represents the world of the fashion industry also deals with gay sexuality. “Homosexuality was represented as an identity repressed by heterosexist power structures which privilege gender-asymmetry, sexual reproduction, and the patriarchal nuclear family” (Jagose, 1996 , p. 36). This can be seen in this film as the plot incorporates a secondary narrative where the gay character Rahul confesses his sexual identity to Janet (straight) and ends up in a convenience marriage (lavender marriage) to fulfil his mother’s wish. The film portrays the society’s insistence on heterosexual marriage. Other films represent homosexuality as an existence such as Mango Souffle ( 2002 ) directed by Mahesh Dattani, Honeymoon Travels ( 2007 ) by Reema Kagti, and Unfreedom (2014) directed by Raj Amit Kumar and the three films The Pink Mirror ( 2003 ), Yours Emotionally ( 2006 ), 68 Pages ( 2007 ) directed by Sridhar Rengayan.

The concern with the representation of homosexuals in Bollywood films until 2008 is that when compared, the number of narratives representing gays outweighs the number of lesbian narratives. The film Girlfriend ( 2004 ) by Karan Razdan depicts a lesbian character Tanya (Isha Koppikar) as being too possessive and vindictive. Tanya’s love for Sapna (Amrit Arora) runs deep even though Sapna is in love with Rahul (Ashish Chaudhary). Tanya dies accidentally at the end during a fight with Rahul. The film portrays homosexuality as a perceived threat to the heterosexual group. The myth this film propagates in its depiction of homosexuals is that lesbianism is predisposed in females who were sexually abused as children. “In the film, Tanya’s homosexuality is portrayed as the result of sexual abuse during her childhood rather than as the sexual orientation of a person” (Bose and Sreena, 2021 , p. 8510). The next film I Am (2010) by Onir is a compilation of four stories, and the fourth story titled Omar talks about gay rights and the issue of homosexuality. Jai (Rahul Bose), a Gay, goes through physical and verbal abuse when a police officer finds him with another man in a sexual relationship. The discomfort that homosexuals feel with their sexuality is often brought on by factors from the outside world, such as discrimination, and physical and verbal abuse. Although a note concerning Section 377 of the Buggery Act, which forbids sodomy, appears at the end of the film, it also intends to spread public awareness about homosexuality and the terrible oppression that homosexuals face in society, as represented in this strong portrayal. It is obvious from the film that people other than heterosexuals are repressed by the defined laws. Bombay Talkies an anthology, consists of four short films, Ajeeb Dastaan Hai Yeh is one of the short films that features a plot with a gay love story which is also directed by Karan Johar. “It is a short 12-minute film which is a sensitive portrayal of a complex gay identity which uses a gay relationship to explore the complexity of the relationship” (Bhugra et al., 2015 , p. 458). Avinash’s father expels him from the house after he reveals his sexual identity as gay. He befriends Gayatri at work, and she invites him over for dinner where Avinash meets her husband Dev, who is also gay but is living a double life. Dev and Avinash initiate a relationship, and when Gayatri learns of her husband’s sexual orientation, she feels disappointed. “Marriage and the creation of a family do not automatically put a stop to their same-sex sexual activity” (Rao, 2017 , p. 4). The film vividly depicts the position of homosexuals in Indian society, where they confront exclusion if they express their sexuality and internal stress if they remain in a closet. In the realm of Bollywood, prominent gay directors such as Onir and Karan Johar, have explored themes of homosexuality in their films. Additionally, Rituparno Ghosh, a Bengali director, has ventured into directing films in Hindi, albeit without explicit references to homosexuality. In the paper, “Closeted Desires and Open Secrets” Richard Allen ( 2016 ) delved into the analysis of two Bollywood films, Raincoat (2004) and Noukadubi ( 2011 ), and argues that both the films explored the unfulfilled desire created by social expectations and limits connected with arranged marriages. Margarita with a Straw ( 2014 ) by Shonali Bose portrays a young woman Laila (Kalki Koechlin) with cerebral palsy who despite being disabled, explores her sexuality. The film explores the concepts of abled and disabled, normal and abnormal, homosexual and heterosexual, which are created through the ideal notions of our society. In the year 2010, a video of a professor from India’s Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) engaging in a sexual act with another man became viral. His death became controversial. Six years later, the real-life incident is shown in Hansal Mehta’s Aligarh ( 2016 ). The film immerses the audience in the world of Professor Siras (Manoj Bajpayee), portrayed as the victim. Due to his sexual orientation, he gets expelled from the college where he worked. The narrative delves into the changing act of Indian laws. In 2009, the Delhi High Court decriminalised homosexuality as it violates the right to privacy under Article 21 of the Indian constitution, yet the Supreme Court of India reinstated it as a crime in 2013, which is discussed more in the narrative of this film. Indian laws that govern people have always seen homosexuals as outlaws (Rao, 2017 ). The film depicts the loneliness of a gay man with added humiliating scenes who dies at the end simply because of his sexual preferences. It was the first Bollywood film to have a gay lead character battling for his sexual identity. The Film Dear Dad ( 2016 ) features the story of a gay father who confesses his sexual identity to his son. Coming out as gay as the parent of a teenage young man (who enjoys reading adult magazines and has a secret crush on a girl) is a courageous act that requires a lot of fortitude. The film depicts homosexuality by bringing in the concept of heterosexual hegemony.

In contrast to earlier films that portrayed homosexuality, the 2016 film Kapoor and Sons take a unique stance. The film portrays a gay protagonist Rahul (Fahad Kahn) as a responsible and successful novelist. Though the film does not have any humiliating stereotypes and has the effect of placing his personhood before his sexual preferences, his gayness is revealed only at the end of the film. The Bollywood films that have attempted to address homosexuality have either misrepresented it ( Fire ( 1996 ); Dostana ( 2008 ); Girlfriend ( 2004 )), mocked it ( Student of the Year ( 2012 ); Dostana ( 2008 )), or projected it as a problem with no satisfactory resolution or happy ending ( Aligarh ( 2016 ); Kapoor & Sons ( 2016 )). However, the films taken for the study have presented a new form in the narratives. The select films highlight the issues of homosexuality and feature homosexual couples as central narratives with a positive ending. The chosen films were released after the year 2018, as it was the year when the Supreme Court of India took a momentous step towards acknowledging and supporting the LGBTQIA+ community by partially striking down Section 377 thereby legalising consensual sexual relations among gay adults.

The film “ Ek Ladki Ko Dekha Toh Aisa Laga ” ( 2019 ) follows the journey of Sweety (Sonam Kapoor), a lesbian, who navigates self-acceptance, addressing her emotions, relationships, and societal expectations with subtlety and sensitivity. The film begins with a pre-wedding ceremony scene where Sweety is engrossed in sketching her notebook. This introductory scene of Sweety symbolises the central role of her writings and drawings throughout the film. In a subsequent scene, Sweety’s father, Balbir, creates a heart-shaped designer jalebi, foreshadowing the emergence of a unique love story. Sweety wears a subtle and light-coloured dress in the beginning while people around her are dressed in bright colours. This serves as the visual representation of the internal conflict she faces. Within the same wedding setting, Sweety encounters Kuhu (Regina Cassandra), who initially approaches her with a proposal to consider marrying Kuhu’s brother, framing the narrative as a heterosexual love story. However, the story takes a different turn when Sahil, a theatre creator, enters the picture. To escape from her brother Babloo, Sweety enters the theatre while Sahil’s play is being performed. Unaware that Sahil is the playwright, Sweety expresses her opinion that the play lacks complexity. When Babloo finds Sweety, she asks Sahil to help her escape and they both manage to catch a train. At this point, it appears that the film is on the verge of revealing the romantic tale of Sahil and Sweety, but that is not the case. Sahil plans his next theatrical show in Moga, the village where Sweety lives. In a particular scene, when Sahil enquires about her life story, Sweety courageously opens up about her sexuality. She says, “Why does everyone have a one-track mind? Why is loving a guy my only option? I love a girl” (Dhar, 2019 , 00:56:28-00:56:45). A close-up shot is used in this scene to emphasise Sweety’s emotional state and deepen the viewer’s relationship with the character. The use of slow background music heightens the scene’s emotional impact. The scene uses dim lighting which symbolises Sweety’s state of mind and how her life is shrouded. Furthermore, the setting of this scene takes place in a room which shows how her sexuality is hidden within herself and her diary, much like a cramped place. The flashback narrative not only reveals her feelings for Kuhu but also delves into the poignant story of her life where her brother knows her sexual identity and warns her not to leave the house. The flashback visualises the drawings and writings of Sweety as a visual representation of her desire to marry another woman. Sweety witnesses his brother Babloo beating up and bullying a boy who doesn’t fit in with society’s expectations, much like herself. This incident instills a deep fear within her. The scene shows that homosexual individuals face challenges in expressing their true identity as they are conscious of the homophobic attitudes of the general populace. They face rejection and humiliation even before revealing their true sexuality. Sweety hides her sexuality until she reveals it to Sahil. Sahil develops a tale about Sweety’s life to help her parents comprehend what love is and to demonstrate that love has no gender.

When the play is staged, several outraged responses from the audience are documented. When Kuhu affectionately touches Sweety’s face and they both confess their love for each other, a man from the audience shouts “How dirty is this” and leaves the theatre. Another man yells, “What the hell is going on? This is outrageous”. As the play unfolds, another scene portrays a man who covers the eyes of his daughter. Each time the women hold one another, the film captures the audience leaving the theatre. These scenes visualise the prevailing homophobic attitude of the people. The play also brings out the contrasting response where a few members are moved to tears while watching it and they stay until the end of the play which signifies the positive response from society. This scene also implies that the members who remain until the end of the play might also be homosexuals, where they relate themselves to the characters in the play, and as a result, they are shown as shedding tears. However, the film does not delve into this aspect. Both the lesbian characters were depicted wearing pink dresses. This dominant use of pink in the attire of the homosexual characters during the play is a deliberate visual choice that carries metaphorical significance as pink is associated with same-sex love. The film employs an embedded narrative not only as a means to convince Sweety’s family but also to influence and gain acceptance from society. Sweety’s diary serves as a powerful symbol of her hidden identity and stands as a reflection of her journey toward self-acceptance. The diary plays a pivotal role in the film’s narrative, especially when Balbir reads it at the end of the film. This act of reading by her father is a turning point in the story which leads to acceptance of his daughter’s sexuality.

The film Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan ( 2020 ) is a romcom that depicts gay couple Karthick Singh (Ayushmann Khurrana) and Aman Tripathi (Jitendra Kumar). The film begins at a railway station, where train number 0377, a special train overbooked for heterosexual weddings from Allahabad to Gomtinagar, is waiting to depart. Karthick and Aman rush to catch this train. This scene symbolises the gay couple’s journey towards their marriage. The number 377 has significant cultural and legal implications in India. By using this number, the film conveys a message of progress and acceptance towards homosexual individuals. The train number 0377 is a clear reference to the criminalisation of homosexuality in India. In this context, the train also represents India, where homosexuality is criminalised. The scene where Aman and Karthick board the train alludes to the central narrative of the film which revolves around the journey of homosexuals who fight for their identity. The triangle tattoo on Karthick’s neck, his nose piercing and the ear piercing of Aman signify their identity as gay men. It serves as a visible symbol of their resistance to conform to conventional gender roles and norms. The narrative soon exposes Aman’s cousin Goggle’s marriage, which forces Aman to return to his hometown. When Aman tells his parents that he cannot attend the wedding, they suspect that he might be in love with a girl in Delhi. This reflects society’s narrow view focused solely on heterosexual relationships. In one of the scenes, Shankar Tripathi, Aman’s father, finds his son and Karthick kissing on a train. There are instances of same-sex kissing scenes in Bollywood which include Dostana ( 2008 ), the characters who pretend to be gay, share a kiss. It is important to note that the kiss is presented in a comical context and takes place in Miami and not in India. The films Bombay Talkies and I Am Omar ( 2010 ) also depict a gay kiss scene that takes place in a private place (home and car). However, the film Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan ( 2020 ) boldly embraces homosexual intimacy by depicting gay couples kissing in public spaces (train and wedding), which is different from the prior Bollywood films that depict the intimacy of homosexual characters. In the kissing scene, Karthick is seen wearing a T-shirt with a heart symbol which signifies the love they share at that particular moment. Shankar Tripathi refuses to accept his son Aman’s sexuality. In one of the scenes, Karthick ties a pride flag around his neck and uses a megaphone, saying that Aman’s father is affected by the disease called homophobia. The use of the pride flag serves as a visible visual element in the scene, advocating the rights of the LGBTQIA+ community. Under the emotional pressure from Aman’s family, he agrees to marry Kusum. When Karthick confronts Aman, he wears a T-shirt bearing the phrase “Game Over” which shows the deep sense of sorrow he holds towards Aman’s decision. On the day of the forced heterosexual wedding arranged between Kusum and Aman, Kusum elopes. Karthick disguises himself as a bride but Shankar discovers him. Aman then stood up for his identity and said,

This kind of wedding will be more common in the coming years. It’s time to set an example……… According to the scriptures, marriage is a union of two souls, right? Do souls have gender? (Kewalya, 2020 , 1:39:37 – 1:40:10).

The dialogues in the film and the wedding scenario of the gay couple serve as a reflection of the ongoing social and legal struggles for marriage rights by homosexual individuals in India. The film employs a significant visual technique by placing Shankar Tripathi in distinct frames from the gay couple. This separation serves to emphasise the Shankar’s resistance to homosexuality. However, towards the end of the film, all three characters are intentionally framed together while riding a bike. This visual composition symbolises their journey toward acceptance, marking a poignant scene of unity and understanding. The Supreme Court has decriminalised homosexuality within the film’s narrative and the family members were happy for the life of Aman and Karthick. The gay couple boards the train and leaves the hometown after the family accepts their sexuality. The opening and the concluding scenes of the film are set in a railway station symbolising the completion of the narrative. At the beginning of the film, Aman and Karthick board the train (0377) which symbolises their journey towards acceptance, and ends with the same setting which depicts clearly that the objective of the film has been completed.

The subplot in this film is constructed to support the main narrative of homosexuality. In the film, Shankar Tripathi, a scientist, cultivates a new black cauliflower that proves to be of no value to society, as it is infested with worms. Initially, Shankar is hopeful, but he eventually realises the failure of his invention. The cauliflower serves as a symbol of Shankar’s science, who believes that everything that happens in the world follows logical and scientific explanations. On the other hand, the worms within the cauliflower symbolise Shankar’s thoughts about homosexuality who views it as an illness. In one of the scenes, When Shankar rips open the cauliflower, he finds that the worms are still present. This signifies the persistence of his ideas on homosexuality. Towards the end, the film portrays Shankar Tripathi disposing of all the cauliflowers, coinciding with the news of homosexuality being decriminalised in India. This act represents his choice to cast aside his earlier notions about homosexuality, effectively discarding them from his mind. Consequently, he is depicted as accepting his son’s sexuality.

Family as a resistance

Disclosing or having to reveal one’s sexual preferences to one’s family is a pivotal element. “Disclosure becomes necessary because, unlike skin colour or gender which are overt physical indicators of social group membership, homosexuality is a way of feeling and acting; Homosexuals are thus invisible both as individuals and as group” (Strommen, 1989 , p. 38). Hence, homosexuality which is a matter of inner feelings, needs to be disclosed. The chosen films’ narrative focuses on the process of openly disclosing one’s sexuality to their family and seeking acceptance by placing homosexuals in the central narratives. It depicts how same-sex couples battle for their sexual identity while dealing with their family dynamics. In this context, family resistance to homosexuality is twofold: families resist homosexuality deeming it unnatural, culturally inappropriate, and a potential source of family disgrace. On the other hand, due to their deep love for their families, homosexuals resist coming out.

In Ek Ladki Ko Dekha Toh Aisa Laga ( 2019 ), Sweety’s brother, Babloo stands as a symbol of familial resistance to homosexuality. For instance, in a scene where he becomes aware of Sweety’s visit to meet her love in Delhi, he confronts her and restricts her from leaving the house. When her phone starts ringing, he reacts violently by immersing her phone in a bowl of water. The resistance and rage towards Sweety’s sexuality are visualised in this scene. Despite being aware of Sweety’s homosexual identity, Babloo expresses his adherence to compulsory heterosexuality, which highlights his expectation to conform to traditional norms by getting married and having children. ‘She will get married. She will have children. I can already hear kids yelling Uncle Babloo’ (Dhar, 2019 , 01:17:40–1:17:45). This shows that the heterosexual family structure in society makes the family members to resist homosexuality. This underscores the familial resistance and the pressure of homosexual individuals to fulfil society’s expectations. To conceal the truth that Sweety is in love with a woman, Babloo fabricates a story that she is in love with a Muslim boy and conveys it to their father, Balbir Chaudry. Initially, Balbir Chaudry struggles to come to terms with this revelation and advises her against pursuing a relationship with a Muslim boy. How a man who has trouble accepting heterosexual marriage might respond to homosexuality is brought into question by this scene. Sahil cast Sweety and her family members in the play without disclosing to them that the play revolves around homosexuality. But during the rehearsals, Babloo becomes disappointed after learning the true story of the play and confesses to his father that Sweety is in love with a female.

Dad, can’t you see her illness? I knew it since she was 14. I tried my best to make her normal. But I failed.

Normal for whom, brother? You want me to fit into your idea of normal. But this is my normal’ (Dhar, 2019 , 1:34:56–1:35:12).

Throughout the film, Sweety’s brother is portrayed as the primary source of resistance to her sexuality. However, towards the end, when her father learns about her sexuality, he also becomes a direct source of resistance and says that “I am ashamed of you”. The other character, Sweety’s grandmother, takes the role of authority in maintaining conventional gender roles within the family. She restricts Sweety’s father Balbir Chaudry from entering the kitchen and disapproves his desire to watch cooking shows on television. This reluctance of her grandmother to accept changes in the traditional gender role is an indirect source of resistance to Sweety’s sexuality.

In Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan ( 2020 ), Aman’s father Shankar Tripathi stands as a strong symbol of familial resistance. Upon witnessing Aman and Karthick kissing on the train, Shankar’s initial response is to vomit. Shankar initially tries to convince Aman to part ways with Karthick and marry Kusum. Karthick feels hopeful that Shankar’s education and his scientific temper will make him understand and accept their love. However, the film explicitly demonstrates that, despite his education, Shankar prioritises cultural norms and conventionality when it comes to homosexuality. In a scene when Shankar Tripathi is about to attack Karthick physically, Aman tells Karthick, “Today you will find out, a scientist can hit as a blacksmith can. Because that is the way fathers are” (01:12:36–01:12:43). This scene highlights the portrayal of familial resistance that is exemplified primarily through the character Shankar. He exerts emotional pressure on Aman by pretending to have attempted suicide. Consistently throughout the film, Shankar is depicted as an individual who cannot come to terms with his son’s sexual orientation. The family performs a religious ritual to resolve the issue of homosexuality, which clearly shows how the members of the family grapple with non-normative aspects. This conveys a subtle message suggesting that homosexuality is morally filthy and should be eliminated. The scene also clearly shows how people raised in Indian culture still regard homosexuality as an illness that can be healed.

One can differentiate between a man and woman, or upper and lower class, or black and white people on the basis of external appearance. Not so in the case of homosexuals, because of deep-seated heterosexism that assumes heterosexuality to be universal (Rao, 2017 , p. 29).

In one of the scenes, the conversation between Karthick and Aman’s uncle demonstrates the one-sided perspective of people on sexuality and how the idea of heterosexuality is deeply rooted in their minds. He advocates heterosexual relationships while expressing resistance to homosexuality.

When did you decide you will be like this? I mean being gay.

When did you decide, you won’t be gay?

What is there to decide? I am born this way (Kewalya, 2020 , 00:43:43–00:44:06).

These instances in both the select films highlight how family members resist homosexuality. The narrative also equally depicts how homosexual individuals resist coming out of the closet due to the deep love they hold for their families.

In the film Ek Ladki Ko Dekha Toh Aisa Laga ( 2019 ), Sweety shows her willingness to marry Sahil or her brother’s friend Pankaj for the sake of her family’s happiness. “Did you see their faces? I have never seen brother this happy in years. Nobody’s life is perfect. This is the least I can do for my family” (Dhar, 2019 , 1:18:35–1:18:54). Additionally, Sweety informs Sahil that she does not want her father to suffer embarrassment and humiliation as a result of her sexual orientation. Even at the end of the film, when preparations are in progress for the production of the play aimed at Sweety’s coming out and raising awareness about homosexuality, Sweety tells Kuhu, “I wish we had been normal. Our lives would not be so suffocating. Our families need not suffer” (Dhar, 2019 , 01:32:24–01:32:33). These instances show Sweety’s love for her family members, which leads to her resistance to coming out from the closet. Similarly, in the film Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan ( 2020 ), Aman accepts to marry Kusum and resists fighting for his sexuality as he values the happiness of his family. When Shankar Tripathi asks Karthick to leave the house, Karthick says, “We fight many battles every day in our lives. But the battles we fight against our family are the toughest and the most dangerous ones”. Thus, in both films, the narrative brings family as a resistance to homosexuality and also portrays how homosexual individuals resist coming out of the closet due to their deep love for their families. However, as the story unfolds, family members in both the select films accept their son’s or daughter’s sexual identity.

Bollywood has depicted how parents and families resort to anger, physical violence, and exclusion from home when their son or daughter discloses their homosexual identity. For instance, in the film Kapoor & Sons ( 2016 ), the inability of Rahul’s mother to tolerate his son’s sexual identity ends with no proper acceptance. In the film Ajeeb Dastaan Hai Yeh ( 2013 ), the protagonist Avinash, is expelled from his home by his father for revealing his sexual identity. In Margarita with a Straw ( 2014 ), although Laila’s mother gradually accepts Laila’s sexual identity at the end of the film, the narrative is not focused on familial acceptance. However, the chosen films for the study deviate from this pattern of depicting the family members and offer a more complex and empathetic portrayal of the interplay between family dynamics and the experiences of homosexual individuals. This clearly shows the select films Ek Ladki Ko Dekha Toh Aisa Laga ( 2019 ) and Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan ( 2020 ) as exceptional narratives within the space of Bollywood that depict homosexuality. The chosen films are also exceptional within Bollywood as they focus on homosexual couples in the main narratives and portray their struggle for acceptance within their families. Bollywood films have indeed introduced homosexual characters as protagonists in films like Margarita with a Straw ( 2014 ) and Aligarh ( 2016 ). However, these films did not place a strong emphasis on depicting homosexual couples contending with societal prejudices and familial resistance in their quest for acceptance. The narrative structure of the selected films takes a similar form in both films.

In the realm of Bollywood cinema, depictions of homosexuality have often focused on the struggles of homosexual characters in their pursuit of legal rights ( Aligarh , 2016 ), the consequences of coming out to their families ( Ajeeb Dastaan Hai Yeh , 2013 ), leading closeted lives ( Kapoor & Sons , 2016 ), and engaging in lavender marriages ( Fashion , 2008 ). However, more than just striving for societal and legal acceptance, the initial step involves convincing their family members. Real change begins from within, and to bring about transformation, the narrative must engage homosexual characters in open and constructive dialogues with their families. This is because the family unit plays a fundamental role in shaping society. Thus, the chosen films Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan ( 2020 ) and Ek Ladki Ko Dekha Toh Aisa Laga ( 2019 ) which depict the negotiation and reconciliation between homosexual individuals and family members, stand as an exceptional narrative within the space of Bollywood. In both films, the effort to integrate the homosexual characters into the family structure is also an endeavour to establish a sense of normality. Though both films have a resolution in the end, the narrative does not bring up their work life, financial status, adoption rights, and same-sex marriage rights after their union. Despite its limitations, the select films evoke a huge step forward for the industry and have the potential to further the conversation and acceptance of same-sex relationships in India.

Limitations and further scope of the study

The study focuses particularly on Bollywood films that may not extensively reflect the diverse range of homosexual representations found in alternative media forms or cultural contexts.

A comparative study can be done with the representation of LGBTQIA+ individuals in Bollywood to those of other regional film industries in India or to other international films which could broaden the cultural perspectives and various cinematic depictions.

Data availability

The primary data used in this study is the publicly accessible Bollywood films and the secondary data includes research articles and critical review papers. The data used for this study are cited in the reference section.

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Parental Acceptance and Challenges Faced by LGBTQ Youth in India and Their Mental Health

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Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and other gender minority youth experience various challenges when disclosing their sexual identity. Given the increasing awareness around LGBTQ people, it has been observed that parents are supportive than earlier. However, the parents are initially not supportive and accepting after the disclosure. The acceptance process is challenging in the Indian context, and it takes time for both the parents and children to adjust to their new lifestyles. Parents equally need support to understand and accept their children. This study examines the challenges and mental health issues faced by LGBTQ youth and the significance of parental acceptance after coming out. Semi-structured interviews were conducted telephonically with twelve participants through Instagram. The interviews were transcribed, and further conclusions were drawn based on the subjects' responses. This study concludes that there is still a need to educate and make people aware of the concept of the LGBTQ community in India. Parents need to be mentored to be more supportive and affirmative of their child's sexuality else they might have mental health issues.

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Indian LGBTQ couples fight for legal recognition of same-sex marriage

Raksha Kumar

LGBTQ people and their supporters march demanding equal marriage rights in New Delhi, India, in January. India's Supreme Court in 2018 struck down a colonial-era law that made gay sex punishable by up to 10 years in prison but has yet to legalize same-sex marriages. AP hide caption

LGBTQ people and their supporters march demanding equal marriage rights in New Delhi, India, in January. India's Supreme Court in 2018 struck down a colonial-era law that made gay sex punishable by up to 10 years in prison but has yet to legalize same-sex marriages.

MUMBAI -- On a windy January evening, Aditi Anand and her partner Susan Dias sit in their Mumbai apartment overlooking the sea, reflecting on the life and family they have built together for 12 years. They have different personalities, hail from different social backgrounds and have different interests. "If we were not queer, we would never have met," says 39-year-old Anand, who runs two film production companies.

The story of marriage equality is more complicated — and costly — than you remember

They've pushed each other to succeed in their careers, are raising a child together and cannot imagine their lives without each other. Their families are intertwined: Anand's parents and siblings rely on Dias for emotional support and Dias' family leans on Anand, they say.

Taiwan's Parliament Legalizes Same-Sex Marriage, A First In Asia

"Whatever fears I might have had coming out, I live a good life with my family, friends, colleagues, neighbors. There is nobody who doesn't know about me," says 35-year-old Dias, an entrepreneur who is trying to mass-market indigenous liquors from various parts of India. "There is no nervousness."

Respect for Marriage Act clears Congress with bipartisan support

Anand and Dias are one of four LGBTQ couples petitioning India's Supreme Court to legalize same-sex marriage. The Supreme Court accepted the petitions in January, and the Indian government was asked by the court to put their case forward in February. The court will hear the matter on March 13. If same-sex marriage is legalized, it will have widespread repercussions for other Indian laws.

"Whatever fears I might have had coming out, I live a good life with my family, friends, colleagues, neighbors. There is nobody who doesn't know about me," says 35-year-old entrepreneur Susan Dias (right), standing with her partner Aditi Anand. Raksha Kumar/NPR hide caption

"Whatever fears I might have had coming out, I live a good life with my family, friends, colleagues, neighbors. There is nobody who doesn't know about me," says 35-year-old entrepreneur Susan Dias (right), standing with her partner Aditi Anand.

India decriminalized gay sex five years ago

Dias and Anand were born in an India that held onto a British colonial-era law criminalizing homosexuality. After decades of grassroots activism and intense lobbying at policy levels, the Supreme Court decriminalized gay sex in 2018.

"I remember changing my Facebook display picture to one of Susan's and mine that day," says Anand.

Small acts like this say a lot about freedoms one can exercise in a country like India, she says. Queer communities poured out into the streets, danced in front of the Supreme Court and held marches throughout the country flaunting pride colors and celebrating the verdict.

The journey from there to seeking legalization of same-sex marriage has been fast.

Dias says she and her partner do everything that heterosexual couples do. They manage finances together, buy property, raise children. But they do not have legal security as a couple, and that makes her feel unequal among her peers. "And I feel the need to ask for [rights]," says Dias.

Anand's reasons are less personal. Ideals of democracy and equality were passed down through generations in her family. Her grandfather was a newspaper editor who staunchly stood for free expression.

"My grandfather had deep faith in Indian nation and Indian democracy," she says.

Anand wants to negotiate her democratic rights with the state, remembering that her grandfather told her: "Every day you do that, democracy becomes dynamic."

One overwhelming reason for the couple to approach the court is their toddler.

"There is no reason that our child should be denied the right to two parents," says Anand. As it stands, the law recognizes only one of them as a legal parent.

Since the law in India only recognizes heterosexual marriages, children of gay couples lose out on legal recognition for both parents. One might be legally recognized as the parent of a child either because they gave birth to the child or because they adopted the child as a single parent.

Indian law is based on a patriarchal concept of a family. The assumption is that the man is the breadwinner while the woman is restricted to household labor, says legal scholar Akshat Agarwal.

"As soon as you recognize same-sex marriages, you reject that idea, right?" That is the crux of the issue, according to Agarwal.

If the Supreme Court grants marriage equality for same-sex couples, it would mean an overhaul of many related Indian laws. Laws governing divorce, alimony, inheritance and parenthood will have to be reimagined. It will be the biggest change in a generation.

"Law often makes pronouncements before society has changed. And perhaps those can be used as tools for society to change," he says.

A powerful right-wing figure has expressed support for LGBTQ rights

Since there is no legal recognition of same-sex marriage, gay couples whose families threaten them with violence because they are opposed to gay relationships have no protection under the law. But high courts of different states in India have taken steps in addressing issues concerning same-sex marriage.

Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat offers prayers at the annual traditional fair of Magh Mela in Prayagraj, India, in 2021. Earlier this year, Bhagwat said that gay people are a part of Indian society and have the right to live the way they want to. Rajesh Kumar Singh/AP hide caption

Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat offers prayers at the annual traditional fair of Magh Mela in Prayagraj, India, in 2021. Earlier this year, Bhagwat said that gay people are a part of Indian society and have the right to live the way they want to.

In June 2022, the Kerala High Court ordered that a lesbian couple could live together, despite opposition from their families. In December 2021, the Uttarakhand High Court ordered a gay couple to be protected by the police. In November 2019, the Punjab and Haryana High Court ordered the police to protect a gay couple threatened by their families. In October 2018, the Kerala High Court said that a lesbian couple was entitled to live together.

In January this year, same-sex marriage proponents got support from someone they least expected. Mohan Bhagwat, the head of the most powerful Hindu nationalist organization, the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh, said in an interview that gay people are a part of Indian society and have the right to live the way they want to.

The RSS is an umbrella organization that gives direction to the ruling Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party. However, the central government, headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is clear in its opposition to same-sex marriage.

A BJP lawmaker, Sushil Modi — no relation to the prime minister — told Parliament in December that same-sex marriage is a foreign concept, calling it contrary to the Indian ethos, Indian culture and Indian tradition.

If India legalizes same-sex marriage, it would be the 33rd country to do so.

And as they wait for a Supreme Court decision on marriage equality, Anand and Dias each have different dreams about their big fat Indian wedding.

"It is truly her dream that we are doing a choreographed dance," says Dias, "and it is truly my nightmare."

• same sex marriage

‘I have sacrificed a lot’: Growing up LGBTQ+ in India

LGBTQ+ Indians who battle family expectations and social pressures to live their authentic lives share their stories.

Listen to this story:

Like most parents, Sourav’s would like to see him “settled”. In India, however, this is a loaded concept. Being happy, healthy and financially secure are all important, but making a good marriage is the cornerstone of “settling down”. Indeed, 26-year-old Sourav, an IT professional in one of India’s metro cities, would make a wonderful husband to a man of his choice. But that is the problem.

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In 2017, when he told his parents he was gay, their illusion of him as the perfect son shattered. He recalled how his mother cried so much, she required emergency hospitalisation for dehydration and low blood pressure. His father did not speak to him for three months.

Unlike Sourav, who confidently asserts himself as a gay man despite the pushback from his loved ones, back in the 1980s and 1990s, I had no terminology to describe what I was. Even growing up in a family that considered itself progressive, I was continually shamed for being non-gender conforming, and coerced to correct myself – forced into feminine clothes, told off for “wanting to be a boy”. It is no surprise, then, that I was convinced I was broken by the time I reached my teens.

Decades of self-hate, low self-esteem and confusion followed. I had zero understanding of sexualities and genders, apart from the fact that to deviate was abnormal and shameful. But just as I paid the price for keeping my inner demons locked inside and pretending to be “normal” – at least “normal enough” – Sourav, who asked that his surname not be used in this article, paid for being honest.

For the past few years, he has lived with a relentless barrage of verbal and emotional violence. There was emotional blackmail, including being blamed for his mother’s illness; being taken by his parents to consult a homophobic neuropsychiatrist who diagnosed him with a “sexual disorder”, prescribed medication for it and recommended counselling to correct his ways; and oppressive parental surveillance, aided by the lack of privacy in their two-room home. When all else failed, his parents told him if he married a woman, even one who did not expect sexual interaction with her husband, they would be satisfied. That way, they wouldn’t lose face in society.

Waiting to transition

“What will people say?”

Middle-class India lives in horror of this question. This fear is wielded with efficiency to pressurise non-conformists to toe the line, and families by and large get away with it. This is because, as a rule, they are supportive spaces, providing physical, emotional and financial support, even to adult children. They can be multi-generational, fluid enough to expand to include outsiders in an “any friend of my child is like my own child” kind of way. This often gives same-gender couples a kind of tacit acceptance, albeit through invisibility as they are seen as “good friends” rather than a couple.

At the same time, families can be sites of continual violence, obsessed with maintaining the veneer of “respectability” by policing its members’ behaviour in return for succour.

Kay (name changed) is a trans woman in her 20s from Delhi. She is a law student and lives with her parents, to whom she came out two years ago. During our Zoom conversation, when I asked how her parents had taken it, she asked if she could type instead of speaking. I understood that to mean that her family was around and she could not talk freely. Sure enough, she typed: “They didn’t take it nicely at all. They were in shock.” As things stand, “they are [still] in denial.”

Currently, Kay is only out in some places – her college and on social media. Ideally, she would have liked to have started transitioning. To do so as a student while living at home would make dealing with legal and medical issues simpler, she said. “[At a workplace] you have to forgo your salary, [and] especially [working] in litigation, you may not have a place to come back to [once] you leave.”

In deference to her parents’ discomfort, however, she is holding off. Even though she has access to medical professionals who are ready to give her the requisite sign-off to begin transitioning, her parents want her to have a “more long-term assessment.” She doesn’t know how long.

“The problem is, if I start transitioning, then I have to start opening up in my neighbourhood… I’ve been fairly masculine-presenting for a long time here, so then there will be far more questions, far more backlash. And it can have problems with my parents’ workplaces.” Her parents hold bank and government jobs, yet fear that having a trans child might bring them judgement and shame from their peers.

Conversion therapy

Sourav’s humiliation at the hands of a medical professional sounds like a different kind of oppression to Kay delaying her transition in deference to her family’s wishes. As does the way I tried to conform to make my life easier. But in mid-2020, after speaking to Kaustav Bakshi, an assistant professor at Jadavpur University, Kolkata, and a researcher on queer lives, I realised that they are all a form of what is often called conversion therapy.

Conversion therapy is not only the targeted intervention of unscrupulous professionals and quacks coercing, medicating and brain-washing LGBTQ+ people to feel they have to “correct” their sexual orientations and gender; it is also the latent and stealthy ways that we are conditioned to behave.

In the mid-2000s, a heartbroken Kaustav, barely out of his teens then, had approached his college counsellor for support. To his horror, she told him that he was “not normal”, followed by advice commonly given to young gay men: become more “masculine”. Make more male friends, play a sport, join a gym, he was told. He can see the funny side of it now. “I’m very happy to be a part of the gym and drool over all those beautiful bodies,” he deadpanned over Zoom.

But the problem is, he said, “Everyone around assumes that I am heterosexual. This assumption itself has in it roots of conversion.”

In May 2020, the death of 21-year-old Anjana Hareesh horrified the country. Anjana had been forced to undergo a conversion therapy regime by her family to “cure” her bisexuality. Before she died by suicide, she had posted on social media about being forced to go to a rehab centre where she was plied with medication that made her groggy.

Anjana’s death shone a spotlight on the unscientific, illegal and inhuman nature of such treatments. Activists, mental health practitioners and official bodies were united in decrying these practices and highlighting their illegal nature.

But the conversation around conversion therapy tends to focus on the technicalities of the illegal or pseudoscientific nature of these “treatments”. Meanwhile, an overall mindset gap in accepting sexualities and genders continues to put queer and trans people at risk.

‘A lot of energy goes into surviving’

Pooja (who did not want to share her full name) is a psychotherapist in her thirties, working with the Mumbai-based Mariwala Health Initiative. She helped develop and delivers a queer-affirmative counselling practice curriculum. In her experience, mental health professionals are not necessarily supportive all the time: “It’s fairly easy to find someone who can try and ‘fix’ you.”

Pooja has a very “interesting” (her words) location – a cis-woman and a lesbian in a profession that already teaches her peers that she is abnormal. She has lived experience of the erasure that happens in households with queer or trans people. “There is an everydayness to it,” she said when we spoke in August 2020 about how COVID-19 was affecting queer folk. “It dates back to pre-corona times and will also be a post-corona reality.”

We spoke in detail about this more recently – the stress that comes from the constant fear of being “outed” or having to police one’s behaviour day in and day out. “That kind of stress leads to hyper-vigilance, self-censoring and a lot of performing of normativity,” she said. All for the sake of coping. “A lot of energy and resources go into surviving, and the person may struggle to see oneself and one’s reality as authentic and valid,” she added.

Learning to be hyper-vigilant, censoring one’s gender expression, forcing oneself into uncomfortable moulds, learning not to voice unease – it all sounded distressingly familiar to me. Even though Pooja was gender-conforming and I was not, we had grown up performing the same kind of normativity.

Growing up, Pooja’s gender conformity had confused her. Because she presented and behaved like most other girls, she assumed that she would be heterosexual. It was in her mid-20s that she realised she was looking for masculinity in women, that it had nothing to do with men, cis or trans.

I had spent my adolescence and youth incapable of understanding my gender. Why was I more masculine-presenting yet disliked being called a boy (even in my mid-30s, I looked like a teenager with my hairless face)? Then, one day, I read a book that asked, “What makes you a woman?”

The question stumped me. I had no answer. That was the first inkling I had that there were more than two genders.

As in many conservative societies, gender roles in India are strictly demarcated. In many places and situations, mixing between boys and girls is discouraged, and sex and sexuality are taboo topics outside of marriage. This means that children, and especially LGBTQ+ children, often grow up with no terminology to explain their identities. The internet is beginning to change this, at least for more affluent youngsters but, in my experience, having the vocabulary to describe who you are does not necessarily come with understanding oneself.

Vidya, who asked that her name be changed, is a trans woman in her thirties who works in academia and experienced a similar crossing of signals. “I was in a boys’ school… I remember crying in first grade because I probably didn’t feel like I belonged there, but the scolding from teachers that I got made me realise that I should just remain quiet… I don’t think I ever expressed discomfort [about my gender]…ever again until I came out at age 31. I simply learned to keep any such doubts to myself.” Not having any stereotypical masculine or feminine interests also kept her from questioning herself too much.

Many of the available terms are Western in origin, and they get bent out of shape when forced into South Asian contexts. Like, the idea of “coming out” and being “out”. In her line of work, Pooja sees many young Indians, particularly those who have access to Western entertainment media, internalise the notion that coming out is the only affirming way to assert one’s identity, and being out is the only honest way to be queer.

“There are…young people in their 20s who are writing on social media that they just came out, and then everyone is cheering them on, and I’m wondering if that is putting pressure [on others to do the same].” She managed numerous crisis cases in 2020 when newly out youngsters would find themselves needing to flee their homes in the midst of the lockdown.

Perhaps these youngsters don’t realise what they see on television or the internet are whitewashed slices of the whole picture, Pooja added. “Nobody’s talking about the risks of coming out, nobody’s talking about support systems to be built, or that this could be a difficult thing.” Those who are dependent on family money, and take for granted that they will be financially supported by parents who can help them find jobs, often have it worse when they come out and find themselves cut off from the resources they are used to, with no social welfare to fall back on.

‘I don’t want to keep lying’

Yet many LGBTQ+ Indians do make some sort of peace with their situations and carve out spaces for themselves. They might not always align with a Western notion of being “out and proud”, but they are sometimes good enough for those who choose them. For example, my partner of 12 years and I are routinely seen as sisters or cousins, and our families know that we come as a package. We can live with that, especially because we know we set a visible example of leading a different kind of life.

Vidya and her soon-to-be ex-partner co-parent a child who was born after Vidya started to live as her authentic self. Although their child’s school is supportive, she is under no illusions that her child will not face trouble from their contemporaries at some point. For now, when the child asks why one of their mothers “looks like a boy” in her old photos, Vidya’s explanation is: “I had a problem back then, for which I went to a doctor, and then I started looking like a girl.” Technically correct and perfectly clear to a four-year-old.

On the other hand, Kay’s situation is one of the uncomfortable compromises. Delaying her transition has been traumatic: “I am like a floating wooden plank on a sea, endless boundless sea, with no space to anchor… I feel like I have sacrificed already a lot… I’ve had a lot of years having to hide myself, having to keep lying. And I don’t want to keep lying.” Leaving her family, though, is not on the cards.

For Sourav, too, despite the continuing emotional violence, leaving his parents is not an option. He believes that if his father had not been homophobic, his mother would have come around by now. It is not just filial duty that makes him optimistic; he is hoping history repeats itself. When he was at his lowest, Sourav found a sympathetic counsellor who gave him the reassurance he needed. “Magically…literally, she saved my life,” he said. The suicidal thoughts he had been having disappeared. Maybe magic can strike twice. Maybe one day his parents will realise that he has always been the perfect son.

The transphobic and homophobic people peddling illegal, unscrupulous treatments are not likely to disappear overnight. Nor are the narrow confines of social belief going to magically open up. But value systems are always in flux, as they are now and will be long after us.

If you are looking for LGBTQ-inclusive mental health support in India, consider The Pink List India’s  collection of mental health professionals.

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• v.54(1); Jan-Mar 2012

Homosexuality and India

T. s. sathyanarayana rao.

Department of Psychiatry, JSS Medical College, Mysore, Karnataka, India

K. S. Jacob

1 Department of Psychiatry, Christian Medical College, Vellore, India

The shift in the understanding of homosexuality from sin, crime and pathology to a normal variant of human sexuality occurred in the late 20 th century.[ 1 , 2 ] The American Psychiatric Association, in 1973, and the World Health Organisation, in 1992, officially accepted its normal variant status. Many countries have since decriminalised homosexual behavior and some have recognised same-sex civil unions and marriage.

The new understanding was based on studies that documented a high prevalence of same-sex feelings and behavior in men and women, its prevalence across cultures and among almost all non-human primate species.[ 2 ] Investigations using psychological tests could not differentiate heterosexual from homosexual orientation. Research also demonstrated that people with homosexual orientation did not have any objective psychological dysfunction or impairments in judgement, stability and vocational capabilities. Psychiatric, psychoanalytic, medical and mental health professionals now consider homosexuality as a normal variation of human sexuality.

Human sexuality is complex.[ 2 ] The acceptance of the distinction between desire, behavior and identity acknowledges the multidimensional nature of sexuality. The fact that these dimensions may not always be congruent in individuals suggests complexity of the issues. Bisexuality, both sequential and concurrent, and discordance between biological sex and gender role and identity add to the issues. Medicine and psychiatry employ terms like homosexuality, heterosexuality, bisexuality and trans-sexuality to encompass all related issues, while current social usage argues for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT), which focuses on identities.

The prevalence of homosexuality is difficult to estimate for many reasons, including the associated stigma and social repression, the unrepresentative samples surveyed and the failure to distinguish desire, behavior and identity. The figures vary between age groups, regions and cultures.

Medicine and science continue to debate the relative contributions of nature and nurture, biological and psychosocial factors, to sexuality.[ 2 ] Essentialist constructs argue for biology and dismiss personal and social meanings of sexual desire and relationships. On the other hand, constructivists support the role of culture and history. While essentialism and constructionism, on the surface appear contradictory, they may mediate orientation and identity, respectively.

Anthropologists have documented significant variations in the organisation and meaning of same-sex practices across cultures and changes within particular societies over time. The universality of same-sex expression coexists with variations in its meaning and practice across culture. Cross-cultural studies highlight the limits of any single explanation of homosexuality within a particular society.

Classical theories of psychological development hypothesize the origins of adult sexual orientation in childhood experience.[ 2 ] However, recent research argues that psychological and interpersonal events throughout the life cycle explain sexual orientation. It is unlikely that a unique set of characteristics or a single pathway will explain all adult homosexuality.

The argument that homosexuality is a stable phenomenon is based on the consistency of same-sex attractions, the failure of attempts to change and the lack of success with treatments to alter orientation.[ 2 ] There is a growing realisation that homosexuality is not a single phenomenon and that there may be multiple phenomena within the construct of homosexuality.

Anti-homosexual attitudes, once considered the norm, have changed over time in many social and institutional settings in the west. However, heterosexism, which idealises heterosexuality, considers it the norm, denigrates and stigmatises all non-heterosexual forms of behavior, identity, relationships and communities, is also common.

In addition to the challenges of living in a predominantly heterosexual world, the diversity within people with homosexual orientation results in many different kinds of issues.[ 2 ] Sex, gender, age, ethnicity and religion add to the complexity of issues faced. The stages of the life cycle (childhood, adolescence, middle and old age), family and relationships present diverse concerns. In most circumstances, the psychiatric issues facing gay, lesbian and bisexual people are similar to those of the general population. However, the complexities in these identities require tolerance, respect and a nuanced understanding of sexual matters. Clinical assessments should be detailed and go beyond routine labelling and assess different issues related to lifestyle choices, identity, relationships and social supports. Helping people understand their sexuality and providing support for living in a predominantly heterosexual world is mandatory. People with homosexual orientation face many hurdles including the conflicts in acknowledging their homosexual feelings, the meaning of disclosure and the problems faced in coming out.

Gay-affirmative psychotherapies have been developed, which help people cope with the awareness of being same-sex oriented and with social stigmatization. There is no evidence for the effectiveness of sexual conversion therapies.[ 2 , 3 ] Such treatments also raise ethical questions. In fact, there is evidence that such attempts may cause more harm than good, including inducing depression and sexual dysfunction. However, faith-based groups and counsellors pursue such attempts at conversion using yardsticks, which do not meet scientific standards. Clinicians should keep the dictum “first do no harm” in mind. Physicians should provide medical service with compassion and respect for human dignity for all people irrespective of their sexual orientation.

The landmark judgement of the Delhi High Court, which declared that Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code violates fundamental rights guaranteed by the constitution, was in keeping with international, human rights and secular and legal trends.[ 4 ] However, the anti-homosexual attitudes of many religious and community leaders reflect the existence of widespread prejudice in India.[ 5 , 6 ] Prejudice against different lifestyles is part of many cultures, incorporated into most religions, and is a source of conflict in Indian society.

There are few small case series in psychiatric literature detailing homosexuality in males and its treatment with aversion therapy.[ 7 – 10 ] Heterosexim and anti-homosexual attitudes among psychiatrists and mental health professionals have been documented.[ 5 , 6 ] The international classification of diseases-10 category (F66) employed to code egodystonic sexuality seems to be only employed in clinical practice only for homosexuality, suggesting continued pathologization. It places the responsibility on the individual without critically examining the social context, which is stigmatising and repressing.[ 6 ] The medicalization of sexuality and the political impact of labelling and its role in social control are often discounted. The ubiquitous use of disease models for mental disorders is rarely questioned.[ 6 ]

There is a dearth of Indian psychiatric literature that has systematically investigated issues related to homosexuality. Data on prevalence, emotional problems faced and support groups and clinical services available are sparse. Research into these issues is crucial for increasing our understanding of the local and regional context related to sexual behavior, orientation and identity in India.

Despite medicine and psychiatry arguing that homosexual orientation is a normal variant of human sexuality, mental health fraternity and the government in India are yet to take a clear stand on the issues to change widely prevalent prejudice in society. The fraternity needs to acknowledge the need for research into the context-specific issues facing LGBT people in India. The teaching of sexuality to medical and mental health professional needs to be perceptive to the issues faced by people with different sexual orientations and identities. Clinical services for people with such issues and concerns needs to be sensitive to providing holistic care. A positive and a non-judgemental attitude will go a long way in relieving distress. Professional societies need to increase awareness of these issues, transfer knowledge and skill and provide opportunities to increase the confidence and competence of mental health workers in helping people with different sexual orientations and identity. Psychiatrists and mental health professionals need to be educated about the human rights issues and possible abuses. The emphasis should not just be on education but also on a change of attitude. The development and dissemination of clinical practice guidelines is also essential.

Human sexuality is complex and diverse. As with all complex behaviors and personality characteristics, biological and environmental influences combine to produce particular sexual orientation and identity. We need to focus on people's humanity rather than on their sexual orientation.

Source of Support: Nil

Conflict of Interest: None declared

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• The Global Divide on Homosexuality Persists

But increasing acceptance in many countries over past two decades

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• Acknowledgments
• Methodology
• Appendix B: Classifying European political parties

How we did this

This analysis focuses on whether people around the world think that homosexuality should be accepted by society or not. The full question wording was, “And which one of these comes closer to your opinion? Homosexuality should be accepted by society OR Homosexuality should not be accepted by society.”

The question is a long-term trend, first asked in the U.S. by the Pew Research Center in 1994 and globally in 2002. Respondents had an option to not answer the question (they could volunteer “don’t know” or refuse to answer the question). Respondents did not get any further instructions on how to interpret the question and no significant problems were noted during the fielding of the survey.

The term “homosexuality,” while sometimes considered anachronistic in the current era, is the most applicable and easily translatable term to use when asking this question across societies and languages and has been used in other cross-national studies, including the World Values Survey .

For this report, we used data from a survey conducted across 34 countries from May 13 to Oct. 2, 2019, totaling 38,426 respondents. The surveys were conducted face to face across Africa, Latin America and the Middle East, and on the phone in United States and Canada. In the Asia-Pacific region, face-to-face surveys were conducted in India, Indonesia and the Philippines, while phone surveys were administered in Australia, Japan and South Korea. Across Europe, the survey was conducted over the phone in France, Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and the UK, but face to face in Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Lithuania, Poland, Russia, Slovakia and Ukraine.

Here are the  questions  used for the report, along with responses, and the survey  methodology .

Despite major changes in laws and norms surrounding the issue of same-sex marriage and the rights of LGBT people around the world , public opinion on the acceptance of homosexuality in society remains sharply divided by country, region and economic development.

As it was in 2013 , when the question was last asked, attitudes on the acceptance of homosexuality are shaped by the country in which people live. Those in Western Europe and the Americas are generally more accepting of homosexuality than are those in Eastern Europe, Russia, Ukraine, the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa. And publics in the Asia-Pacific region generally are split. This is a function not only of economic development of nations, but also religious and political attitudes.

But even with these sharp divides, views are changing in many of the countries that have been surveyed since 2002, when Pew Research Center first began asking this question. In many nations, there has been an increasing acceptance of homosexuality, including in the United States, where 72% say it should be accepted, compared with just 49% as recently as 2007.

Many of the countries surveyed in 2002 and 2019 have seen a double-digit increase in acceptance of homosexuality. This includes a 21-point increase since 2002 in South Africa and a 19-point increase in South Korea over the same time period. India also saw a 22-point increase since 2014, the first time the question was asked of a nationally representative sample there.

There also have been fairly large shifts in acceptance of homosexuality over the past 17 years in two very different places: Mexico and Japan. In both countries, just over half said they accepted homosexuality in 2002, but now closer to seven-in-ten say this.

In Kenya, only 1 in 100 said homosexuality should be accepted in 2002, compared with 14% who say this now. (For more on acceptance of homosexuality over time among all the countries surveyed, see Appendix A .)

In many of the countries surveyed, there also are differences on acceptance of homosexuality by age, education, income and, in some instances, gender – and in several cases, these differences are substantial. In addition, religion and its importance in people’s lives shape opinions in many countries. For example, in some countries, those who are affiliated with a religious group tend to be less accepting of homosexuality than those who are unaffiliated (a group sometimes referred to as religious “nones”).

Political ideology also plays a role in acceptance of homosexuality. In many countries, those on the political right are less accepting of homosexuality than those on the left. And supporters of several right-wing populist parties in Europe are also less likely to see homosexuality as acceptable. (For more on how the survey defines populist parties in Europe, see Appendix B .)

Attitudes on this issue are strongly correlated with a country’s wealth. In general, people in wealthier and more developed economies are more accepting of homosexuality than are those in less wealthy and developed economies.

For example, in Sweden, the Netherlands and Germany, all of which have a per-capita gross domestic product over $50,000, acceptance of homosexuality is among the highest measured across the 34 countries surveyed. By contrast, in Nigeria, Kenya and Ukraine, where per-capita GDP is under $10,000, less than two-in-ten say that homosexuality should be accepted by society.

These are among the major findings of a Pew Research Center survey conducted among 38,426 people in 34 countries from May 13 to Oct. 2, 2019. The study is a follow-up to a 2013 report that found many of the same patterns as seen today, although there has been an increase in acceptance of homosexuality across many of the countries surveyed in both years.

Varied levels of acceptance for homosexuality across globe

The 2019 survey shows that while majorities in 16 of the 34 countries surveyed say homosexuality should be accepted by society, global divides remain. Whereas 94% of those surveyed in Sweden say homosexuality should be accepted, only 7% of people in Nigeria say the same. Across the 34 countries surveyed, a median of 52% agree that homosexuality should be accepted with 38% saying that it should be discouraged.

On a regional basis, acceptance of homosexuality is highest in Western Europe and North America. Central and Eastern Europeans, however, are more divided on the subject, with a median of 46% who say homosexuality should be accepted and 44% saying it should not be.

But in sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, Russia and Ukraine, few say that society should accept homosexuality; only in South Africa (54%) and Israel (47%) do more than a quarter hold this view.

People in the Asia-Pacific region show little consensus on the subject. More than three-quarters of those surveyed in Australia (81%) say homosexuality should be accepted, as do 73% of Filipinos. Meanwhile, only 9% in Indonesia agree.

In the three Latin American countries surveyed, strong majorities say they accept homosexuality in society.

Pew Research Center has been gathering data on acceptance of homosexuality in the U.S. since 1994, and there has been a relatively steady increase in the share who say that homosexuality should be accepted by society since 2000. However, while it took nearly 15 years for acceptance to rise 13 points from 2000 to just before the federal legalization of gay marriage in June 2015, there was a near equal rise in acceptance in just the four years since legalization.

While acceptance has increased over the past two decades, the partisan divide on homosexuality in the U.S. is wide. More than eight-in-ten Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents (85%) say homosexuality should be accepted, but only 58% of Republicans and Republican leaners say the same.

At the same time, the U.S. still maintains one of the lowest rates of acceptance among the Western European and North and South American countries surveyed. (For more on American views of homosexuality, LGBT issues and same-sex marriage, see Pew Research Center’s topic page here ; U.S. political and partisan views on this topic can be found here .)

In 22 of 34 countries surveyed, younger adults are significantly more likely than their older counterparts to say homosexuality should be accepted by society.

This difference was most pronounced in South Korea, where 79% of 18- to 29-year-olds say homosexuality should be accepted by society, compared with only 23% of those 50 and older. This staggering 56-point difference exceeds the next largest difference in Japan by 20 points, where 92% and 56% of those ages 18 to 29 and 50 and older, respectively, say homosexuality should be accepted by society.

In most of the countries surveyed, there are no significant differences between men and women. However, for all 12 countries surveyed where there was significant difference, women were more likely to approve of homosexuality than men. South Korea shows the largest divide, with 51% of women and 37% of men saying homosexuality should be accepted by society.

In most countries surveyed, those who have greater levels of education are significantly more likely to say that homosexuality should be accepted in society than those who have less education. 1

For example, in Greece, 72% of those with a postsecondary education or more say homosexuality is acceptable, compared with 42% of those with a secondary education or less who say this. Significant differences of this nature are found in both countries with generally high levels of acceptance (such as Italy) and low levels (like Ukraine).

In a similar number of countries, those who earn more money than the country’s national median income also are more likely to say they accept homosexuality in society than those who earn less. In Israel, for instance, 52% of higher income earners say homosexuality is acceptable in society versus only three-in-ten of lower income earners who say the same.

In many of the countries where there are measurements of ideology on a left-right scale, those on the left tend to be more accepting of homosexuality than those on the ideological right. And in many cases the differences are quite large.

In South Korea, for example, those who classify themselves on the ideological left are more than twice as likely to say homosexuality is acceptable than those on the ideological right (a 39-percentage-point difference). Similar double-digit differences of this nature appear in many European and North American countries.

In a similar vein, those who support right-wing populist parties in Europe, many of which are seen by LGBT groups as a threat to their rights , are less supportive of homosexuality in society. In Spain, people with a favorable opinion of the Vox party, which recently has begun to oppose some gay rights , are much less likely to say that homosexuality is acceptable than those who do not support the party.

And in Poland, supporters of the governing PiS (Law and Justice), which has explicitly targeted gay rights as anathema to traditional Polish values , are 23 percentage points less likely to say that homosexuality should be accepted by society than those who do not support the governing party.

Similar differences appear in neighboring Hungary, where the ruling Fidesz party, led by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, also has shown hostility to gay rights . But even in countries like France and Germany where acceptance of homosexuality is high, there are differences between supporters and non-supporters of key right-wing populist parties such as National Rally in France and Alternative for Germany (AfD).

Religion, both as it relates to relative importance in people’s lives and actual religious affiliation, also plays a large role in perceptions of the acceptability of homosexuality in many societies across the globe.

In 25 of the 34 countries surveyed, those who say religion is “somewhat,” “not too” or “not at all” important in their lives are more likely to say that homosexuality should be accepted than those who say religion is “very” important. Among Israelis, those who say religion is not very important in their lives are almost three times more likely than those who say religion is very important to say that society should accept homosexuality.

Significant differences of this nature appear across a broad spectrum of both highly religious and less religious countries, including Czech Republic (38-percentage-point difference), South Korea (38), Canada (33), the U.S. (29), Slovakia (29), Greece (28) and Turkey (26).

Religious affiliation also plays a key role in views towards acceptance of homosexuality. For example, those who are religiously unaffiliated, sometimes called religious “nones,” (that is, those who identify as atheist, agnostic or “nothing in particular”) tend to be more accepting of homosexuality. Though the opinions of religiously unaffiliated people can vary widely , in virtually every country surveyed with a sufficient number of unaffiliated respondents, “nones” are more accepting of homosexuality than the affiliated. In most cases, the affiliated comparison group is made up of Christians. But even among Christians, Catholics are more likely to accept homosexuality than Protestants and evangelicals in many countries with enough adherents for analysis.

One example of this pattern can be found in South Korea. Koreans who are religiously unaffiliated are about twice as likely to say that homosexuality should be accepted by society (60%) as those who are Christian (24%) or Buddhist (31%). Similarly, in Hungary, 62% of “nones” say society should accept homosexuality, compared with only 48% of Catholics.

In the few countries surveyed with Muslim populations large enough for analysis, acceptance of homosexuality is particularly low among adherents of Islam. But in Nigeria, for example, acceptance of homosexuality is low among Christians and Muslims alike (6% and 8%, respectively). Jews in Israel are much more likely to say that homosexuality is acceptable than Israeli Muslims (53% and 17%, respectively).

• For the purpose of comparing educational groups across countries, we standardize education levels based on the UN’s International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED). The lower education category is below secondary education and the higher category is secondary or above in Brazil, India, Indonesia, Kenya, Lebanon, Mexico, Nigeria, the Philippines, South Africa, Tunisia and Ukraine. In all other countries, the lower education category is secondary education or less education and the higher category is postsecondary or more education. ↩

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Problems Encountered by LGBT Youth in India

More Indian youths than ever before may accept homosexuality and queer identities today, but within the confines of family, home, and school, acceptance of their sexuality and freedom to openly express their gender choices still remain a constant struggle for LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) people.

The situation for homosexual males in urban India, where social media and corporate initiatives have increased awareness of LGBT rights, appears more promising than it does for transgender individuals or lesbian women. While the views of urban LGBT people are heard through a variety of online and offline outlets, they represent only a small portion of the many difficulties the community faces.

The LGBT community is struggling for acceptance and equal rights. Finding acceptance is particularly challenging for transgender persons. The LGBT community is frequently judged negatively. The prevalence of prejudice against the LGBT community makes this a serious problem. People’s preconceptions cause them to believe that LGBT individuals are strange and distinctly different.

More Indian teenagers than ever before may accept homosexuality and queer identities today, yet acceptability within the walls of families, homes, and schools still presents a challenge for LGBT persons. People coming out of the closet and telling their families they are not the person they were raised to be have been reported.

Numerous LGBT individuals deal with significant problems each year linked to violence, unemployment, prejudice, poverty, and access to healthcare. People that hold prejudices have problems with how LGBT individuals live their lives. These people are acting immaturely, in my opinion.

IMPACT OF EXCLUSION AND DISCRIMINATION

Lesbian, gay, and transgender people are severely impacted by exclusion and prejudice. This

has led to what is described below:

Earlier school abandonment Leaving the family and home Lacking access to regular employment and having fewer possibilities than others Being shunned and alone in the neighbourhood Unable to access a range of services and unaware of their rights Mobility, moving to new locations (such as the city and urban areas)

LAW RELATING TO LGBT RIGHTS

The following legislation have been passed by the Indian government in an effort to advance and normalise the LGBTQ+ community:

1) Removal of section 377 of the IPC, 1860

In the case of Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India (AIR 2018 SC 4321), brought by the Constitutional Bench, led by the then-CJI Justice Dipak Mishra, the Supreme Court of India partially decriminalised Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, 1860. Previously, Section 377 made it illegal for homosexuals to have sexual relations. The decision was a little step in the fight for the equality and normalisation of LGBTQ community members. The Supreme Court has addressed the issues that the LGBTQ community is facing in this case while simultaneously defending their fundamental rights. The Apex Court ruled in the KS Puttuswamy case that Article 21 includes the right to privacy.

2) The 2019 Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act:

In Indian mythology, transgender persons are acknowledged; but, during the British era, they experienced violence and prejudice, which contributed to their backwardness. Various rulings and laws have been issued in an effort to restore the standing of the transgender community.

The Apex Court recognised transgender as the third gender in the case of National Legal Services Authority v. Union of India (AIR 2014 SC 1863). It was the most well-known ruling, and in response, the first-ever bill protecting the rights of the transgender community was proposed in 2014; however, it expired in 2016. ties to transsexual individuals.

3) Reservations for transgender people are as follows:

The Supreme Court of India ruled in the case of National Legal Services Authority v. Union of India AIR 2014 SC 1863 that transgender people belong to the third gender. The transgender person is now eligible for reservations under India’s quota policy as a result of this declaration. According to the Indian Constitution, the transgender people is entitled to both economic and educational accommodations.

Lack of family support can be a serious blow to the mental and physical health of LGBT persons in a country where rigorous social and cultural norms govern the conditions of education, employment, and marriage. Depression, suicidal thoughts, and psychosomatic illnesses are frequently brought on by isolation and pressure to fit in. To escape the intense pressure to get married and have children, many of them would like to relocate to another city.

Many limitations are placed on how they can dress and behave with their partners by families who accept their identities. Online communities and social media have provided accessible alternatives to create a community outside the family in the lack of family support.

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LGBTQ rights group invites officials from SPPU to lead Pune Pride March

Anil ukrande, founder of yutak trust – a registered body that organises the pride march — said they have also invited principals of some city colleges which have inclusive campuses for the community. ukarande said they have plans to hold the march on june 2..

In order to highlight the need of education and to welcome the decision of Savitribai Phule Pune University’s circular to make education free for transgender students, Yutak Trust has decided to invite the pro vice chancellor of the university to be the grand marshal of the 12th Pride March. Anil Ukrande, founder of Yutak Trust – a registered body that organises the pride march — said they have also invited principals of some city colleges which have inclusive campuses for the community. Ukarande said they have plans to hold the march on June 2.

“Earlier this year, the Maharashtra government allowed free education for transgender students. Following this the university has also issued a circular in this regard. We wanted the pride march to be led by the education institutions so that the message of inclusiveness and need of education for all percolates,” he said. Other than this, the march will also see participation from corporates, various NGOs and others.

Pune as usual will see two pride marches with the MIST LGBTQ foundation also organising another pride march in June. Ukarande said they decided to pre-pone their march to June 2. Asked about this reason, Ukarande said historically Pune’s Pride March was always held in the first week of June. “This year we were not sure about the date given the election season. However with counting on June 4, we felt it was necessary to keep up the tradition,” he said.

Prior to Yutak taking over the organisation of the Pride March, Bindu Queer Rights Foundation (BQRF) had started the march. Over the years, the march has seen large participation from citizens, parents and corporates. Last year, the chief election office of Maharashtra was the grand marshall of the march.

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Carolyn “Cam” Brinkworth Seeks Out New Ways to Build an Inclusive Science Atmosphere

By Alaina G. Levine

Growing up, Carolyn “Cam” Brinkworth wanted to be part of something bigger than herself. Inspired by a love of both data and Data of Star Trek: The Next Generation , Brinkworth saw science as a crucial mechanism to advance humanity. “The value of service to a greater good was something that really spoke to me,” Brinkworth says. “Working for NASA one day was the most amazing example I could imagine of that kind of work.” With that goal in mind, Brinkworth grew up, studied physics in school, and got her PhD. At the brink of achieving traditional success as a scientist, she realized there was something missing in the scientific ecosystem: in the relentless pursuit of discovery some of the greatest minds were being ignored. So she changed course, and made it her continuing mission to make science inclusive for all.

Brinkworth is the Chief Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) Officer at the University Corporation for Atmospheric Research (UCAR) in Boulder, where she strives to cultivate an ecosystem that celebrates each person’s worth and individual voice. A native of the UK, she received her undergrad degree in physics and astrophysics from the University of Leicester and, at first, intended to be a physics teacher. But “I didn’t feel like I was done learning,” she says, and at the last minute, she decided to go to grad school. She matriculated at the University of Southampton and began assisting her advisor in commissioning a new high-speed camera designed to measure evolution rates in binary stars.

“I thought this was the coolest thing ever,” she says. By her second year, she saw an advertisement for a 6-month internship position with the Spitzer Space Telescope at Caltech and the Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL) and decided to try for it. Brinkworth landed the fellowship and made the trip across the pond. “It was a breath of fresh air,” she says. “Spitzer had just launched, and everyone was buzzing with hopefulness and energy and excitement about what Spitzer was going to do.” Her PI offered her a postdoc even before she finished her PhD, “which made my defense slightly less nerve-wracking,” she jokes.

Brinkworth enjoyed the work, but there was something missing. “My postdoc was successful, I got grants. I knew I was good at it, but not the best at it. I always felt I wasn’t contributing anything unique, that anyone else could have looked at my data and written the paper,” she says.

Carolyn “Cam” Brinkworth

There was something gnawing at her spirit. “[My work] felt removed from people,” she says. “It felt very narrow, with not a lot of impact on human beings, and that nothing I could discover here could make a difference in human lives.” Brinkworth had always been drawn to outreach and had been active in public engagement and in leadership roles throughout her time in graduate school and in her postdoc, too. Suddenly, she realized: “The only thing that prevented me from doing more outreach was the research.”

This was a dramatic moment for her. It crystalized that her talents, curiosity, and spark were better served by positively impacting others. As her postdoc concluded, she remained at Caltech, taking a job as a staff scientist with the Infrared Processing and Analytics Center (IPAC). A year later she formally joined the education and outreach team, later transitioning to a role as the Education and Outreach Scientist for Spitzer.

“This was a dream job,” she says. “The creativity, to work with a creative team all of whom cared about the science we were doing and helping people understand it.” Brinkworth worked on various aspects of public affairs, such as writing scripts for education videos, interfacing between the press officer and scientists, and organizing public events. The whole team had free range to be creative with their outreach projects, from arranging for a fire station basement to be filled with smoke so they could demonstrate how an IR camera worked, to creating videos with celebrities like Neil Patrick Harris and Cameron Diaz. Brinkworth gained new skills, and she felt supported in a way she had not experienced before. “The director built a team based on trust and psychological safety—everything brought to the team by any member was considered,” she says. “I felt such a safe space to explore, and I was blown away by this team. He taught me how to be a good manager.”

In this nurturing environment, Brinkworth blossomed. In her nine years here, she took on a variety of projects and eventually was named Deputy Lead of Public Affairs for IPAC. But still, she wondered—what’s it all for? In the mid-2010s, a “perfect storm” of cascading events propelled her in a new direction.

In 2008, Proposition 8, a bill supporting a ban on gay marriage in the California state constitution, was passed. Although later overturned in court, it shook Brinkworth. “I’m gay, and I started to see with Prop 8 a lot of political football being played with gay kids and the rise in suicide of LGBT youth,” she says. It prompted her to get involved in the Trevor Project, a non-profit that supports LGBTQ+ kids. She gave workshops at schools on suicide prevention and LGBTQ+ issues. ��This was my first experience as an activist.”

At the same time, Brinkworth craved additional scholarship and a credible qualification in education. While working for Caltech, she went back to grad school for a master’s in education with a focus on building safer spaces for LGBT+ people in STEM departments. “I took classes at Claremont Graduate University on social and racial justice, and I got more and more angry,” she says.

Emboldened to take action, in 2014, she landed a newly-created position as the Director of Diversity, Education & Outreach at the National Center for Atmospheric Research (NCAR). She and her team launched extensive training programs for the organization on gender and gender identity, bystander intervention, racism, unconscious bias, and other topics. “We felt that we skimmed this subject, so then we created another course on race and racism, including the history of NCAR and how it fits in with the system,” she says. With these initiatives, “we saw significant improvements in awareness and bystander interventions,” she says.

In 2017, Brinkworth was promoted to Chief Diversity, Equity & Inclusion Officer at UCAR, the parent organization of NCAR. The new role meant more responsibility and more potential impact. She’s especially proud of her involvement in Rising Voices, a program at UCAR-NCAR that facilitates conversations between indigenous and non-indigenous communities especially in terms of climate and weather-related topics. The efforts culminated this year in an exciting collaboration with Haskell Indian Nations University, a major tribal college in Kansas.

Brinkworth is just getting started. She is concentrating on improving demographics, ensuring workplace inclusivity, decreasing racism and sexism in science, and designing metrics to collect and mine data to improve more. The job has revealed to her how much impact she can have as an advocate for science and, more importantly, the citizens of science. “I went into science because I thought it was cool and I was fascinated to learn how the universe worked, but what I really found is that I’m fascinated by the people in science and how I can help make science better for all of us,” she says. “I think I always wanted to have impact. I have people email me years later and say, ‘you don’t remember me but here’s the impact you had.’…it’s humbling and gratifying and makes the hard days worth it.”

Adds Brinkworth: “The mission of NCAR is literally to save the planet: ‘science with and for society,’ but fulfilling that mission is impossible without a diverse workforce in an environment of inclusion, belonging, and psychological safety. I feel like I’m in the best place I can be to use my talents to serve the greater good. I want people to understand it is not only possible to be a great scientist while also being kind and inclusive, it’s necessary. Technical ability is not good enough. To be a good scientist, you have to be more than just good at science— you have to be a good human being.”

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