literature review on work family conflict

The family side of work-family conflict: A literature review of antecedents and consequences

Objective: To review the empirical literature on family antecedents and consequences of work-family conflict.

Background: Over the last decades, family living and working life have changed profoundly, affecting families' needs and expectations towards reconciliation, as well as perceptions of work-family conflict. Previous reviews of the relevant literature in this flourishing field of research have predominantly focused on the work side of sources and consequences of these conflicts. However, a review of the family side of work-family conflict is still missing.

Method: The review of the existing literature followed the guidelines of "PRISMA - Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses." 100 quantitative empirical studies were identified by relevant keywords, including research between 1988-2021.

Results: The review of international and interdisciplinary empirical evidence remarkably shows the heterogeneity in research on family antecedents and consequences of work-family conflict in the directions of family-to-work and work-to-family. In addition, the findings of existing studies are inconsistent, if not ambivalent. However, the review also demonstrates a growing body of literature that considers or even focuses on the family side of work-family conflict.

Conclusion: The family plays an essential role in reconciling the private and the working life, as it is a source of conflict and a resource for dealing with conflicts at the same time.

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The Work–Family Conflict: Evidence from the Recent Decade and Lines of Future Research

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This contribution adopts an economic perspective to summarize what we learned in the last decade about the work–family conflict (WFC) and, primarily, where we go from here. On the basis of recent labor, demographic and socio-economic changes, and the use of both data and economic methods, we have identified a number of important topics. First, the relationship between the WFC and the kinds of family, with specific attention to motherhood/fatherhood. Later, the interrelations between the WFC and spousal problems or different satisfaction issues. We then analyze the implications of the WFC for policy and benefit issues, and, finally, the relationship between the WFC and dispositional characteristics. The future of the research should first address the limitations of the existing literature. The complete lack of longitudinal data makes it impossible to derive causal effects, with only correlations being possible. Another future avenue is the elaboration of cross-cultural papers. An interesting topic to be covered is to focus on the couple, rather than the individual, with different couples by race, religion…having implications for intra-family negotiation. Another line is to examine intergenerational issues that arise as a consequence of the delay in the nest-leaving of children and, at the same time, the presence of grandparents in the home.

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Acknowledgements

This paper was partially written while the author was Visiting Fellow at the Department of Economics of Boston College (US), to which he would like to express his thanks for the hospitality and facilities provided. This paper has benefited from funding from the Regional Government of Aragón (Project S32_17R).

This paper has benefited from funding from the Regional Government of Aragón (Project S32_17R).

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Molina, J.A. The Work–Family Conflict: Evidence from the Recent Decade and Lines of Future Research. J Fam Econ Iss 42 (Suppl 1), 4–10 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10834-020-09700-0

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Being stressed in the family or married with work? A literature review and clustering of work-family conflict

European Journal of Management and Business Economics

ISSN : 2444-8494

Article publication date: 15 October 2021

Issue publication date: 7 April 2022

Work-family conflict is an important topic which had an evolution, starting from a static definition, where work and family domains were divided, to a more dynamic and complex balance. COVID-19 has influenced society and created a significant distress among families and working activity, and this topic has been characterised by a major interest, considering some old definitions where this balance was considered problematic but not as an enriching opportunity.

Design/methodology/approach

The authors used SCOPUS to find all records mentioning work-family conflict, by considering book, article and review, excluding conference paper and considering only records written in English language. After a duplicated and not pertinent record removal, the authors obtained a number of 675 records. The authors considered 437 records from SCOPUS to create a cluster map.

Using SCOPUS and VOSviewer the authors have clustered 5 different areas, which are regrouped in next clusters considering keywords with most co-occurrence and significancy: Work-life balance and burnout gender cluster job stress and performance social and family support job satisfaction.

Research limitations/implications

Cluster map is origined only by SCOPUS database.

Originality/value

This work aims to find a state of art about this topic, creating hypothesis where this problem has been exacerbated by 2020 due to important society modifications created by COVID-19, where recent evolution of work-family balance has been complicated by papers which come back to consider this balance as problematic.

• Work-family balance
• Organisations

Pascucci, T. , Hernández Sánchez, B. and Sánchez García, J.C. (2022), "Being stressed in the family or married with work? A literature review and clustering of work-family conflict", European Journal of Management and Business Economics , Vol. 31 No. 2, pp. 239-265. https://doi.org/10.1108/EJMBE-06-2021-0191

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Copyright © 2021, Tancredi Pascucci, Brizeida Hernández Sánchez and José Carlos Sánchez García

Published in European Journal of Management and Business Economics . Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this licence may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode

1. Introduction

Conflict view, born during early 1900, adopting a structural-functionalist approach, is based on a clear and static role separation between gender and functional roles in society and family.

The compensation view, introduced in the late 1970s, is based on a more fluid separation between family and work roles, wherein the individuals adopt a compensation strategy and invest more energy to resolve a lack of satisfaction

The balanced view, initiated in the late 1980s, grants a connection between work and family roles, which have to be balanced, enriching this new approach with the gender role theory, which considers the different female components in marital and family entities, for a long time considered as individuals who had to passively accept their role and not be involved in the working world. Women are involved in this approach, wherein the family and working roles have to be in contrast, not on a continuous alternation, but have to coexist and enrich each other.

We think that the three distinct approaches to this topic, which theoretically follow a chronological progression, still coexist, while also considering the influence of the cultural context in which they are threatened ( Hemmert et al. , 2019 ) and have an important influence on human resource management which is interested in pursuing employee satisfaction ( Hennessy and Lent, 2008 ; Binde and Coad, 2013 ; Minnotte et al. , 2015 ; Elrehail et al. , 2020 ).

In the past, most family roles, especially within the middle class, were more linear than today, as a family had just one income from the male's work, while the woman had her role at home, managing the house and educating children. Since the beginning of the XIX and XX centuries, social and economic changes have modified the familiar equilibrium, which was revealed to be unsatisfactory, especially in the second half of 1900, with feminist movements which requested equal treatment and rights. Society has become more complex, less linear, sometimes disorienting ( Bauman, 2000 ) and the first approach of conflict view cited before became insufficient; families got in trouble because some partners could not manage this change, but others also created new families and creative adaption strategies. During the last decades, some families maintained traditional roles, recalling the conflict view that we mentioned before, which did not tolerate a change in family and social structure; others created new families, where work mostly maintained fundamental importance not only on the economic side but also in placing an important border between marital and working problems, where each working partner had his or her private space, properly managed with a flexible strategy by the working organisation itself ( Boiraha et al. , 2020 ). It also worked for couples who were working together, because even in the same workplace, there was the possibility to be separated, having different functions within the organisation. The new way to treat and analyse the interaction between work and family is considering a balance and not a conflict, even if means to increase complexity ( Carlson et al. , 2006 ; Willis et al. , 2008 ; Peters et al. , 2009 ; Elwart and Konradt, 2011 ; Zhao Roy and Mattilla, 2013 ; Crom and Miller, 2018 ; Boiraha et al. , 2020 ; Yang and Cheng, 2020 ). The COVID-19 pandemic which plagued China and the rest of the world in 2019 has changed life in almost all countries. Beyond the medical risk of killing many people, this pandemic – as most epidemic diseases – has created economic, political and social damage which will have negative consequences even after the end of the pandemic. Countries infected by this virus are not only in danger of human losses, but also of important limitations that most world governments have created to face this disease. If it can be a macrosocial impairment in terms of economic loss and institutional credibility, it can be a problem even in the lives of individuals and their families, increasing the work-family conflict risk ( Burke, 1994 ; Liu et al. , 2019 ; Osadchuck et al. , 2020 ). While nations that have reduced their services and movement of people or continued their pre-COVID activities have paid in terms of life losses and the overload of their hospital structures and sanitarian personnel ( Bergman et al. , 2008 ; Yildrim and Aycan, 2008 ; Blomme et al. , 2010 ; Takeuchi and Yamazaki, 2010 ; Nelson, 2012 ; Battistelli et al. , 2013 ; Ruokolainen et al. , 2014 ; Sharma et al. , 2016 ; Dinibutun, 2020 ; Manzano-Garcia and Ayala Calvo, 2020 ), countries that have significantly restricted people's movement to just going out for essential activities have forced their citizenship to cope with important stress. Quality of life changed, and this adaptation was predominantly negative if we consider substance abuse ( Taylor et al. , 2021 ), family violence ( Griffith, 2020 ) and psychic suffering ( Fellows et al. , 2016 ; Banerjee et al. , 2021 ; Jokic-Begic et al. , 2021 ; Szmulewitz et al. , 2021 ). Most families restricted their activities and movement in 2020, administering a significant change in their work and free-time management.

This problem has been relevant in countries conducting the lockdown strategy, forcing people to suspend or convert their work activities to remote mode. This means that many people, who used to leave their houses to go to the workplace, interact with clients, colleagues and superiors and create a daily routine, have to stay at home with their partners and sometimes with their children ( Battistelli et al. , 2013 ; Beham et al. , 2015 ; Kim and Wollensbe, 2018 ). Using a psychoanalytical similitude, there is a precise setting regarding the physical workplace, invested by psychological meanings, and these meanings help the worker to separate the job from the family both physically and psychologically. If the worker is forced to work in the same place where he/she works with his/her family, this separation decreases, and the conflict risk increases. This study stresses on a bio-psycho-social approach ( Engel, 1977 ). There is no supremacy between any of these three dimensions, but it is important to understand that they have different kinds of evolution: while the biological risk related to COVID-19 will be vanquished in 1–2 years, thanks to the creation and administration of a proper vaccine, psychosocial consequences regarding individual, socioeconomic and interpersonal aspects will be elaborate with a different timing and mode. Work-family conflict, in this case, can be harmful, creating an emotive contagion between workers ( Wang et al. , 2020a , b ) and damaging coordinators ( Wilkinson et al. , 2017 ; Dixon et al. , 2020 ).

2. Study design, exclusion/inclusion criteria and used instruments

Arts and humanities

Engineering

Biochemistry

Mathematics

Agricultural and biological sciences

Pharmaceutical

Material sciences

Computer science

Veterinary.

We have started to use English as the only language since it is used in 90% of the publications in this area. In Figure 1 we represent our records selection procedure with PRISMA statements ( Mother et al. , 2009 ) (see Figure 2 ).

3. Database description

The first mention of this topic concerns work-family conflict during parenthood transition ( Belsky et al. , 1985 ). As shown in Figure 3 , there has been a mild constant growth in the last 20 years in works that talk about this kind of conflict, stating that it is an important matter. However in recent decades, sometimes this growth is reduced or elevated; for example, around the world financial collapse of 2009, due to the economic/working stress among families, a significant down in the next year and then a new incrementation trend to the rearrangement which probably influenced the family lifestyle and role. It is likely that an economic crisis can also affect the family system, and family problems can interfere with job performance, but a global crisis can trigger family suffering ( Repetti et al. , 2002 ; Richter et al. , 2010 ; Chelariu and Stump, 2011 ; Richter et al. , 2015 ; Canet-Giner et al. , 2020 ; Dong et al. , 2020 ; Wang et al. , 2020a , b ). Research has also produced an assessment instrument to measure the intensity of this conflict ( Kim et al. , 2019 ). The most important increasing trend is during 2020, the first year of this pandemic, and consequently, an important modification of social interaction around the world.

Considering the 13 most prolific countries around the world regarding this matter, it is unavoidable to consider the United States, officially the first country in the world to record the most COVID-positive people and COVID-related deaths. The USA is already the most prolific country in almost every area, but we underline here a significant superiority of papers about this topic, stating again how much this pandemic is socially, psychologically and economically disruptive, even more than from a simple medical point of view.

The gap between the USA publications and others is more evident when we consider the entire sum of every publishing and compare it with the record number of the others in Figure 4 .

This research line is quoted in many journals in Table 1 , regarding social science, human resources and organisational behaviour. The sensitivity of inner individual conflict is important because personal problems, even if related to extra-working life, risk being an excessive stress load for the worker, who could have a significant working performance deficit or decide to leave a job. That is why organisations have to consider the need to create a work routine that is not excessively demanding, avoids the efficiency obsession, or does not force workers to neglect their free time and families.

The most important researchers investigating this topic are from different countries. Most of them are Americans, but some authors are from other countries, where this issue has received attention. We think that the work-family conflict has not only psychological and organisational importance, but also cultural relevance in Western countries and is particularly sensitised in Israel and Finland, and Islamic countries such as Turkey, where there is actually a “work in progress” regarding female rights. For example, work-family conflict is an emerging matter in hospitality management, wherein hotel managers of a particular culture are used to a specific family model — for example, based on a traditional asset where women do not work ( Kasper et al. , 2005 ; Wang et al. , 2010 ; Fackrell et al. , 2013 ; Nasurdin et al. , 2013 ; Lee et al. , 2019 ; Morgan and Pritchard, 2019 ; Tobak and Nábrádi, 2020 ). Hospitality workers often treat them differently from how they behave in the family, creating a dissonance between their work and family roles ( Karatepe and Uludag, 2008a , b ; Karatepe, 2013 ; Karatepe and Kilic, 2015 ). Most studies are oriented to organisational and working psychology ( Griggs et al. , 2013 ; Allen et al. , 2019 ; Hunter et al. , 2019 ), educational psychology ( Cinamon et al. , 2005 ; Cinamon, 2009 ), social psychology ( Mauno and Ruokolainen, 2017 ; Wayne et al. , 2019 ) gender psychology ( Cinamon et al. , 2002 ; Lee et al. , 2017 ) and hospital psychology ( Rantanen et al. , 2013 ) (see Table 2 ).

4. Cluster analysis

Cluster 1: Work-life balance and burnout (12 items, 24%)

Cluster 2: Gender cluster (10 items, 26%).

Cluster 3: Job stress and performance (8 items, 53%).

Cluster 4: Social and family support (seven items, 10% co-occurrence)

Cluster 5: Job satisfaction (5 items, 16% co-occurrences).

A happy worker is a positive element within an organisation. Is fundamental to preserve job satisfaction ( Deng and Gao, 2017 ; Cazan et al. , 2019 ; Nielsen et al. , 2020 ) to grant positive working feedback. A worker needs to effectively invest in his or her organisation, without considering its working activity with the only goal of earning money ( Chan and Fung, 2015 ). A proper organisation that could reduce role ambiguity and assign the right role division between workers, avoiding an excessive workload to some of them and constant supportive activity by the supervisor rational organisation reduces work-family conflict and turnover intention ( Karatepe and Udulag, 2007 ; Culbertson et al. , 2009 ; Ngah et al. , 2010 ; Hammer et al. , 2011 ; Karatepe and Azar, 2013 ; Proost et al. , 2010 ; Mihelic, 2014 ; Chen et al. , 2016 ; Schierman and Glavin, 2017 ; Zhu and Li, 2016 ; Raza et al. , 2018 ; Talukder, 2019 ), acting positively on working stressors.

5. Conclusions

This paper begins with a consideration of the topic of work-family conflict, which has evolved during the last century and the social evolution and complexification of society. The first conception of work-family conflict stresses the word “conflict” because work and family are different domains in a linear society, which must be strictly separated and divided. The evolution of the family, passing through a series of family members, needs to create new and innovative ways to consider work and family interactions. Recent years have also included Eastern and developing countries in the research, although their cultures are still evolving in the definition of family roles. Additionally, the COVID-19 pandemic has stressed world societies beyond the biological risk, disorientating people and organisations, creating poverty, anxiety, anger, depression, as well as weakening beliefs and strong institutions we used to consider as solid. Our cluster analysis shows that most clusters, such as 1 and 3 ( Figures 6 and 7 ), are embedded in the ancient and negative conception of work-family conflict, wherein a superior complexity among families and society brings distress due to difficulties in facilitating change. Previously, this separation between work and families was clearer, with men mostly dedicated to work and women within domestic walls. However, during recent centuries, this situation has been modified in industrialised countries, creating a new role disposition with many decades of debate and manifestations for civil and women's rights, which are still in progress. The COVID-19 pandemic has forced millions of people to reduce or change their activities, sometimes resulting in job loss or significant money and job reduction and an increased state of insecurity or job stress. This change has also been felt inside the family, with an unexpected modification in daily life and activities. The COVID-19 pandemic did not create work-family conflict, which already existed by the end of the last century, but it hit on different points of weakness in the modern system, as it overcharged some National Health Systems which were already vulnerable because of lack of financial funds, corruption, disorganisation, structural and equipment obsolescence, or personnel inadequacy. Similarly, work-family conflict was a significant matter before the 2020 pandemic and was caused by different factors, such as individual psychological difficulties, organisational problems which created excessive stress, lack of separation between work and private life, insecurity due to socioeconomic factors and a lack of serenity. Work-family conflict studies are vital to formulating prevention protocols to limit this psychological suffering and are useful for finding some diagnostic criteria to determine these warning bells as well as for creating a better working environment or allowing the worker to have a personal space to “destress” ( Spencer et al. , 2019 ) before returning to the family.

This last part is not practical with a worker forced to work remotely at home every day, but this aspect has to be managed gradually, an aspect which has not been applied in many countries that have suddenly adopted radical lockdowns and hasty reopenings. It is noteworthy that this discomfort has created another psychological wound without adopting an immediate and premature return to pre-COVID routines, demonstrating that collective trauma ( Nadler and Ben-Shusham, 1989 ) is not sufficiently elaborated but rather removed, although this element also emerges as a more complex way to create a balance, not a conflict between work and family. Gender studies ( Figure 8 ) are dedicated to this topic, with women as the main characters involved and valuable members of the family, being competent in working activities, but characterised by a special sensitivity to both work and family ( Cardella et al. , 2020 ), allowing the family to be a resource for support and not only a problematic and stressful element ( Figure 9 ). The family, following more recent studies on this topic, can become an element of enrichment in this case (see Figure 10 ).

PRISMA statement selection flow

Publication trend during last years

Representation of 15 most active countries publishing papers about the article's topic

Comparison between USA and the rest of the world publishing countries

Cluster map

Work-life balance/burnout

Job stress and performance cluster

Gender cluster

Social and family support

Job satisfaction cluster

Representation of the 10 most prolific publishing journals

Table of 10 most active Authors

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Article contents

Work-family conflict and work-life conflict.

• Ellen Ernst Kossek Ellen Ernst Kossek Basil S. Turner Professor of Management, Krannert School of Management, Purdue University
•  and  Kyung-Hee Lee Kyung-Hee Lee Krannert School of Management, Purdue University
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190224851.013.52
• Published online: 26 October 2017

Work-family and work-life conflict are forms of inter-role conflict that occur when the energy, time, or behavioral demands of the work role conflicts with family or personal life roles. Work-family conflict is a specific form of work-life conflict. Work-family conflict is of growing importance in society as it has important consequences for work, non-work, and personal outcomes such as productivity, turnover, family well-being, health, and stress. Work-family conflict relates to critical employment, family, and personal life outcomes. These include work outcomes (e.g., job satisfaction, organizational commitment, and turnover), family outcomes (e.g., marital satisfaction and family satisfaction), and personal outcomes related to physical health (e.g., physical symptoms, eating and exercise behaviors), and psychological health (e.g., stress and depressive symptoms, life satisfaction). Many different theoretical perspectives are used to understand work-life conflict: starting with role theory, and more recently conservation of resources, job demands and resources, and life course theories. Many methodological challenges are holding back the advancement of work-family conflict research. These include (1) construct overlap between work-family conflict and work-life conflict, and work-life balance measures; (2) measurement issues related to directionality and operationalization; and (3) a lack of longitudinal and multilevel studies. Future research should include studies to (1) advance construct development on linkages between different forms of work-family and work-life conflict; (2) improve methodological modeling to better delineate work-family conflict mechanisms; (3) foster increased variation in samples; (4) develop resiliency interventions that fit specific occupational contextual demands; (5) increase integration and sophistication of theoretical approaches; and (6) update work-family studies to take into account the influence of the growing prevalence of technology that is transforming work-family relationships.

• work-family conflict
• work-life conflict

The Growing Societal Importance of Work-Family Conflict

Work-family conflict is a growing challenge for modern society, as a vast majority of men and women report that work interferes with their family responsibilities (Glavin & Schieman, 2012 ). Work-family conflict is rising due to the changing work and family demographic trends in the United States and around the globe, including growing numbers of mothers with children under 18 in the labor force; the rapid rise in elder care demands due to an aging population; and an increase in men’s involvement with family caregiving demands, particularly in developed Western countries (Kossek & Distelberg, 2009 ; Kossek & Ollier-Malaterre, 2013 ). Work-family conflict is also growing due to the spread of technology that has increased boundary blurring and the pace of daily life, due to the prevalence of personal electronic communication devices that can keep individuals constantly connected to work and family concerns 24-7 (Kossek, 2016 ).

Work-family conflict directly and indirectly affects most of the world population. Even single people and those without children—will report having some work-family conflict as all individuals may be sons, daughters, sisters, brothers, or may live with friends who function as family (Casper, Weltman, & Kwesiga, 2007 ). Work-family conflict also has rising indirect effects as studies show work-family conflicts may cross over to job colleagues (O’Neill et al., 2009 ) and families (Westman, 2001 ).

We organize this article by beginning with a definition of work-family conflict and noting that it is a specific form of work-life conflict. Next we discuss why work-family matters: its consequences. Then we consider theoretical perspectives of work-family conflict; methodological issues; and its mechanisms, including antecedents and mediators/moderators; and conclude with future research.

Definitions and Consequences

Work-family and work-life conflict.

Work-family conflict is a form of inter-role conflict that occurs when the energy, time, or behavioral demands of the work role conflicts with those of the family role (Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985 ). A key assumption of work-family conflict is that the demands and expectations of work (e.g., working late, travel) often conflict with those of the family (e.g., picking up a child after school to be able to attend their soccer practice or music lesson) or taking a parent to the doctor when they are sick and cannot drive themselves. When an individual’s multiple roles such as work and family become incompatible with each other, role conflict occurs (Kahn et al., 1964 ).

Work-life conflict is an extension of work-family conflict reflecting the reality that the work role may interfere with individuals’ other personal life roles and interests. Besides the family role, these can range from time for friends, exercise, military service, education, having time for self and recovery (Kossek, 2016 ), volunteering, or being active in religious organizations. While work-family conflict remains a key factor for many employees, a challenge with current research is that scholars often methodologically and theoretically confound all forms of non-work conflict in the work-family measure (Wilson & Baumann, 2015 ). Consequently, some researchers such as Siegel, Post, Brockner, Fishman, and Garden ( 2005 ) use the term “work-life conflict” to reflect the many additional non-work demands in individuals’ lives that are not restricted to those involving the family. In this article, we use the term work-family conflict and work-life conflict, interchangeably, unless otherwise noted.

Consequences of Work-Family Conflict for Work and Non-Work Roles and Stress

Work-family conflict is related to many critical employment and personal life outcomes. These include work outcomes (e.g., job satisfaction, organizational commitment, and turnover), family outcomes (e.g., marital satisfaction and family satisfaction), physical health (e.g., physical symptoms, eating and exercise behaviors), psychological health (e.g., stress and depressive symptoms), and life satisfaction (Allen & Armstrong, 2006 ; Allen, Herst, Bruck, & Sutton, 2000 ; Grandey & Cropanzano, 1999 ; Kossek, Lautsch, & Eaton, 2006 ; Kossek & Ozeki, 1998 ; Netemeyer, Boles, & McMurrian, 1996 ).

Allen and colleagues’ meta-analysis ( 2000 ) organized consequences of work-family conflict into three main groups: work-related, non-work-related, and stress-related and ranked the relative effect sizes. Among work-related outcomes, turnover intentions ( r = .29) had the strongest relationship followed by job satisfaction ( r = −.24), and organizational commitment ( r = −.23). The non-work-related outcomes were all significant in this order: life satisfaction ( r = −.28) had the strongest relationship, followed by martial satisfaction ( r = −.24) and family satisfaction ( r = −.17). Many stress-related outcomes were significant from alcohol abuse ( r = .17) to all others such as physical health strain and depressive symptoms all being at least r = −.29 and above with burnout being the highest at r = .42.

Theoretical Perspectives

Having discussed the importance of work-family conflict for individuals, families, and organizations, in this section we turn to its theoretical underpinnings. While its theoretical roots are most attributed to role theory, conservation of resources, demands and resources and life-course perspectives have also been used to understand work-family conflict. Role theory focuses on subjective conflict role demands of work and family domains while conservation of resources theory mainly focuses on individual coping strategies to protect depletion of resources. The demands-and-resources approach is often focused at the job level emphasizes the dual processes of job demands and job resources. While sometimes family resources are included, most of the management literature has emphasized the work domain. The conservation of resources theory relies on individual actions to preserve resources while the demands-resources approach emphasizes the importance of perceptions of the work environment. The life-course perspective integrates historical, social, and family contexts into work-family conflict research.

Role Theory

Grounded in role theory (Katz & Kahn, 1978 ), work-family conflict results from the incompatibility of role demands between work and family from time, strain, or behavior (Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985 ). Work role conflict can occur in two directions; from work to family or from family to work (Kossek & Ozeki, 1998 ). It can be asymmetrical in impact as work variables seems to be more strongly related to work-to-family conflict than family variables seem to be related to family-to-work conflict (Byron, 2005 ).

Time-based role conflict occurs when the time demands from work and family compete with each other (Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985 ).For example, overtime takes away hours a parent can spend with children (work-to family conflict); and illness of a family member may limit working hours (family-to-work conflict). Recent studies (Clarkberg & Moen, 2001 ; Dugan, Matthews, & Barnes-Farrell, 2012 ) suggest that subjective measures of time, namely, work hours preferences or perceptions of time pressures are key aspects to update measures of work-family conflict. Strain-based conflict occurs when strain in one role constrains individuals’ ability to perform another role (Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985 ). For example, a study of professionals found that exhaustion and anxiety from work can spill over to family or life domain (work-to-family conflict) limiting individuals’ role performance (Kinman & Jones, 2001 ). On the other hand, new parents may not get enough sleep, affecting their work performance (family-to-work conflict). Behavior-based conflict occurs when behavior patterns related to work and family are not compatible (Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985 ). While some scholars argue that behavior-based work-family conflict may not be relevant to most occupations (Mauno, Kinnunen, & Ruokolainen, 2006 ), it is clear that certain occupations such as military (Britt, Adler, & Castro, 2006 ) or prison guards (Kinman, Clements, & Hart, 2017 ) may require hostile or aggressive interpersonal interactions that may not be suitable in family interactions (work-to-family conflict) (Dierdorff & Ellington, 2008 ). Similarly, needing to be very nurturing with a preschooler may require behaviors that might not fit with a more hard-nosed environment such as being a CEO that has to downsize and fire people or being a police officer that has to arrest people (family-to-work conflict). Thus, there may be occupational variation in the processes and degree to which work-family processes such as positive and negative crossover of roles may operate.

Conservation of Resources Theory

Work-family conflict is typically conceptualized as a type of stress in conservation of resources theory (Hobfoll, 1989 ). When individuals are trying to balance the demands of work and family, they may experience or be threatened to experience the loss of resources such as time and energy, leading to stress that is one form of work-family conflict (Grandey & Cropanzano, 1999 ). Conservation of resources theory is based on the premise that (1) individuals seek to gain and protect objective sources or conditions; and (2) stress occurs when the loss of resources is threatened, and investment of resources does not lead to resource gain (Hobfoll, 1989 ). Conservation of resources theory often emphasizes protection of resources such as a good marriage, free time, personal health, self-discipline, financial assets, and tangible family help with work tasks (Hobfoll, 1989 ). Individuals also gain resources by performing a role well (e.g., promotion, higher pay, or self-esteem). However, resource loss has greater impact (negative) on individual outcomes than resource gain (Hobfoll, 2001 ).

According to the conservation of resources theory, there are several coping mechanisms of work-family conflict. One mechanism relates to the cross-domain investment of resources to prevent resource losses. For example, when individuals experience problems at work (e.g., low performance) or home (e.g., a sick child), they may feel they have to invest more resources in the problem area to prevent resource losses. This may increase stress in one domain that can spill over to the other domain (Grandey & Cropanzano, 1999 ) or limit resources for the other domain (Halbesleben, Harvey, & Bolino, 2009 ). A second mechanism relates to when individuals invest large amount of resources to work or experience chronic, minor losses without any return resource gain, and individuals experience personal burnout (Hobfoll, 2001 ). A third mechanism occurs when individuals may guard against future resource loss through proactive coping, which refers to “efforts undertaken to either prevent a potentially stressful event or modify its form before it occurs (Aspinwall & Taylor, 1997 , p. 417). Here, individuals strive to attain, maintain, and invest in new resources to be better prepared for potential future loss. The ability to engage in proactive coping may depend on the initial level of resources. Individuals have to have enough resources to be able to invest to gain new resources (e.g., new skills), ultimately protecting them from the future resource loss (Hobfoll, 2001 ).

Demands-and-Resources Approaches

Resources-and-demands approaches emphasize the need to examine demands and resources to understand job strain contributing to work-family conflict (Bakker & Demerouti, 2007 ; Bakker, Demerouti, De Boer, & Schaufeli, 2003 ; Voydanoff, 2005a ). The job demands-and-resources model assumes that job demands may deplete individuals’ resources, resulting in negative individual and work outcomes. On the other hand, job resources have potential to motivate individuals to perform better, leading to positive individual and work outcomes (Bakker & Demerouti, 2007 ). This approach also suggests that some job resources such as social support, autonomy, and supervisor feedback may act as a buffer between job demands and job strain (Bakker & Demerouti, 2007 ). For example, Xanthopoulou, Bakker, Demerouti, and Schaufeli ( 2007 ) note that high levels of autonomy and support reduce the impact of job demands on burnout among home-care organization employees.

Voydanoff ( 2005a ) extended one-domain demands-and-resources approaches by integrating both work and family domains. Based on person-environment fit theory (Edwards, Caplan, & Van Harrison, 1998 ; French, Caplan, & Van Harrison, 1982 ) and boundary theory (Ashforth, Kreiner, & Fugate, 2000 ), Voydanoff ( 2005a ) proposed that the cross-domain fit (the work demands-family resources fit and the family demands-work resources fit) is the key to decreasing work-family conflict and achieving work-family balance. Fit is achieved when “resources meet, offset, or satisfy” demands (Voydanoff, 2005a , p. 828). There are two mechanisms of work-family conflict. First, the fit between work demands-family resources and the fit between family demands and work resources have direct relationships with work-family conflict. Second, boundary-spanning strategies such as reducing hours, or reducing family or work demands may mediate or moderate the relationship between work-family fit and work-family conflict to enhance fit (Voydanoff, 2005a ).

Life-Course Perspective

The life-course perspective (Elder, 1998 ) provides a unique framework and concepts such as historical time, transitions, or linked lives to examine work-family conflict. First, the concept of historical time and social context captures shifts in workforce and career zeitgeist from the past. Contemporary workers are less likely to spend their whole career and regularly advance in one organization, and feel secure in their jobs than workers from previous decades. Yet they are more likely to customize their timing of retirement, pursue flexible work arrangements such as reduced workload and telework, and seek work-family balance (Greenhaus & Kossek, 2014 ). Given these historical and life-course changes, it is likely to expect changes in work-life conflict processes. Blair-Loy ( 2003 ) found that younger cohorts of female executives reported less work-family conflict than older cohorts, partly because they are more likely to hire someone to do domestic chores. Second, the concept of transition also helps us to understand how changing family demands over time may affect work-life conflict processes. For example, the child care demands for a newborn baby are quantitatively and qualitatively different from those of an adolescent and may require different types of resources. Furthermore, with the growing elderly population, more people provide informal care to elder family members. These elder care responsibilities may delay retirement to ensure financial and health care coverage, which in turn decrease job satisfaction and increase conflict (Dentinger & Clarkberg, 2002 ). Third, the concept of linked lives allows researchers to examine the crossover effect of family member strain from work-family conflict (Westman, 2001 ). For example, husbands’ work stress can decrease the sense of work-family balance in wives (Fagan & Press, 2008 ). Positive crossover effects can also occur as support from a partner can decrease individuals’ work-family conflict (Becker & Moen, 1999 ; van Daalen, Willemsen, & Sanders, 2006 ; Thorstad, Anderson, Hall, Willingham, & Carruthers, 2006 ). Now we turn to methodological issues related to definitions, measurement, and study designs, and then to mechanisms of work-family conflict.

Methodological Issues

Work-family conflict vs. work-family balance.

One main methodological issue is the issue of construct overlap, such as the work-family conflict and work-life conflict issues noted earlier. Work-family conflict and work-family balance are also closely related concepts. While there seems to be a consensus among scholars that work-family balance is distinct from work-family conflict, empirical evidence is scarce (Greenhaus & Allen, 2010 ). One recent study (Carlson, Grzywacz, & Zivnuska, 2009 ) found that work-life balance explained work and family outcomes beyond the variance explained by work-family conflict, supporting the argument that work-family balance is a distinct concept.

Although work-family balance frequently has been defined as the absence of work-family conflict (Grzywacz & Carlson, 2007 ), a growing number of researchers are conceptualizing work-life balance independent of work-family conflict. Work-family balance is defined as equal commitment to and equal satisfaction in work and family (Greenhaus, Collins, & Shaw, 2003 ; Marks & MacDermid, 1996 ). Some scholars focus on satisfaction with work-family balance defined as “an overall level of contentment resulting from an assessment of one’s degree of success at meeting work and family role demands” (Valcour, 2007 , p. 1512). However, Grzywacz and Carlson ( 2007 ) criticized these definitions arguing (1) that individuals do not seek to achieve equality in their work and family; and (2) that using satisfaction to define work-life balance reinforces the individualist views on work-family balance, making it an individual problem. Instead, they proposed the definition of work-family balance as “accomplishment of role-related expectations that are negotiated and shared between an individual and his or her role-related partners in the work and family domains” (Grzywacz & Carlson, 2007 , p. 458).

Conflict and balance are conceptually overlapping because these concepts are defined or imply the absence of the other. Although not overlapping, a new stream of research focuses on work-family enrichment to understand the positive dynamics between work and family to augment the conflict view, which examines negative dynamics. Work-family enrichment is defined by Greenhaus and Powell ( 2006 , p. 73) as “the extent to which experiences in one role improve the quality of life in the other role” Work-family enrichment theory maintains that positive processes and outcomes can occur from being involved in both work and family. They theorize that three possible mechanisms may foster these benefits: the positive additive effects of multiple roles for well-being; the opportunity to buffer roles so that when something is going wrong in one role, the other role can compensate; and the transfers of positive emotions and skills between roles.

Measurement Issues

Directionality.

Since the 1990s, researchers have realized that work-to-family and family-to-work conflict needed to be measured separately (MacDermid & Harvey, 2006 ). A meta-analysis study (Kossek & Ozeki, 1998 ) on relationships between work-family conflict and job-life satisfaction found stronger findings for bidirectional measures (work-to-family and family-to-work) than non-directional general measures. It also found stronger work-family relationships for women than men. Another meta-analysis (Mesmer-Magnus & Viswesvaran, 2005 ) concluded that work-to-family conflict and family-to-work conflict are related but distinct constructs, warranting separate examination. The bidirectional measures have deepened our understanding of work-family conflict. There is evidence that although work-to-family conflict and family-to-work conflict are correlated and both are associated with individuals’ well-being (Frone, Russell, & Barnes, 1996 ), work-to-family conflict is more common than family-to-work conflict (Frone, 2003 ; Kossek & Ozeki, 1998 ), suggesting asymmetry in impact on general well-being and health. Moreover, in general, work-related variables are more likely to be related to work-to-family conflict and family-related variables are more likely to be associated with family-to-work conflict (Byron, 2005 ; Frone, Yardley, & Markel, 1997 ; Michel, Kotrba, Mitchelson, Clark, & Baltes, 2011 ).

Operationalization and Measures of Work-Family Conflict

The lack of consistency of the operationalization of work-family conflict across studies has been an issue in work-family conflict literature (Allen et al., 2000 ; Kossek & Ozeki, 1998 ; Netemeyer et al., 1996 ). Different operationalization combined with different measures makes integrating and comparing study findings of work-family conflict challenging. Furthermore, after reviewing 67 studies, Allen and colleagues ( 2000 ) concluded that single-item measures, measures with unknown validity and measures with different foci were prevalent problems (for detailed list of measures, see Allen et al., 2000 ; Byron, 2005 ; Mesmer-Magnus & Viswesvaran, 2005 ). They recommended that measures should be developed that cover both work-to-family conflict and family-to-work conflict (e.g., Netemeyer et al., 1996 ) and Greenhaus and Beutell’s ( 1985 ) three forms of work-family conflict (time-, strain, and behavior-based conflict; e. g., Carlson, Kacmar, & Williams, 1998 ; Stephens & Sommer, 1996 ).

Cross-Sectional vs. Longitudinal Designs

While there have been many studies identifying antecedents, mediators/moderators, and consequences of work-family conflict, scholars cannot assume causal relationships because most are cross-sectional. Although some longitudinal studies have confirmed some causal relationships between antecedents, work-family conflict, and consequences (Dormann & Zapf, 2002 ; de Jonge et al., 2001 ; Wong, Hui, & Law, 1998 ), other studies found reciprocal or reverse relationships. For example, in a one-year longitudinal study (Kinnunen, Geurts, & Mauno, 2004 ), work-family conflict and well-being variables (job, family, and physical well-being) at time 1 predicted each other at time 2. In another study, general distress predicted work-to-family interference six months later but work-to-family interference did not predict general distress over time (Kelloway, Gottlieb, & Barham, 1999 ). More longitudinal studies are needed to understand causal processes of work-family conflict.

Yet sometimes longitudinal designs are not always appropriate or practical. There are several issues to consider when deciding to design a longitudinal work-family conflict study: (1) whether the research question is related to continuity and change over time, (2) time involved, (3) money involved, and (4) how to deal with missing data (Crouter & Pirretti, 2006 ). Work-family conflict also may be episodic as opposed to an on-going continuous phenomenon. Work-family researchers need to more carefully select the most appropriate study design based on the research question and practical issues.

Mechanisms of Work-Family and Work-Life Conflict

Research on work-family conflict has expanded from simply focusing on identifying antecedents and consequences to unveiling mechanisms or processes by identifying mediators and moderators, and using longitudinal design. Mediators help uncover hidden relationships or eliminate false relationships between variables. For example, many studies found a direct relationship between work-family conflict and turnover intention (Grandey & Cropanzano, 1999 ; Netemeyer et al., 1996 ). However, a study with 171 IT workers, Ahuja, Chudoba, Kacmar, McKnight, and George ( 2007 ) did not find a direct relationship between work-family conflict and turnover intentions, but the relationship was mediated by organizational commitment.

Moderators refine our understanding by highlighting the relationships between antecedent and outcome variables under certain conditions or for capturing variation in levels of sample characteristics. For example, in their study of accountants, Greenhaus, Parasuraman, and Collins ( 2001 ) found that the relationship between work-to-family conflict and withdrawal intentions and behaviors were stronger for accountants with lower levels of career involvement than those with higher levels of career involvement. Now we will briefly review antecedents, mediators/moderators, and consequences of work-family conflict separately.

Antecedents of Work-Family Conflict

Individual characteristics.

Meta-analysis studies (Byron, 2005 ; Kossek & Ozeki, 1998 ; Michel et al., 2011 ) identified some individual characteristics including gender, income, coping skills, and personality as antecedents of both work-to-family conflict and family-to-work conflict. Male workers tended to report higher work-to-family conflict while female workers tended to report higher family-to-work conflict. Income was only related to work-to-family conflict (Byron, 2005 ). Coping skills have not attracted much attention in work-family conflict literature (Kopelman, Greenhaus, & Connolly, 1983 ) despite some empirical evidence of usefulness in reducing conflict (Burke, 1998 ; Rotondo, Carlson, & Kincaid, 2003 ) and the growing interest in work-life interventions (Kossek, 2016 ). In a meta-analysis study (Michel et al., 2011 ), coping skills had similar effect sizes to work-to-family and family-to-work conflict ( ρ ‎ = .12 and ρ ‎ = .15, respectively), indicating that positive coping skills are valuable resources.

Some recent studies examine the relationships between personality characteristics (Bernas & Major, 2000 ; Grzywacz & Carlson, 2007 ; Stoeva, Chiu, & Greenhaus, 2002 ; Wayne, Musisca, & Fleeson, 2004 ) and work-family conflict. These studies generally were designed based on the assumption that some personal characteristics such as hardiness or agreeableness would be helpful in dealing with stress and strain while characteristics such as neuroticism would exacerbate work-family conflict. In fact, different big-five personality traits seem to have different effect on work-family conflict. For example, in a study with a large random sample (Wayne et al., 2004 ), neuroticism had the strongest positive relationship with both work-to-family and family-to-work conflict among the big-five personality characteristics. While agreeableness and conscientiousness were negatively associated with work-family conflict, extraversion and openness to experience were not. Kossek, Ruderman, Braddy, and Hannum ( 2012 ) found that variation in boundary management styles or how people organized work and non-work interruptions predicted work-family conflict with integrators reporting more work-family conflict than separators, a condition that was stronger under conditions of low job control. Kossek and Lautsch ( 2012 ) theorized a multi-level model suggesting that the more the organizational culture supported customization of work-family boundary management styles and diversity in boundary management style enactment, the lower the work-family conflict.

Family-Related Variables

Characteristics related to family structure including number of children, the age of children, and marital status have been identified as antecedents of work-to-family and family-to-work conflict. More children and having young children tend to be related to increased work-to-family and family-to-work conflict (Byron, 2005 ; Michel et al., 2011 ). Not surprisingly, parents with more children reported more family-to-work conflict than work-to-family conflict. Married workers reported higher work-to-family conflict but lower family-to-work conflict than single workers (Byron, 2005 ). One weakness of using family demographic measures alone, however, is that they measure role occupancy but not necessarily role involvement or the level of involvement in the family role.

Many variables related to the family role have been identified as antecedents of work-family conflict: (1) role involvement (e.g., hours spent, family involvement); (2) stress (e.g., family stress, family conflict, family overload); and (3) family identity (e.g., family identity salience, family centrality). Antecedents related to the family role such as family role involvement, hours spent, family conflict, family stress, and family role overload tend to be related to increased work-to-family and family-to-work conflict (Byron, 2005 ; Michel et al., 2011 ). However, family centrality (prioritizing family over work) was associated with lower levels of work-to-family and family-to-work conflict (Michel et al., 2011 ), suggesting some individuals may adopt strategies to reduce work-to-family conflict to protect the family role (Kossek et al., 2012 ) Family support can also be valuable as meta-analytic studies show that social support from family and spouse was negatively associated with both work-to-family and family-to-work conflict in similar magnitude (Byron, 2005 ; Michel et al., 2011 ).

Job-Related Variables

Many characteristics related to the job (e.g., organizational tenure, salary, work hours, job autonomy, job authority, job rank, blue collar vs. white collar, self-employment) have been examined as possible antecedents of work-family conflict and family-to-work conflict. However, there are conflicting findings on some of these variables. For example, organizational or job tenure tend to lead greater flexibility, leading to lower work-to-family conflict. Longer job tenure tends to be related to job status in the organization and higher job status tends to be related to more responsibilities and, thus, higher stress. Moreover, higher salary may relate to lower work-family conflict yet higher salary is also highly related to higher job status and more responsibilities (Michel et al., 2011 ). Thus these variables should not be looked at in isolation but together and family and work-role involvement must be measured simultaneously. Variables related to work-role involvement such as work hours, work demands, job involvement, job role ambiguity, and work identity have been identified as antecedents of work-to-family conflict (Byron, 2005 ; Dierdorff & Ellington, 2008 ; Michel et al., 2011 ; Voydanoff, 2005b ).

General support from supervisors and coworkers have been found to be negatively associated with both work-to-family and family-to-work conflict but the association was stronger with work-to-family conflict than to family-to-work conflict in meta-analysis studies (Byron, 2005 ; Michel et al., 2011 ; Kossek, Pichler, Hammer & Bodner, 2011 ).

Organization-Level and Occupational-Level Variables

Family-supportive work environments help workers to reduce work-to-family conflict (Kossek & Ozeki, 1998 ; Kossek et al., 2011 ; Mesmer-Magnus & Viswesvaran, 2006 ). The number of available work-family policies (e.g., flexible work arrangement, family leave, and dependent care assistant) have been the most common indicators of family-supportive work environments. However, without the organizations’ work-family culture, workers may not utilize the policies for fear of negative career consequences (Behson, 2002 ; Bragger et al., 2005 ). Thus, some scholars argue that the better indication of family-supportive environment is the perceived access to the work-family policy rather than the number of available policies (Kossek et al., 2011 ).

Supervisors play an important role in creating family-supportive environments. First of all, they can inform the employees the available work-family policies. In addition, supervisors who help employees to manage work-family demands can indirectly reduce work-to-family conflict by creating the family-supportive work environments. More importantly, family-supportive supervisors are directly associated with less work-to-family conflict (Hammer, Kossek, Bodner, & Crain, 2013 ; Hammer, Kossek, Yragui, Bodner, & Hanson, 2009 ). Furthermore, in another meta-analysis study, work-family specific support from supervisors was more strongly associated with work-to-family conflict than general supervisor support (Kossek et al., 2011 ).

The interest in occupation-level variables is a new development in work-family conflict literature. Dierdorff and Ellington ( 2008 ) argued that occupations dictate and shape certain role behaviors, which in turn explains the differences in work-family conflict across different occupations. They found that differences in role behaviors (interdependence and responsibility for others) across occupations explained variance in work-family conflict. Individuals with occupations that required higher levels of interdependence (having to interact with others to perform the job) and responsibility for others reported more work-family conflict than individuals whose occupations required lower levels of interdependence and responsibility for others. Occupations are also linked to access to work-family supports such as flexible work arrangements and job demands that may interfere with family life (Kossek & Perrigino, 2016 ). For example, professionals have greater access to telework unlike blue collar workers.

National/Cultural-Level Variables

Countries’ structure and culture are important contexts in understanding work-family conflict (for a comprehensive review, see Ollier-Malaterre & Foucreault, 2017 ). Similar to family-supportive work environments, national culture and policies may have impact on work-family conflict in many different ways. In a recent cross-national study in Europe, den Dulk, Groeneveld, Ollier-Malaterre, and Valcour ( 2013 ) found that national policies related to work-family support were strongly related to the extent that organizations adapted family-supportive policies such as dependent care arrangements (e.g., maternal/paternal leaves, family leave, child care support) and flexible work arrangements. The opposite pattern was found in the relationship between cultural centrality of work and organizations’ adoption of family-supportive policies. Organizations in the countries that value work as central to individuals and society adopted family-supportive policies less than those in the countries with lower levels of cultural centrality of work.

Another cultural value that is related to work-family conflict is individualism versus collectivism. Individuals in collectivistic countries tend to report more family-to-work conflict and less work-to-family conflict than those in individualist cultures (Allen, French, Dumani, & Shockley, 2015 ; Ng & Feldman, 2014 ). More family-to-work interruptions may explain higher levels of family-to-work conflict (Allen et al., 2015 ) while considering work as a necessary sacrifice for the family explains the lower levels of work-to-family conflict (Galovan et al., 2010 ) in collectivistic societies.

Mediators and Moderators of Work-Family Conflict

There is not a clear research literature clarifying identified mediators and moderators of work-family conflict, mostly due to the lack of longitudinal studies. A related issue in work-family conflict research is that the same variables have been used as antecedents and mediators/moderators in different (often cross-sectional) studies, potentially confusing the conceptualization of the mechanisms rather than helping to unveil new mechanisms.

Take personality as an example, which has been identified as an antecedent of work-family conflict. Yet personality has also been included as a mediator and a moderator between antecedents and work-family conflict (Stoeva et al., 2002 ) as well as between work-family conflict and consequences including job exhaustion and depression (Kinnunen, Vermulst, Gerris, & Mäkikangas, 2003 ). Stoeva and colleagues ( 2002 ) found that trait negativity mediated the relationship between stress and work-family conflict. Trait negativity also moderated the relationship so that the relationship between stress and work-family conflict was stronger for individuals with high negativity than individuals with low negativity. In another study (Kinnunen et al., 2003 ), emotional stability of fathers moderated the relationship between work-to-family conflict and well-being (e.g., job exhaustion and depression) and agreeableness moderated the relationship between family-to-work conflict and marital satisfaction. The relationships were stronger for emotionally unstable fathers and less agreeable fathers than their counterparts respectively.

Social support has also been included in work-family conflict studies as an antecedent, a mediator, and a moderator. Citing this as a limitation, Carlson and Perrewé ( 1999 ) tested four different models (social support as a mediator, a moderator, an antecedent of work-family conflict, and as an antecedent of stress) and confirmed that the antecedent to the stress model fit the data the best. However, their findings are not robust because they used cross-sectional data.

Individualism versus collectivism is another example. The relationships between work-family demands (antecedents) and work-to-family conflict found to be stronger in collectivistic cultures than in individualistic cultures (Lu et al., 2010 ). Collectivism also moderates the relationship between work-to-family conflict and depression in the same pattern (Fackrell, Galovan, Hill, & Holmes, 2013 ).

In most studies, individual characteristics such as gender, parental status, and marital status have been used as control variables. However, some meta-analysis studies included these as moderators and some of their findings have practical implications (Byron, 2005 ; Michel et al., 2011 ). For example, Michel and colleagues ( 2011 ) found that married individuals and parents may benefit more from family-supportive organizations (e.g., coworker social support, work schedule flexibility, family-supportive policies) than their counterparts.

Closing and Future Research

This preceding article suggests the need for more nuanced theoretically-based and longitudinal future research on work-family conflict. First, we need more in-depth research on construct development on linkages between different forms of work-family conflict and work-life conflict. For example, Wilson and Baumann ( 2015 ) have developed four new constructs that capture four types of inter-role conflict (work-to-personal, personal-to-work, family-to-personal, and personal-to-family conflict). Further, although there is clear evidence that work-to-family and family-to-work conflict are distinct constructs, they are still sometimes conceptualized and operationalized as one. This leads to the use of less reliable and valid measures and, consequently, hinders integration and comparison of the study findings. More efforts to validate existing measures and to use newer validated and theoretically stronger measures such as the Wilson and Baumann measures noted can help advance theory development and refinement.

Future research should conduct a more fine-grained analysis using these different forms of work-life and work-family conflict. We also need to bring in new measures of work-family balance and link to studies of work-family enrichment that focus on positive work-family relationships.

Second, we need to improve our methodological modeling to better explain and delineate the mechanisms of work-family conflict. While we have ample evidence of the antecedents and consequences of work-family conflict, we lack the understanding of conditions on which the relationships between variables vary. More studies that test mediation and moderation effects are needed. These models also need to consider contexts such as larger organizational, cross-cultural, and societal contexts. Many studies tend to focus on one level and more multi-level research is needed on nested relationships beyond an singular individual and organizational focus. Studies with multiple-level analyses will help us understand how different level variables interact with each other and how certain variables act differently across employee groups.

Although many antecedents and consequences of work-family conflict have been identified, our understanding of the mechanisms of work-family conflict is not complete due to the lack of longitudinal studies and consistent conceptualization. Without longitudinal studies, we cannot infer causal relationships based on study findings. The lack of longitudinal studies also leads to the conceptualization challenges. Because most of the studies that tested mediation or moderation effect used cross-sectional data, it is difficult to interpret or incorporate findings from the studies that used the same variables as antecedents, mediators, or moderators.

Third, we will need to increase the variation in samples and design interventions that fit these samples’ specific occupational contextual demands to better understand how to foster work-life resiliency (Kossek & Perrigino, 2016 ). Most studies still focus on white collar workers and professionals or overlook variation in the nature of job demands. The results may be different with blue collar workers or low-wage hourly workers because their needs are different. For example, Stanczyk, Henly, and Lambert ( 2016 ) observed that many women with an hourly retail job tend to have multiple jobs to compensate for the low wage and it may create additional conflict between work and family because of the scheduling complexity. Given the fact that many hourly workers may not have access to organizational family-supportive benefits such as paid leave and a dependent care assistant, we need to understand more about the work-family conflict processes to find ways to decrease work-family conflict. Research must move beyond simply describing work-family conflict to include interventions in randomized or naturally occurring field experiments to close the research-to-practice gap (Kossek, Baltes, & Matthews, 2011 ; Kossek, 2016 ).

Fourth, we need to integrate and have more sophistication in theoretical approaches. Theories that have guided so many studies in work-family conflict literature such as role theory, resource conservation theory, and life-course perspectives all served the field greatly. However, these theories can be complemented with mini theories. For example, challenge and hindrance stress theory (LePine, LePine, & Jackson, 2004 ) argues that not all stress is the same. They distinguish challenge stress (e.g., new skills, personal growth) form hindrance stress (e.g., role ambiguity, low-value work) and argue that challenge stress may be beneficial to individuals rather than creating negative consequences. Theories like this can help us tease out certain specific conditions that work-family conflict may arise.

Lastly, work-family studies need to catch up with how technology has transformed work-life relationships. With the wide use of smart phones, tablets, and laptop computers, new research is looking at boundary management strategies (Kossek & Lautsch, 2012 ) used by individuals and how these technologies have created more ways for us to interrupt others and to be interrupted by others both at work and home. Because the technologies created ways to be connected 24/7, some supervisors or families may expect their employees to be reachable any time. Moreover, we can take work to family events or vacations, should the need arise. More multilevel studies are needed to understand the full ramifications of these new communication and computer technologies that have fundamentally changed the relationship between the work and family spheres in the digital age (Kossek, 2016 ; Kossek & Lautsch, 2012 ).

Acknowledgment

Shared first authorship as both authors contributed in equal and distinctive ways to this entry.

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Work–family and family–work conflict and stress in times of COVID-19

Natasha saman elahi.

1 Superior College Lahore, Lahore, Pakistan

Ghulam Abid

2 Department of Business Studies, Kinnaird College for Women University, Lahore, Pakistan

Francoise Contreras

3 School of Management and Business, Universidad del Rosario, Bogotá, Colombia

Ignacio Aldeanueva Fernández

4 Department of Economics and Business Administration, Universidad de Málaga, Málaga, Spain

Associated Data

The datasets generated and analyzed in the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

This study aims to investigate the spillover impact of work-family/family–work conflict and stress on five major industrial sectors (education, textile, hospitals, banks, and retail stores), during the first wave of Covid-19. The purpose of this cross-sectional study is twofold; firstly, to test a hypothesized model where work-family/family-work conflicts are related to stress and where stress could exert a mediating role in such relationships. Secondly, we seek to explore the presence of these conflicts and stress in each of the five major industrial sectors and evaluate if there are significant differences between them, identifying the sociodemographic characteristics associated. Two questionnaires were applied to 748 employees from the selected industries. According to our results, stress predicts both types of conflict and also exerts a mediator role. It was primarily found that the five sectors are significantly different regarding the work-family/family-work conflicts and stress. Findings and implications are discussed.

Introduction

The world has been committed to implementing the 2030 agenda for sustainable development; however, the unforeseen conditions brought on by Covid-19 at the start of 2020 are badly influencing this promise and undermining the universal path towards sustainability by slackening down the process ( Shulla et al., 2021 ). The Covid-19 pandemic has had an unpleasant, undesirable, unclear, difficult to measure, and long-lasting significant influence on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) approved by the United Nations in 2015. Out of those 17 interlinked global goals, the 3rd goal of the SDGs is oriented towards ensuring healthy lives and promoting the well-being of all age groups, including working employees. This specific goal asserts that every individual must be in good health and mentally and physically fit (well-being) in order to endorse social sustainability and development in the world for the advancement of future generations and the global community ( Abid et al., 2020 ). Nevertheless, the Covid-19 pandemic has impacted employees around the globe, changing the way in which people work and live ( Contreras et al., 2020 ; Rana et al., 2021 ). Therefore, as a drastic measure to shorten the curve of this mass infection and continue operations, public and private organizations have had to adopt technology in their processes and their employees had to suddenly become teleworkers ( Contreras et al., 2020 ). Telework has proven beneficial to its customers, allowing them to balance their professional and personal lives ( Vilhelmson and Thulin, 2016 ). However, Felstead and Henseke's (2017) study has demonstrated that teleworking can adversely affect work-life balance. Under normal circumstances, balancing work and family obligations is difficult for working people who frequently report family and work conflicts ( Andrade and Petiz Lousã, 2021 ). In the COVID-19 epidemic, the boundary between work and personal life presented additional problems, potentially resulting in conflict between work and family or family and work due to changes in the workplace, home environment, and social relationships ( Yildiz et al., 2021 ). This situation can harm the work-life interface, mental well-being, and stress. The term “stress” is the unpleasant emotional response that humans may develop in or outside the workplace when they perceive that they do not have an adequate response to a perceived threat, resulting in frustration and anxiety ( Seaward, 2019 ). In the view of Kihara and Mugambi (2018) , stress can be caused by a variety of factors such as working conditions that are not conducive to productivity and health, work overload, the inability to deal with work demands or express grievances because of a dread of being laid off, lack of engagement and work-life balance ( Soomro et al., 2018 ; Seaward, 2019 ; Dodanwala et al., 2022 ). Many academics focus on the link between extreme environmental or working conditions and rising employee stress because of the current COVID-19 pandemic crisis, which causes workplace instability. However, the full impact of the work-family/family-work on employee stress and stress effect on family/work conflict in the COVID-19 pandemic is still unclear, which provided a new milieu for understanding this area. Understanding the work-family/family-work conflicts and the stress employees have been experiencing in the COVID-19 pandemic is crucial. Therefore, our study explores this effect to void this gap in the Asian context.

Moreover, Covid-19 is significantly impacting the work and life of many people around the world. It is causing fear, stress, loneliness, panic, depression, fear of worthlessness, overwhelming work pressure, burnout, isolation, uncertainty, anxiety, and even substance abuse in some people ( Dubey et al., 2020 ; Rana et al., 2021 ) and family/work conflict ( Dodanwala et al., 2022 ). Likewise, although it can be assumed that these conditions can be experienced by employees from all sectors ( Cui and Li, 2021 ; Yildiz et al., 2021 ), we need to understand if there are higher risk groups in the major industries such as health care, banking, education, textiles, and retail sectors. This is because limited research has explored the presence of these conflicts and stress in each of the five major industrial sectors in the Asian organizational setting. In order to void the gap, this study addresses these issues by analyzing (1) the impact of work to family conflict on stress and (2) the impact of stress on family to work conflict during the global pandemic situation. (3) We also investigate the reciprocity of these relationships in another study with an independent sample. Finally, we contextually explore both the phenomena of work–family conflict dimensions and stress in order to identify the severity of their prevalence in different sectors.

Literature review and hypotheses development

Work–family conflict and family–work conflict.

In pandemic times, the boundaries between work and family are increasingly unclear, creating conflicts between the employees’ work and family dimensions ( Novitasari et al., 2020 ; Phillips et al., 2020 ; Vaziri et al., 2020 ). However, work and family conflict is not exclusive to pandemic situations ( Powell, 2020 ). This conflict already existed before the pandemic and was rapidly growing due to the socio-economic changes that the world has been experiencing, it was only exacerbated by the presence of Covid-19 ( Poggesi et al., 2019 ), affecting both developing and developed countries ( Soomro et al., 2018 ). Although work and family conflict was defined more than 30 years ago, this issue recently gained more relevance considering that the number of single parents, dual-earner couples, and households living with aging parents has increased in the last years ( Bennett et al., 2017 ).

Initially, work and family conflict was defined as “a form of inter-role conflict in which the role pressures from the work and family domains are mutually incompatible in some respect” ( Greenhaus and Beutell, 1985 , p: 77). Subsequently, empirical evidence established that work and family conflict should be seen as a bidirectional concept ( Frone et al., 1992 ), that is to say, family–work conflict and work–family conflict ( Mäkelä and Suutari, 2011 ). Netemeyer et al. (1996 , p: 401) defined work–family conflict as “a form of inter role conflict in which the general demands of time, devoted to, and strain created by the job interfere with performing family-related responsibilities,” while family–work conflict is defined as “a form of inter role conflict in which the general demands of time devoted to and strain created by the family interfere with performing work-related responsibilities.” The two notions are adequately dissimilar in scope and nature to necessitate their investigation ( Mesmer-Magnus and Viswesvaran, 2005 ). Byron (2005 : metanalysis) found that the work-family/family–work conflict has distinct antecedents and attitudes (non-work and related variables, demographics). The findings of previous research have confirmed the distinctness of the two concepts. Thus, the current studies explore and consider both sides of the conflict ( Soomro et al., 2018 ).

Work and family spheres involve different responsibilities, which can become a permanent challenge for the employees and reinforce the inter-role conflict within the individual ( Anatan, 2013 ; Jamadin et al., 2015 ; Hasan et al., 2020 ). Sometimes, the incompatible demands between work and family produce personal pressure on employees (stress) that could be the source of several health problems. Thus, reducing work-family/family–work conflict is crucial to protect the workers’ health, which is something that needs to be supported by human resources management in companies if they wish to improve employees’ psychological well-being and organizational performance ( Arslaner and Boylu, 2017 ; Lee, 2018 ). In times of Covid-19, more than ever the work-family and family-work conflicts are important issues that need to be studied to improve the employees’ well-being and, as a consequence, the organizational outcomes, given that employees need to achieve an optimal balance between the spheres of work and family without being submitted to the dilemma of giving priority to work or family. When employees feel social support to deal with the work and family responsibilities, it can buffer the daily work–family conflict ( Pluut et al., 2018 ). The relevance and benefits of social support are clear and the organizational support can be the greatest source of support in this regard ( French et al., 2018 ).

Regarding the demographic features, a gendered approach deserves special attention since family and work conflicts affect more women than men due to the gender roles historically established ( McElwain et al., 2005 ). For this reason, gender is today a relevant topic in the literature about work and family conflict and it has been studied in different industrial sectors such as banking institutions ( Aboobaker and Edward, 2020 ), universities ( Calvo et al., 2012 ; Hong et al., 2021 ), health ( Yildiz et al., 2021 ), public service, finance, education, and non-government organizations ( Drummond et al., 2017 ), manufacturing ( Cui and Li, 2021 ) and service ( Haines et al., 2019 ), and manufacturing, retailing, and finance ( Kim and Gong, 2017 ).

Other demographic characteristics that have been shown as being related to the conflicts between work and family are age, education, working hours and family hours, income, number of children, employment ( Abeysekera and Gahan, 2019 ), educational qualification, total years of work experience, position in the organization ( Aboobaker and Edward, 2020 ), presence of children living at home, level of occupation, living with a partner, marital status, children’s age ( Calvo et al., 2012 ), race ( Cloninger et al., 2015 ), number of dependents currently living with respondents ( Drummond et al., 2017 ), working full or part-time, and number of the children at home ( Hagqvist et al., 2017 ; Haines et al., 2019 ).

Work–family/family–work conflict and stress

Work–family conflict is one of the most studied organizational behavior topics ( Netemeyer et al., 1996 ). Work and family are integral components of the life of any working person. However, work–family conflicts can arise when roles are incompatible. This work–family conflict/family-to-work conflict leads to several negative consequences, such as job dissatisfaction ( Lu et al., 2017 ), lower work-life balance, job satisfaction ( Talukder, 2019 ), job performance ( Soomro et al., 2018 ), work engagement ( Lyu and Fan, 2020 ) and higher emotional exhaustion ( Wang et al., 2012 ), emotional intelligence and self-efficacy ( Zeb et al., 2021 ).

Like outcome scholars identified that antecedents of work–family conflict have been associated with three different categories: work, non-work (i.e., family), and health-related consequences ( Amstad et al., 2011 ). Andrade and Petiz Lousã (2021) revealed that low job autonomy, role overload, and after-hour work-related technology predicted the work family conflict in Covid-19. Michel et al. (2011) found that work role stressors, work role involvement, personality, work characteristics, social support at work ( Talukder, 2019 ), proactive behavior and workplace anxiety are the predictors of work–family conflict ( Cui and Li, 2021 ). Whereas family role stressors, family characteristics, family social support, and personality are the predictors of family–work conflict. Freire and Bettencourt (2020) found that ethical leadership is the predictor of work family conflict. Hargis et al. (2011) asserted that job stressors and negative affectivity are more crucial predictors of work–family conflict. It is worth noting that a stressor is any perceived feature of the setting that threatens, harms, and/or challenges the employees ( Latack, 1986 ). Rees (1997 , p: 35) defined job stress as “the inability to cope with the pressures in a job.” Stress due to work–family conflict is not only uncomfortable and undesirable but also of a permanent nature.

Mansour and Tremblay (2018) recall the two approaches to stress at work, i.e., transactional approach which highlights the stress development between people and the work environment; and the interactionist approach which contemplates stress as a consequence of an interface between people and the environment. It is suggested that the extent of stress an individual experiences at the workplace is most likely the outcome of the interface of various dynamics like the job type, the presence of stressors, and the extent of support obtained from both home and work ( Johnson et al., 2005 ). Additionally, individuals working in the same profession may sometimes experience dissimilar stress levels because of the interaction of their personality types. With the increase in job stress, there is an increasing emphasis placed on the studies related to work–family conflict ( Zhang and Liu, 2011 ).

Overall, stress is linked with work–family conflict and family–work conflict. In literary reviews, we have heterogeneous evidence of this; e.g. Indonesian auditors ( Amiruddin, 2019 ); Canadian workers in different sectors as government, private for-profit, non-profit organizations, self-employed ( Badawy and Schieman, 2020 ); American ( Griffin and Sun, 2018 ) and Indian ( Lambert et al., 2017 ) police officers; Chinese bank employees ( Kan and Yu, 2016 ); Chinese prison staff ( Liu et al., 2017 ); Turkish primary teachers ( Nart and Batur, 2014 ); Belgian working mothers ( Vercruyssen and Van de Putte, 2013 ). As Tziner and Sharoni (2014) asserted, culture influences differently the way stress is perceived and managed at the workplace and how the family copes with work-related pressures. On the other hand, work–family conflict is a substantial factor that contributes to stress, and this connection has been thoroughly researched ( Vickovic and Morrow, 2020 ; Dodanwala et al., 2022 ).

According to the above, we posit the following hypotheses:

H 1. Work–family conflict influences stress positively and significantly.

H 2. Stress influences family–work conflict positively and significantly.

H 4. Family–work conflict influences stress positively and significantly.

H 5. Stress influences work–family conflict positively and significantly.

Stress as mediator

Stress as the specific mediator between these two types of conflicts in times of pandemic is not yet present in the literature. Nevertheless, there are some evidences of stress as a mediator in the work-family context. For example, it is already known that the basic elements of burnout, i.e., cynicism and emotional exhaustion, are considered a response to permanent work stress ( Rubio et al., 2015 ). Dodanwala and San Santoso (2021) found that job stress mediates the job satisfaction and turnover intention association. It has also been established that burnout mediated the association between bullying and work–family conflict ( Raja et al., 2018 ). Irawanto et al. (2021) found the mediating role of work stress between working from home and job satisfaction. Ismail and Gali (2017) also explore the mediating role of stress at work between work–family conflict and satisfaction with performance appraisal.

H 3. Stress mediates the association between work–family conflict and family–work conflict.

H 6. Stress mediates the association between family–work conflict and work–family conflict.

The Hypothesized research model is presented in Figure 1 .

Hypothesized research model.

Materials and methods

Sample and procedure.

This research used a cross-sectional survey study designed for data gathering. Since this research is cross-sectional, the data was collected from participants at one point in time in both the study 1 and the study 2. The survey questionnaires were distributed during the first wave of the Covid-19 period using a purposive sampling technique across one of the major metropolitan city of Pakistan. The questionnaires were distributed personally within the allocated time to the respondents who came to the workplace. During the data collection process, we ensured (a) the confidentiality of the respondents, (b) voluntary participation, and (c) that the data was gathered by the researcher without involving the top authority ( Iqbal et al., 2020 ). Furthermore, the participants had to be permanently employed full time by the five targeted sectors, i.e., education, textiles, hospitals, banks, and retail stores. Moreover, the questionnaires were administered in English and the data collection procedure for both the studies was the same.

In the study 1, a total of 600 questionnaires were distributed equally among education, textile, and hospitals. The total of valid responses was of 400. Of these responses, 52.3% were male and 49.3% were single. Most of the participant’s age (35.5%) ranged from 30 to 39 years. The majority of the participants (51.3%) had a university degree; some of the participants (17%) have tenure above 20 years, while the overall experience of the majority of participants (36%) ranged from 0 to 10 years.

Regarding the sample from study 2, a total of 400 questionnaires were distributed equally among banks and retail stores. The total of valid responses was 348, most of them were male (86.5%) and married (50.9%) with ages that ranged from 20 to 29 (42.8%). The majority of respondents (54.9%) are graduated with tenure ranged from 6 to 10 years (35.6%), while the overall work experience of the majority of participants ranged from 0 to 10 years (42.8%).

Family-to-work conflict

We used a five-item scale developed by Anderson et al. (2002) to measure perceptions of the extent to which one’s family interferes with one’s work. A sample item from the scale was “In the past 3 months, how often has your family or personal life kept you from getting work done on time at your job?”

Work-to-family conflict

We used a five-item scale developed by Anderson et al. (2002) to measure perceptions of the extent to which one’s work interfered with one’s family. A sample item from the scale was “In the past 3 months, how often have you not had enough time for yourself because of your job?”

We used a seven-item scale developed by Anderson et al. (2002) as an indicator to measure the stress in the workplace. A sample item from the scale was “During the past 3 months, how often have you felt emotionally drained from your work?”

We used a 5-point Likert type scale from (1) never to (5) always for all the three constructs. We coded the items such that higher numbers represent more frequent experiences of family interference with work, work interfering with family and stress.

Outliers and data normality analysis

To check the outliers in Study 1 and 2, we utilize Mahalanobis Distance (MD) and developed the MATRIX cumulative distribution. The MD values ranged as [Study 1: (0.00178 to 13.80) and Study 2: (0.00202 to 13.85929)]. Furthermore, MATRIX cumulative distribution values ranged as [Study 1: (0.00101–0.99911) and Study 2: (0.00125 to 0.99899)]. These results indicated the absence of outliers in the data sets.

We applied Kurtosis and Skewness to check the data normality. Kurtosis measures the tail extremity reflecting the presence of outliers, whereas Skewness measures the direction and degree of asymmetry. The responses for all the items were normally distributed with Kurtosis ranging between +3 and − 3 [Study 1: (−0.037 to −0.311) SE 0.243 and Study 2: (−0.071 to −0.563) SE 0.261] and Skewness ranging between +1 and − 1 [Study 1: (−0.191 to 0.565) SE 0.122 and Study 2: (−0.022 to 0.542) SE 0.131] ( Hair et al., 2014 ).

Convergent and discriminant validity

First, CFA (confirmatory factor analysis) was conducted for the purpose of determining instrument validity by following Fornell and Larcker’s (1981) validity assessment criteria on the combined data set of both the studies. Before assessing convergent and discriminant validity through CFA, model fit indices as well as alternate models were evaluated for our measurement model. Initially, a full measurement model that consisted of three factors was examined. For this purpose, we drew all our items, i.e., 5-items of work–family conflict, 7-items of stress, and 5-items of family–work conflict, in AMOS (24 version), then relevant items were connected and permitted to correlate liberally onto their respective factors. The three-factor model fit incidences such as GFI (0.93), TLI (0.91), CFI (0.91) and RMSEA (0.07) met the acceptable criteria ( Hu and Bentler, 1999 ; Table 1 ).

Comparison of measurement and alternative models fit indices.

Secondly, Fornell and Larcker’s (1981) recommendations were used for the assessment of the validity (convergent and discriminant) of measures. Results illustrated that Composite Reliability values of all constructs were surpassing the satisfactory limit >0.7, which confirmed the convergent validity. Likewise, the square root value of AVE for, i.e., family- work conflict, work–family conflict, and stress (0.73, 0.67, and 0.58) were greater than the intra-construct correlation, respectively. Hence, the criteria for discriminant validity were achieved ( Gaskin, 2016 ; Table 2 ).

Construct validity.

Bold values in diagonal represent the squared root estimate of AVE.

Descriptive statistic and correlation matrix

The mean, standard deviation, and correlation among the control variables and study variables relating to Study 1 and Study 2 are presented in Table 3 . Correlation coefficients provide the preliminary support for the stipulated hypothetical association among variables. In study 1, results demonstrate that work–family conflict is positively and significantly related to stress ( r  = 0.28, p  < 0.01) and stress is positively and significantly related to family–work conflict ( r  = 0.14, p  < 0.01). Moreover, correlation analysis reveals that gender is positively related to work–family conflict ( r  = 0.21, p  < 0.01) and is negatively related to family–work conflict ( r  = −0.11, p  < 0.05). Likewise, marital status is positively related work–family conflict ( r  = 0.12, p  < 0.05) and negatively related to family–work conflict ( r  = −0.11, p  < 0.01). Employee age, education, tenure, and experience are not associated with study variables in study 1.

Means, standard deviations, and intercorrelations.

Values in diagonal and bold represent the Cronbach’s alpha.

The correlation analysis from study 2 reveals that family–work conflict is positively ( r  = 0.45, p  < 0.01) and significantly related to stress, which in turn is positively and significantly related to work–family conflict ( r  = 0.37, p  < 0.01). Furthermore, results demonstrate that gender is positively related to family–work conflict ( r  = 0.11, p  < 0.05) and stress ( r  = 0.13, p  < 0.05), while it is negatively related to work–family conflict ( r  = −0.11, p  < 0.05). Likewise, marital status is negatively related work–family conflict ( r  = −0.21, p  < 0.05). Furthermore, age is negatively associated with stress ( r  = −0.13, p  < 0.05) and work–family conflict ( r  = −0.12, p  < 0.05), education is also negatively associated with stress ( r  = 0.12, p  < 0.05) and work–family conflict ( r  = −0.28, p  < 0.05). In addition, results indicate that experience is positively related with family–work conflict, stress ( r  = 0.16, p  < 0.01) and work- family conflict ( r  = 0.12, p  < 0.05).

Hypotheses testing (Study 1)

In the present study, the path analysis approach (Amos 24) was used to test the direct and indirect path coefficients of the proposed holistic model in Study 1 and Study 2. Firstly, we analyzed whether the influence of work–family conflict on family–work conflict could be predicted with the stress in study 1. The outcome of path analysis shows that work–family conflict is positively and significantly related to stress ( β  = 0.25 p  < 0.001), supporting H1. Results also show that stress is positively related to the family–work conflict ( β  = 0.18, p  < 0.001), supporting H2. These outcomes provide support for mediation analysis. The results of the mediation model specified that stress mediates the association between work–family conflict and family–work conflict in a positive and significant way ( β = 0.05, S.E = 0.02, p  < 0.01, LB = 0.01, UB = 0.10), supporting H3 ( Table 4 ).

Work to family conflict, stress, and family to work conflict.

Significant at *** p < 0.01 level. N = 400, β = Unstandardized Coefficients; S.E = Standard Error; LB = Lower Bond; UB = Upper Bond

Hypotheses testing (Study 2)

Furthermore, in study 2 we analyzed whether the influence of family–work conflict on work–family conflict could be predicted by stress. The outcomes show that the direct effect of family–work conflict on stress is positive and significant ( β  = 0.36, p  < 0.001), supporting H4. Results also demonstrate that stress influences the work–family conflict in a positive and significant manner ( β  = 0.46, p  < 0.001), supporting H5. These outcomes provide the support for mediation. In line with H6, results reveal that family–work conflict indirectly influences work–family conflict through the incorporation of stress as a mediator ( β  = 0.16, S.E = 0.03, p  < 0.001, LB = 0.10, UB = 0.24; Table 5 ).

Family to work conflict, stress, and work to family conflict.

Significant at ***p < 0.01 level. N = 348, β = Unstandardized Coefficients; S.E = Standard Error; LB = Lower Bond; UB = Upper Bond

Contextual differences among five major sectors

The aim of this first part of the analysis was to determine whether there was any significant difference among various groups (i.e., education, textiles, hospitals, banks, and retail stores) on the basis of work-to-family conflict, stress, and family-to-work conflict. We used the non-parametric test to see this difference between different groups, as our data did not fulfill parametric test assumptions (One-way ANOVA). For example, the Kolmogorov–Smirnov Z test shows that data did not follow the normal distribution for work-to-family conflict, stress, and family-to-work conflict, i.e., p  < 0.001, all the three variables are less than 0.05. The findings also indicate that the mean value for work–family conflict is 3.06 ± 0.86, stress 2.61 ± 0.73 and family-to-work conflict is 2.46 ± 0.91 ( Table 6 ).

One-sample Kolmogorov–Smirnov test.

Also, the prerequisite for the parametric test such as equality of variance was not fulfilled since the value of p of the variance test homogeneity is >0.05 ( Table 7 ). Thus, we have not used (parametric test: ANOVA) to figure out the difference between five groups on the basis of work-to-family conflict, stress, and family-to-work conflict. The above-mentioned findings of all prerequisites led us to use non-parametric tests, i.e., Kruskal-Wallis test.

Test of homogeneity of variances.

The results of Kruskal-Wallis test show that all the five groups are significantly different on the basis of work-to-family conflict, i.e., Chi-Square = 157.04, p  < 0.001. The results also showed that retail store employees experienced higher work-to-family conflict (M = 514.69), followed by educational (M = 407.52), textile (M = 255.62), hospitals (M = 31.57), and banks (M = 262.75) respectively.

In addition, all the five groups are significantly different on the basis of stress, i.e., Chi-Square = 60.86, p  < 0.001. Results indicate that employees in hospitals experience higher stress with a higher mean (M) of 428.05, followed by other groups, i.e., retail stores (M = 425.55), banks (M = 375.22), education (M = 290.98), and textile (M = 273.55) respectively.

Finally, it was also found that all the five groups are significantly different on the basis of family-to-work conflict, i.e., Chi-Square = 44.13, p  < 0.001. Furthermore, the textile group faces the higher level of family-to-work conflict with a mean of M = 485.22, followed by other groups, i.e., banks (M = 427.78), hospitals (M = 370.94), retail stores (M = 318.72), and education (M = 246.65; Tables 8 , ​ ,9 9 ).

Test of statistics.

a. Kruskal Wallis Testb. Grouping Variable: Sector

Mean rank of groups.

In any occupation, it is challenging to differentiate work life with family life. Participants in this research work in an atmosphere that includes round-the-clock supervision, instability, long working hours, pressures to complete tasks on schedule and accurately, shift and night work. They are also obligated to play many roles at home (e.g., wife, spouse, father, daughter and son) and at work (employee), and yet they often strain to manage these responsibilities. As a result, participants in this research can experience conflicts in balancing work and family responsibilities, such as feeling blemished because they are not available to spend quality time with their families due to time spent managing job expectations, and vice versa. These situations lead to negative outcomes, such as stress. In order to inspect work–family conflict in the five sectors, the first objective of our study is to test a hypothesized model where we evaluate whether work–family conflict and family–work conflict are associated with stress. Also, stress could mediate between these two types of conflict.

Our study confirms the connection of work–family conflict with stress. This result is consistent with previous studies ( Jamadin et al., 2015 ; Kusumanegara et al., 2018 ; Vickovic and Morrow, 2020 ) that found that work–family conflict positively impacting stress. The results of our research indicated that there is a positive and significant relationship between stress and family–work conflict. This result supports previous studies ( Bashir and Ismail Ramay, 2010 ; Jalagat, 2017 ; Soomro et al., 2018 ; Rezeki et al., 2020 ) where it was demonstrated that stress and family–work conflict creates negative consequences in the working environment, i.e., lower job performance, commitment, and higher turnover intention. In line with a study by Nora and Fitri Anggraeni (2020) , our study indicated that family to work conflict is associated with stress. Our research also confirms the relationship in stress and work- family conflict in line with the Smith et al. (2018) . Our study found that stress exerts a mediator role between the two conflicts, which is consistent with other studies ( Rubio et al., 2015 ; Ismail and Gali, 2017 ; Raja et al., 2018 ; Dodanwala and San Santoso, 2021 ; Irawanto et al. 2021 ). These findings confirm the spillover effect of work-family/family–work conflict and stress. On the other hand, we found that the five sectors are significantly different regarding the work-family/family–work conflict and stress. The results showed that retail store employees experienced higher work–family conflict than educational, textile, hospitals, and banks. In addition, all five groups are significantly different based on stress. Results indicated that employees in hospitals experience higher stress than in retail stores, banks, education, and textile employees. Nurses and doctors experience high levels of job stress due to daily exposure to the suffering and anguish of patients in the hospital. Due to the hygienic nature of the COVID-19 pandemic, healthcare professionals have been on the front lines of combating the epidemic. Despite their professionalism, overburdened, overworked, and underequipped healthcare systems may contribute to elevated stress levels ( Khan et al., 2021 ). Medical professionals who have come into contact with any confirmed or suspected coronavirus cases are at risk for psychological and physical health problems, such as stress. Since the outbreak of COVID-19, healthcare workers have been subjected to increased physical and mental stress, including an increased risk of illness, confinement, insufficient protective equipment, exhaustion, and a lack of contact with loved ones. The urgency of the issue is causing medical workers to have more mental health problems ( Khan et al., 2021 ), which affects their capacity to make decisions and might hurt their well-being in the long run ( Zeb et al., 2021 ). Therefore, hospital employees, such as physicians and nurses, are more likely than the general population to develop depressive disorders, such as those caused by job stress. Finally, results showed that all the five groups are also significantly different based on the family to work conflict. Results indicated that the textile group faces a higher level of family–work conflict than bank, hospital, retail stores, and education employees.

Theoretical contributions

Our study contributes to the literature in several ways. First, this is the first study that examined the spillover effect of work–family conflict, stress, and family–work conflict in the five sectors of Asia during Covid-19 uncertainty. Even though prior studies examined work-family/ family–work conflict as a cause of stress among workers ( Bashir and Ismail Ramay, 2010 ; Jalagat, 2017 ; Soomro et al., 2018 ; Nora and Fitri Anggraeni, 2020 ; Rezeki et al., 2020 ), the spillover effect of work-family / family-work and stress has been overlooked in the literature as per our knowledge. Therefore, our study observed the influence of work-family / family–work conflict on stress and the impact of stress on these two conflicts to fill this void in the five sectors of the Asian context. Secondly, our study contributed to the stress literature by examining its intervening role between work–family conflict and family–work conflict; also, between family-work and work–family conflict. Earlier studies examined the mediation effect of stress ( Rubio et al., 2015 ; Ismail and Gali, 2017 ; Raja et al., 2018 ), however, the mediation of stress specifically between work-family and family–work conflict and vice versa has not been investigated. Finally, our research extended the work-family/ family-work and stress literature by determining that all these sectors (education, textiles, hospitals, banks, and retail stores) are different in experiencing work-family/family–work conflict and stress.

Managerial implications

Our study suggests the spillover effect of work–family conflict, stress, and family–work conflict in the five major sectors. This idea provides key contributions since theoretical gaps have been filled and organizational psychology research has been extended. This research is significant because it departs from previous studies that explored the impact of work–family conflict on employee stress rather than focusing on the investigation of spillover effects. The study’s novel findings have practical implications for managers and leaders, indicating that managers should inspire and cultivate a healthy-friendly workplace that will drive people to use their energy and strive for success, which would, in turn, reduce work-family / family–work conflict and stress among employees in the working environment. Emphasizing on the fact that pleasant working conditions encourage people to reduce their stress, it is known that employees in an influential organizational culture have fewer work–family conflicts and are more productive ( Bakker and Schaufeli, 2008 ). The work–family conflict is much less frequent in these kinds of workplace cultures. Therefore, organizations have to create an influential culture in their working environment. Organizations should implement and develop measures to avoid or reduce the incidence of work–family conflict and improve work-life balance. In this regard, organizations should think about implementing a flexible timetable and reducing job intensity, among other measurements. In addition, adopting innovative communication solutions based on cutting-edge technology could significantly reduce employee stress ( Cascio and Montealegre, 2016 ).

Furthermore, workers must receive adequate training so as to become aware of work–family conflict and how to mitigate its impact on family life ( Lambert et al., 2013 ). Workers who receive adequate and proper training have less stress at work ( Lambert et al., 2009 ). Workers who already have had the training are more confident at work and could perform their jobs more efficiently, which leads to fewer problems at work and at home. Training and orientation can also help employees to adjust to their new jobs and reduce the shock they feel. In addition, training must be ongoing, and employees must be allowed to submit responses to ensure that it meets the needs of employees ( Lambert et al., 2009 ). Management should hold counseling sessions to learn more regarding the severity of Covid-19, work-family / family–work conflict, and stress among its female employees. These factors should also be addressed by re-designing roles, working shifts, and providing breaks in working hours so they do not interfere with family responsibilities. The administration may organize teams that would provide collegial support and allow employees to express their emotions and issues to overcome them and avoid stress. Emotional intelligence training should be offered in order to improve the ability to control emotions so that emotions become an asset for employees and help them in overcoming the negative consequences of stress rather than exacerbating them ( Sharma et al., 2016 ).

Study limitations and direction for future research

There are some limitations to the present research, which could lead to new suggestions for future work. First, the quantitative methodologies used in this study may not have captured all of the workers’ perspectives on some issues. Future studies with in-depth interviews may be able to fill this void. Second, the study variables, such as work–family conflict, family–work conflict, and stress were assessed by a self-report technique which might lead to common method variance and consistency bias. Alternative data collection approaches, such as focus groups, could be used in future studies. Because this study is cross-sectional, it is challenging to find causal relationships between variables. As a result, future researchers may also choose to concentrate on longitudinal research. In this research, we have not examined the association of demographics on stress and work/family conflict. Future studies may explore the relationship between gender, the number of kids, and education on these study variables.

Employees in different professions have to perform their jobs under continuous pressure, currently increased by the pandemic situation. Besides, due to the mismatched natures of work, high job demands, and family responsibilities, they often experience work-family/family–work conflict and stress. The earlier findings of the previous studies indicated work–family conflict has effects on stress. Researchers need to understand the spillover effect of work–family conflict, stress, and family–work conflict. Therefore, our study examined this effect. This research indicated that work–family conflict influences stress, which in turn positively impacts family–work conflict. Our study findings also confirmed that family–work conflict influences stress, which in turn influences work–family conflict positively and significantly. Stress mediates the work–family conflict and family–work conflict relationship and vice versa.

In addition, we found that the five sectors are significantly different regarding the work-family and family–work conflict and stress. Work–family conflict is a critical area of concern for researchers and professionals, as evidenced by the rising body of knowledge in organizational psychology. Our study suggested that if management wants to meet its objectives and reduce employee stress, then there is no better alternative than focusing on the work and personal life of their employees. Management policies should place a greater emphasis on human concerns such as time flexibility, allowing employees to work from home during a family crisis, and establishing a family-friendly work environment to address work-family / family-work difficulties and stress. Support from managers has to be more effective than the organizations or supervisory support in reducing work–family conflict dimensions and stress since management policy and decision-making have a role in decreasing work–family conflict. In the Pakistani working environment specifically, management or policymakers should take a more constructive approach to work-family issues.

Data availability statement

Ethics statement.

The protocol was approved by the Ethics Committee of the Superior University, Lahore, Pakistan. Informed consent was obtained from all individuals included in this study.

Author contributions

Conceptualization and formal analysis: NE and GA. Data curation: GA. Investigation: IF, GA, and FC. Methodology: GA and FC. Project administration: NE. Resources: IF and GA. Writing: NE, GA, FC, and IF. Review, proof reading and editing: NE, GA, FC, and IF. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Acknowledgments

We thank the Universidad de Málaga, Spain, for the financial support for the publication of this article.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher’s note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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Proceedings of the International Conference on Electronics, Mechanics, Culture and Medicine

The Literature Review of Relationship between Work Family Conflict and Job Performance

Based on the research of the relationship between work-family conflict and job performance literature review analysis,we found the relationship between work family conflict and job performance are diverse. This paper first summarizes the research about the relationship between work family conflict and job performance based on the two theories:COR theory and the work demand - resource model. Secondly points out that the future literature can follow the following three aspects: one is to consider work family conflict affect the job performance through mediation variables, second is considering regulating variable in the mechanism of action of work family conflict affect job performance, three is to consider the research about work family conflict and job performance of the relationship between the different dimensions. In general the future needs more empirical research to study the relationship between work family conflict and job performance.

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