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Essay on Democracy in Pakistan in Urdu

Welcome to our blog on essay on democracy in Pakistan in Urdu! As a nation, Pakistan has a rich and complex history, and its political system is no exception. In this essay, we will delve into the concept of democracy in Pakistan, examining its origins, its current state, and its future prospects.

We will also explore the role of Islam in Pakistani democracy and the challenges that the country has faced in establishing and maintaining a fair and representative government. Whether you are a student of politics, a citizen of Pakistan, or simply interested in learning more about this fascinating topic, we hope that this essay will provide you with valuable insights and a greater understanding of democracy in Pakistan. So let’s get started!

The Basics of Democracy | جمہوریت کی بنیادی باتیں

Democracy is a system of government in which all the citizens have the right to vote and have the right to elect their leaders. It also means that the people have the right to participate in political affairs and make decisions on their own.

جمہوریت ایک ایسا نظام حکومت ہے جس میں تمام شہریوں کو ووٹ دینے کا حق حاصل ہے اور اپنے لیڈروں کو منتخب کرنے کا حق حاصل ہے۔ اس کا مطلب یہ بھی ہے کہ عوام کو سیاسی معاملات میں حصہ لینے اور خود فیصلے کرنے کا حق ہے۔

Democracy in Pakistan | پاکستان میں جمہوریت

The main aim of democracy is to ensure that every citizen has equal rights and opportunities. Democracy in Pakistan is a form of government whereby the nation is governed by elected representatives. The elected leaders are expected to represent the interests of all the citizens. In Pakistan, it is a fundamental principle of Islam that the ultimate authority in governing rests with Allah, who is the sole master of all affairs.

جمہوریت کا بنیادی مقصد یہ یقینی بنانا ہے کہ ہر شہری کو مساوی حقوق اور مواقع میسر ہوں۔ پاکستان میں جمہوریت حکومت کی ایک شکل ہے جس کے تحت ملک پر منتخب نمائندے حکومت کرتے ہیں۔ منتخب قائدین سے توقع کی جاتی ہے کہ وہ تمام شہریوں کے مفادات کی نمائندگی کریں۔ پاکستان میں یہ اسلام کا ایک بنیادی اصول ہے کہ حکومت کرنے کا حتمی اختیار اللہ کے پاس ہے جو تمام امور کا واحد مالک ہے۔

The concept of democracy in Pakistan was born during the struggle for independence from British rule during the 1940s. A group called Indian National Congress was formed to fight for Indian independence, and to propagate its views among other communities who were struggling for freedom from colonial rule. After World War II, when India gained its freedom from British rule and became independent as a nation, then-Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Jinnah invited the Indian National Congress to form an interim government for India’s newly-formed state of Pakistan.

پاکستان میں جمہوریت کا تصور 1940 کی دہائی میں برطانوی راج سے آزادی کی جدوجہد کے دوران پیدا ہوا۔ انڈین نیشنل کانگریس کے نام سے ایک گروپ ہندوستان کی آزادی کے لیے لڑنے اور نوآبادیاتی حکمرانی سے آزادی کے لیے جدوجہد کرنے والی دیگر برادریوں کے درمیان اپنے خیالات کو پھیلانے کے لیے تشکیل دیا گیا تھا۔ دوسری جنگ عظیم کے بعد، جب ہندوستان نے برطانوی راج سے آزادی حاصل کی اور بحیثیت قوم آزاد ہوا، تو اس وقت کے وزیر اعظم محمد علی جناح نے انڈین نیشنل کانگریس کو ہندوستان کی نو تشکیل شدہ ریاست پاکستان کے لیے عبوری حکومت بنانے کی دعوت دی۔

The Origins of Pakistani Democracy | پاکستانی جمہوریت کی اصل

This was done so that Pakistani people could gain their independence from British rule at a time when Britain itself was struggling for its own freedom from Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan. Thus, after Pakistan gained its independence from British rule, then-Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Jinnah invited leaders from several parties across India to form a coalition government in order to fight against British rule in Pakistan.

ایسا اس لیے کیا گیا تاکہ پاکستانی عوام ایک ایسے وقت میں برطانوی راج سے اپنی آزادی حاصل کر سکیں جب برطانیہ خود نازی جرمنی اور امپیریل جاپان سے اپنی آزادی کے لیے جدوجہد کر رہا تھا۔ اس طرح، پاکستان کو برطانوی راج سے آزادی حاصل کرنے کے بعد، اس وقت کے وزیر اعظم محمد علی جناح نے ہندوستان بھر میں کئی جماعتوں کے رہنماؤں کو پاکستان میں برطانوی راج کے خلاف لڑنے کے لیے مخلوط حکومت بنانے کی دعوت دی۔

The Interim Government of Pakistan | پاکستان کی عبوری حکومت

This coalition government was called ” National Government ” or ”Interim Government”, because it only served to be an interim government until true sovereignty was achieved after the creation of a new constitution for Pakistan. Therefore, this interim government was not expected to last very long, as it was created with little time to prepare.

اس مخلوط حکومت کو “قومی حکومت” یا “عبوری حکومت” کہا جاتا تھا، کیونکہ یہ صرف ایک عبوری حکومت کے طور پر کام کرتی تھی جب تک کہ پاکستان کے لیے نئے آئین کی تشکیل کے بعد حقیقی خودمختاری حاصل نہ ہو جائے۔ اس لیے اس عبوری حکومت کے زیادہ دیر تک چلنے کی توقع نہیں تھی، کیونکہ اسے تیاری کے لیے بہت کم وقت کے ساتھ بنایا گیا تھا۔

The Lasting Impact of Pakistani Democracy | پاکستانی جمہوریت کے دیرپا اثرات

However, this interim government lasted beyond its expected lifespan because it was formed with a very solid foundation of support from all sides, including all political parties (such as Muslim League) as well as nationalist groups across India who were fighting for independence themselves

تاہم، یہ عبوری حکومت اپنی متوقع عمر سے زیادہ قائم رہی کیونکہ یہ تمام سیاسی جماعتوں (جیسے مسلم لیگ) کے ساتھ ساتھ ہندوستان بھر کے قوم پرست گروہوں سمیت تمام فریقوں کی حمایت کی ایک بہت ہی مضبوط بنیاد کے ساتھ قائم ہوئی تھی جو خود آزادی کے لیے لڑ رہے تھے۔

Democracy is a form of government that gives all citizens the right to participate in the political process and make decisions for themselves. In Pakistan, democracy is based on Islamic principles, with the ultimate authority resting with Allah.

The concept of democracy in Pakistan was born during the struggle for independence from British rule, and a coalition government was formed to fight against this colonial power. This interim government was eventually replaced by a new constitution, but it was able to last longer than expected due to strong support from all sides. Overall, Pakistani democracy ensures religious freedom and works towards the common good of all citizens

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A Critique of Language Snobs: Urdu and the Politics of Identity

Issue 8 |   شمارہ ۸

Origin/Departure | Artist: Murad Khan Mumtaz

The interesting phenomenon of Urdu’s linguistic and literary culture that I will speak of here–and which in my view is the key to the identity politics that has come to be associated with this language–is the strange and funny practice where some people point out to other people that language is not authentic enough. According to these people, others can neither speak nor write good or propah’ Urdu.

This reminds me of the dear and departed Amarat-e-Islami , run by the Taliban for several years across the border in Afghanistan. Their official policy was to appoint gun-toting and stern-looking men who would measure the lengths of beards and attires to issue verdicts and fatwas about the authenticity and purity of the unfortunate, common man’s faith.

This linguistic sectarianism has its roots in the strange and mutually contradicting ideas about the origin of the Urdu language. As far as I know, these ideas do not exist about other languages, at least not about the languages that are spoken in our own region.

Every language is seen and acknowledged as belonging to a more or less defined geographical area where it is shaped through centuries of social life. Over time, languages develop a particular form with characteristics that keep changing slowly, keeping apace with everyday life. There is no ambiguity about the origins or distinguishing features of any other language in our region. Punjabi, for instance, is the name of the language spoken in different hues and accents by the people living in Punjab. Even if people using the language in a specific form, such as Siraiki, wish their language be given a separate identity–which seems to be a reasonable cultural aspiration–it nevertheless remains associated with a particular geographical area.

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But claims about the origin of Urdu are outlandish, and tell quite a different story. An ongoing research project – informed by the exigencies of identity politics – tries to see Urdu as having been born in geographically diverse areas like, for instance, Balochistan, Punjab and Bengal from where it is supposed to have been transported through a mysterious and seemingly metaphysical route to Delhi’s Red Fort. Its residents, the descendants of the Central Asian conquerors, originally spoke Turkish but started using Persian for ruling their conquered subjects, and, somehow, took ownership of a language called Urdu even though it had, locally, been called Hindi for centuries! Nobody is surprised at this mindlessly invented history, because in our case history has patently been disassociated with geography anyway. What is called Islamic history in our blessed Islamic Republic of Pakistan begins in a certain era at some faraway place, then starts travelling with Arab conquests, and via Andalusia (of all places) to arrive at our hitherto impure land with Mohammad bin Qasim. This must be a history with no parallel in any other country of the world, as it does not care to tie itself to a geographical region. The same goes for the history of Urdu.

Despite statements from some ingenious historians, Urdu (or Hindi) was in fact spoken in a specific part of the Subcontinent for centuries. Its name was later abandoned by the politically driven Urdu-wallas. The name of the area was Hindustan. This name has been given to the whole of British-ruled India for some time now. Historically, it was the same part of the northern Subcontinent which is now loosely called the Hindi Belt on the other side of the 1947 border. In a Persian couplet, Shibli Nomani (1857-1914) writes this line:

زبمبئی چو بہ ہندوستاں رسم شبلی za bambai chu ba hindostan rasam shibli When I reach Hindustan from Bombay

Which is to say that the port city of Bombay was outside the definition of Hindustan in those days. People coming from that area used to be called Hindustanis in Rajasthan, Punjab and Bengal (those coming from the so-called Hindi Belt to Punjab in the aftermath of the Partition were initially referred to as Hindustanis; in Calcutta – now called Kolkata – they are still called by that name). One issue was the usurpation of the name Hindustan by all of South Asia – another intriguing subject for study. But the other issue was the privileged class, which indulged in identity politics in the name of Urdu. They tried to give the impression that Urdu was the language of the entire Subcontinent, which was as far away from the real situation as you could get.

The reasons behind this position were nothing if not political. The pre-British ruling elites of Delhi and its adjoining suburbs – with some outposts here and there – wanted to maintain their cultural domination of the newly imagined Muslim community under the changed circumstances. Although Urdu had never been used in the Mughal court as an official language, the said elites adopted, in place of Persian, the local language – called Hindi, Hindavi or Hindustani – and rechristened it at some point as Zaban-e Urdu-e Mualla or the Language of the Exalted Court, that is, the language spoken in and around the Red Fort, the area to which the rule of the Mughal Emperor had been limited by 1857. Until he was sent by the new conquerors to Rangoon to await his demise, Bahadur Shah II, as well as the members of his court, had learned to speak and write the same Persian-infested language, which was standardised as Urdu.

In his book of memoirs, Yadon ka Safar , Akhlaq Ahmed Dehlvi mentions a lady from the royal Taimuri clan who, according to his family lore, was given shelter by his grandfather when members of the legendary set were forced to flee the Red Fort. According to him, this lady lived in his parent’s home in the Koocha Cheelan as an elderly presence in his childhood days, and was revered as the symbol of the fort. He says that prominent personalities living in the neighbourhood, such as Maulana Mohammad Ali (Johar) and Hakim Ajmal Khan used to visit her to listen to her tales of yore, which she recounted from behind a curtain while she sat in her cot.

Once she used the word tooti ’ in the feminine. A listener who was present pointed out that Ustad Daagh Dehlvi (1831-1905) had used this word in the masculine. Dagh was considered an authority in matters of poetry and language by the Delhi elites, because he had grown up in the Red Fort. Also, he had enunciated his authority and the authenticity of his use of Urdu quite emphatically in his verses:

نہیں کھیل اے داغ یاروں سے کہہ دو کہ آتی ہے اردو زباں آتے آتے اردو ہے جس کا نام ہمی جانتے ہیں داغ سارے جہاں میں دھوم ہماری زباں کی ہے nahin khel ai Daagh yaaron se keh de ke aati hai urdu zabaan aate aate urdu hai jis ka naam humi jante hain Daagh saare jahaan mein dhoom humari zabaan ki hai

The second line of the couplet was supposed to mean that according to him, the whole world (or rather, the Urdu world) admires his use of the language. Later, this line was to become a famous quote indicating the alleged superiority of the Urdu over all other languages!

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The elderly lady from the royal fort reportedly retorted with patent royal snobbishness that Dagh was a mere laundi-bacha (a slavegirl’s child). “What connection could he possibly have had with Urdu?” she asked. “We, the royal personages, will decide how Urdu must be spoken and written!”

Since Akhlaq Dehlvi has a reputation of an unreliable narrator, the incident may not be completely accurate or true. However, it does underscore the belief in an absurd hierarchy in matters of authenticity, propiety and the goodness of Urdu that was common in those times and places. And, which unfortunately remains current in the so-called ilmi , or learned, world of Urdu to this day.

A little further on, Akhlaq Dehlvi tells us that his mother did not allow him to go to the Khari Baoli neighbourhood to play with his friend Shahid Ahmed Dehlvi , the grandson of the prominent novelist Deputy Nazir Ahmed . Despite marrying into a respected, high-caste, religious family in Delhi, Deputy Sahib was originally from Bijnaur , which meant that playing with his grandson threatened to spoil Akhlaq’s achhi Urdu!

Within the Urdu world, it has been taken as a given that the Red Fort and those associated with it would have the final word when it came to questions around muhavra(phraseology) , rozmarra(idioms) and the gender of nouns and adjectives etc. In fact, this established value has marked the beginning and the end of the academic linguistic debate in the Urdu world. This is a rather peculiar Urdu phenomenon: Every other language is developed and shaped by common people using the language, and they are the ones who change it over time. Why is this not true for Urdu?

Maulana Altaf Husain Hali (1837-1914) was of the view that to be writing and speaking good Urdu, one must be from or around Delhi, and a Muslim. Now, a language can hardly be associated with a religion. Punjabis speak Punjabi, whether they are Sikh, Muslim or Hindu. The same goes for Bengali, Sindhi and other languages. Not Urdu, no sir!

As the Mughal Empire gradually lost its grip over its possessions, different areas started becoming independent states, such as Oudh . Lucknow , which became its capital, emerged as a center of language and literary culture in its own right. The Lucknow-wallas – the elites including the scholars from and of the shahi darbar – tried to monopolise the idea of an authentic language (an idea which, I argue, was baseless to begin with). Lucknow and Delhi were entangled in a drawn-out tussle as to who writes and speaks the correct idiom in an authentic way. This laughable tussle went on for very long, even in the post-colonial period. For instance, in Pakistan, even as late as the 1960s, Josh Malihabadi and Shahid Ahmed Dehlvi were seen at each other’s throats, in a battle to decide whether the Lucknavi or Dehlvi Urdu should be taken as authentic. Josh considered that the Urdu of Delhi, that is the Urdu of Deputy Nazir Ahmed, was not to be taken seriously, while Shahid Dehlvi – the same lad from Khari Baoli with whom Akhlaq Dehlvi from Koocha Cheelan was not allowed to play – dismissed the Lucknavi Urdu as “ poorab ke launde laparon ki boli-tholi ” or the gibberish spoken by the riff-raff from the Eastern (Uttar Pradesh (UP).

After dealing with the 1857 Mutiny (or the War of Independence if you like), the British colonial authorities decided to replace Persian with English at the higher levels of education, administration and judiciary and with the local vernaculars at the lower levels of primary education, thana , katcheri , post office, land revenue, irrigation, etc. At most places this did not create a problem, for example in Sindh and Bengal. Respectively, Sindhi and Bengali were adopted for this purpose. But it did create a problem in that portion of the Hindi Belt, which was later designated as the United Provinces (called North West Provinces and Oudh then). A huge ruckus ensued as a result of associating the language to this or that script, although the public (which was, until then, referred to as ryot or subjects) was mostly illiterate and had nothing to do with either the Persian or the Nagri script. But since the area was close to Delhi, where the post-Mutiny Muslim elites still had economic and cultural clout, the knowledge of the Persian script was made compulsory for those wishing to be employed at different lower levels of administration. However, a vast part of the area’s population was learning the Nagri script. They, too, aspired for those sarkari jobs and found the doors shut to them because of the condition of the script. This led to a campaign, which demanded that the knowledge of the Nagri script also be made a criterion of eligibility.

In 1990, Lt. Governor of the North West Province & Oudh, Anthony McDonnel , issued an order accepting the demand. The order did not remove the Persian script or replace it with Nagri, but it did create specter of the erosion of Muslim elite monopoly over government jobs. That meant that the order became a big political controversy within the province, and government jobs and patronage came to be known as the means needed for the survival of the Urdu language. A strange phrase of Urdu ki khidmat (in service of Urdu) was invented, which is still used: Have you ever heard a boatman claim that he is serving the river, or the boat? The immediate purpose of this identity campaign was to make more jobs available to those who were proficient in reading and writing Urdu in the Persian script. The linguistic community was divided into the Urdu-wallas and Hindi-wallas and both camps began to make extravagant claims about their separate languages. Both bragged about their language being spoken in the whole subcontinent; a claim which was fraudulent from the point of view of those speaking Bengali, Tamil, Sindhi, Gujarati and so on.

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It was during the same post-1857 era that the Punjabi Muslim elites chose Urdu to be the vernacular replacing Persian at the lower sarkari or governmental administrative levels. This too stemmed out of the politics of identity. Until its annexation with British India in 1843, Punjab was ruled by the Takht Lahore or the Sikh darbar – a rule dubbed as Sikha-shahi by the aggrieved Punjabi Muslim elites. Sikh rule was preceded by Mughal domination, which, among other things, meant repression of the Sikhs. Under the new circumstances, the Punjabi Muslims preferred Urdu in matters of education and employment over Punjabi as the latter was considered to be associated with Sikhs. Not only Haryana and Himachal but the North Western Frontier Province (NWFP or the present-day Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa) was a part of Punjab in those days. NWFP became a separate province in 1901, but people residing there and speaking other languages could not possibly have a reason to adopt Punjabi for their education and administration.

Therefore, Urdu was being taught and learned in the primary and high schools of Punjab since the 1860s. The same era saw the proliferation of the printing press and Punjab became one of most important centres of Urdu publishing and journalism, shaping the Urdu language for modern usage. When a community adopts a language the way Punjabis adopted Urdu, it acquires the users’ rights over the language. Punjabi Muslims were not supposed to follow those originating from Delhi or Lucknow in terms of idiom, accent and so on, and they gradually changed Urdu to its present shape and color. The vast province of Punjab produced a large number of significant journalists, writers and poets who legitimately dominated the modern Urdu scene and continue to do so. Nothing can be done to wish away this historical reality.

In the first phase of the Urdu-wallas’ politics of identity (i.e. those hitherto known as the Hindustanis), the group separated itself from the original language called Hindi. The new reality threatened their ownership of Urdu. Thus began the rivalry between the Punjabi users of Urdu and those who called themselves ahl-e zaban or the original speakers. Those who came from the Hindi Belt, or Hindustan, to settle in Punjab (West Punjab after the Partition) were sometimes derogatively called Hindustauras (the word can be found in Manto’s short story, Toba Tek Singh , as well). To return the compliment, the ahl-e-zaban used to ridicule the accent, and even the cultural practices, of the Punjabras or Punjabi Dhuggas . All this was connected to the politics of linguistic identity and the competition for sarkari jobs and patronage. This politics was to take another significant turn after 1947.

Christopher King, while discussing the Urdu-Hindi conflict in the North West Province & Oudh, and the rest of the Hindi Belt, during the late 19 th century in his book One Language Two Scripts , provides statistics of books and periodicals published in Hindi and Urdu. In these areas, Urdu was finding it difficult to compete with Hindi. Muslims constituted only 15 to 20 percent of the population, and the mindset of the Urdu-wallas did not allow them to try and develop their language through publications independent of sarkari or riyasati patronage. It was a common practice in those days to print three different prices on books and periodicals, namely, for the general public ( awam-us-nas ), the aristocrats ( raoosa ) and the rulers of Princely States ( walian-e-riyasat ). The Anjuman Taraqqi-e Urdu , the Hindustani Muslims’ platform to further identity politics, was established in Aurangabad under the patronage of the Nizam of Hyderabad State. The Hindi-wallas, on the other hand, tried to create a readership among the awam-un-nas , which would provide them the means to publish by buying their own publications. Since the proportion of Hindi readers was several times that of the Urdu readers, circulation of Hindi books and periodicals rapidly surpassed that of Urdu writings. Premchand , the first modern fiction writer of Hindustan, initially used to write in Urdu, but his language carried local color so it could not be acknowledged as authentic Urdu. Also, unlike most Muslim writers of Urdu, he did not write for or about Muslims alone. Several of his novels were first published in the Nagri script, or so-called Hindi. In one of his letters, Premchand puts a question to an inquirer: If I do not publish in Hindi, how would I earn my living?

Punjab, with its newly created breed of Urdu readers, presented better conditions for the publication of Urdu books and periodicals, many individuals (including Hindus) moved there to start their publishing houses and periodicals along with those who originated from Punjab and preferred to work in Urdu rather than Punjabi.

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The identity crisis of the speakers and users of Urdu (both ahl-e zaban and the other lot) has something peculiar to do with their religion as well. It is an obvious, though generally denied, fact that 99% of South Asian Muslims are converts with their origins in this land. It is even more obvious in the case of Punjab, where many communities share their surnames with their Sikh and Hindu brethren. Despite this, an outlandish fiction has been created and propagated about their origin. It is a common practice to begin any cultural or political argument with the following premise: “When Muslims came to India…” Fact is, Muslims did not ‘come’ to South Asia from a foreign land; about 15 to 20 percent of the local population converted to Islam. What is the harm in acknowledging this reality? Once converted, their faith became common with Muslims living in other parts of the world, but they continued to belong, in the cultural and every other sense, to the land where they were born. For Muslim conquerors, rulers and land-grabbers, however, it was a critical part of their identity to cite their roots in Central Asia, Afghanistan or the Arab Middle East, so that they could have the status of higher-castes within the local culture. The force of perpetual myth-making has, however, made even the conquered, converted, middle and lower-caste Muslim to internalize this idea of a foreign origin.

Foreign goods, including languages, have enjoyed a privileged status in our land for long. In the course of political and historical developments, many Persian (and, through it, Arabic) words and phrases have entered Urdu and have come to acquire a high-caste status – relegating words and phrases with local roots to a lower place. New rules of language were invented, such as the one, which disallows the conjugation of Persian and Hindi words, although the Persian spoken by the original speakers has no such binding. A full-fledged campaign was launched with the aim of establishing that the Urdu artificially infested with Persian was more authentic than the local variety. Furhermore, many local words and phrases were declared as matrook (abandoned). The use of the verb aana (to come), for instance, was considered less sophisticated than tashreef lana or hazir hona , and so on. It is perhaps on this basis that Urdu is claimed to be not a language but a tehzeeb (civilization)!

There is an interesting similarity in the political methods, slogans and so on in the way Urdu was turned into a political (and religious) cause and the way Islam was used in the politics of Pakistan. For instance, a demand is always raised for the nafaz (promulgation or imposition) of Urdu just as Islam’s nafaz is demanded. Moreover, since the basic Islamic texts (Quran, Hadiths and Traditions) are in Arabic, which is unknown to local Muslims, the existence of ulema (clerics) is considered necessary so that ignorant people could be guided in how to follow the religious injunctions in their private and public lives. Similarly, one breed of the language- ulema has appointed itself to guide the ignorant users of Urdu and, thus, rule over them. In the same way that you go to a religious aalim to obtain a fatwa about this or that practice, you are supposed to ask an Urdu aalim how to tread the tricky path of correct Urdu. Since you cannot pronounce ع( ain ) and ق( qaaf ) in the required and proper way, your Islam is considered as wanting as your Urdu, and so forth.

The strange sense of superiority among the Urdu-wallas, which they had contracted during their long and unnecessary tussle with the Hindi-wallas, did not end even after 1947; if anything, Punjabis joined the ahl-e-zaban in this false sense. In the initial years of the new state of Pakistan, Punjabis dominated the armed forces (they still do), while the Hindustanis dominated the civil bureaucracy (not any more). The political interests of both these groups converged as both wanted to dominate the Bengali majority of Pakistan, not to mention other linguistic nationalities. So, Punjabis and Hindustanis used Urdu politically against Bengalis. It was declared that the official or national language of Pakistan would be only Urdu. The experience of Punjabis was that a linguistic community can very well adopt another language at the cost of its own, which was considered a non-Muslim language, so they demanded others to do likewise. What they did not realize was that Bengalis had an entirely different relationship with their language, as did e.g. the Sindhis. Both these linguistic communities objected that adopting Urdu as a link language should not mean the abandonment of their own language. Even in public life, the East Bengalis had no daily interaction with, for example, Balochistan, so why should they have agreed to abandon Bangali in favour of Urdu? But the babus and khakis, who went to East Bengal to rule over the population there, found it below their dignity to have to learn a low language like Bengali, especially since it is written from left to right – i.e. in a non-Muslim way. Besides, it had a large number of Sanskrit words in it, so how could it be taken as a Muslim language? It was the general belief among West Pakistanis that the faith as well as the language of Bengalis was inferior.

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The story of Bengalis ended in 1971 with the birth of Bangladesh. Since then the influence of Urdu journalism and media, and Urdu as a compulsory subject in education, has seen to it that Urdu is now widely used in all of new Pakistan. Tellingly, in the last census (carried out in 1998), only 7 percent of Pakistanis declared Urdu to be their mother tongue; barring them, most other people can use at least two local languages with equal ease. This is hardly surprising: Multilingual-ness has been recognized as a natural characteristic of the residents of northern South Asia. When the people of Hindustan were asked during the linguistic survey or census under the British about their mother tongue they had to think before choosing one language from an amalgam of different tongues that they used in their daily lives. Those from Eastern UP, for instance, used Poorbi or Bhojpuri in their homes – which is not considered authentic Urdu by the Urdu clergy – but they declared Urdu (or Hindi) as their mother tongue as a political move. Since Urdu was under the ownership of the Red Fort and Lucknow – a language in which they could not dream of conversing with their mothers given that this chaste, Islam-like Urdu would be unintelligible to their womenfolk – their decision reflected the workings of identity politics.

Aijaz Ahmed has rightly pointed out in one of his lectures that the British used their experience of the European nation state to conclude that people of a specific geographical area should have only one language. They thus tried to look at the language scene in the Subcontinent through this lens – an unrealistic proposition. Here in the Subcontinent, people did not even care to give a specific name to their language in some cases (Indonesians and Malaysians call their language ‘Bahasa’ – ie Bhasha). The classical Punjabi poet Mian Mohammad Bakhsh refers to his language as Hindi in his Saif-ul Muluk , just as some classical Marathi poets do. But the linguistic survey conducted by the British made it necessary for people to choose one language as their own and give it a specific name. So, people chose according to their political aspirations and circumstances.

The campaign for establishing the supremacy of Urdu was essentially politically motivated – including the funny idea that if you are unable to speak authentic Urdu, you cannot be a good Muslim. The aim was not to force people to abandon using their own language – nobody was going to check if they were using Urdu in their homes. The idea was, instead, to make Urdu dominate in the fields of education and administration, where the jobs were.

Ever since 1970 – the first national elections conducted on universal adult franchise – the difference between the political weights of khawas and awam has, in principle, ceased to exist. Numbers are significant in democracy of any kind. Initially, the ulema of language abhorred the idea of an aalim and a jahil having one vote each. But now an illiterate person would stand up and say: “How can you treat my lack of access to education as my inability to have my say? I vote because I wish to participate in the removal of this very inequality. If only graduates can represent people in the assemblies, then what is the use? Graduates already have more rights than those deprived of education.”

It is this significance of numbers that makes the Urdu-wallas claim Urdu as the third (or second, or fourth, who cares) largest language in terms of the number of speakers. And, they happily include those on the other side of the border who use ‘Hindi’, contradicting their own claim that Urdu is a separate language because it is written in the Perso-Arabic script. On the one hand, it is claimed that all nationalities of Pakistan understand and speak Urdu, hence it is the national language, and, on the other, their Urdu is judged as unauthentic. These self-contradicting claims can be made only as long as we continue to take a myopic, self-serving view of things; they become totally indefensible as soon as we raise our head and look around.

Ajmal Kamal has been publishing the literary quarterly, Aa j, from Karachi since 1989. He is a translator and occasionally writes on literary and social subjects in English and Urdu.

یادوں کا سفر، اخلاق احمد دہلوی، مکتبہ عالیہ، لاہور، ۲۰۱۰

King, Christopher R. (1994): One Language Two Scripts : The Hindi Movement in Nineteenth Century North India.  New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Rai, Alok (2000): Hindi Nationalism , Orient Longman.

Ahmad, Aijaz (1993): In the  Mirror of Urdu : Recompositions of Nation and Community, 1947-65 , Aijaz Ahmad . Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1993

Tags: ajmal kamal , history , issue 8 , language and politics , urdu

This entry was posted on Feb 2015 at 11:00 AM and is filed under Essays , Essays & Criticism , Issue 8: Language and Politics , main bar , Zine . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed.

12 Responses to A Critique of Language Snobs: Urdu and the Politics of Identity

Ajmal Kamal explores the history of the an extraordinary – and ludicrous – battle to identify authentic Urdu…. http://t.co/7pbTOdkxZI

RT @TanqeedOrg: Ajmal Kamal explores the history of the an extraordinary – and ludicrous – battle to identify authentic Urdu…. http://t.c…

Ajmal Kamal’s essay: A history of the extraordinary – and ludicrous – political battles for an authentic Urdu…. http://t.co/qHV5qMs3J1

A Critique of Language Snobs: Urdu and the Politics of Identity http://t.co/QD8kKR39jY

A Critique of Language Snobs: Urdu and the Politics of Identity http://t.co/lwV6QU22uW

A Critique of Language Snobs: Urdu and the Politics of Identity http://t.co/5LQB8g4Cmu

A Critique of Language Snobs: Urdu and the Politics of Identity http://t.co/dNndBL4Bmd Rich article. #India #Pakistan

“The campaign for establishing the supremacy of Urdu was essentially politically motivated – including the funny… http://t.co/ZwELWvh8E9

RT @TanqeedOrg: “The campaign for establishing the supremacy of Urdu was essentially politically motivated – including the funny… http://…

A Critique of Language Snobs: Urdu and the Politics of Identity http://t.co/DGqhCWAQ8U

This tanqeed is an amazing site. Reading about the origins of Urdu and the identity politics associated with it: http://t.co/F1RddJZ5tv

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Democracy in Pakistan Essay with Quotations

by Pakiology | Apr 24, 2024 | Essay | 1 comment

Explore the evolution, challenges, and progress of democracy in Pakistan in this in-depth essay . Gain insights into the nation’s rich history, the influence of the military, the pervasive issue of corruption, and the role of civil society in shaping Pakistan’s democratic landscape.

Title: The Evolution of Democracy in Pakistan: Challenges, Progress, and Prospects for the Future

Introduction.

Pakistan, a country characterized by its rich and diverse history, has embarked on a tumultuous journey in pursuit of democracy. Overcoming numerous obstacles, its citizens have tenaciously defended their democratic rights and worked diligently to forge a more equitable society. In this comprehensive essay, we delve into the current state of democracy in Pakistan, recognizing its historical context, addressing the persistent challenges it confronts, highlighting the progress made, and considering the prospects for the future.

The Historical Landscape

Democracy, at its core, is a system of government grounded in the principle of representation, allowing citizens to actively participate in decision-making processes that impact their lives. Regrettably, the implementation of democracy in Pakistan has been marred by a series of military coups and periods of martial law, intermittently disrupting its democratic trajectory. Despite these adversities, Pakistan now operates as a federal parliamentary republic with a president and prime minister at the helm.

The Military’s Influence: A Persistent Challenge

A major impediment to democracy in Pakistan has been the enduring influence of the military on the political landscape. Pakistan’s history is replete with instances of military interventions in civilian governance, including several coups and martial law declarations. This persistent interference not only undermines democratic principles but also erodes public trust in the democratic system. Additionally, intelligence agencies have faced accusations of wielding substantial influence in the political sphere, further eroding democratic institutions and processes.

Corruption as a Hindrance: A Deep-Seated Issue

Another significant challenge is the pervasiveness of corruption within Pakistan. Corruption has become deeply ingrained in the country, with numerous politicians and government officials implicated in embezzlement and bribery. This deeply rooted issue corrodes the legitimacy of the democratic process and erodes public trust in the government. The adverse effects of corruption are most acutely felt by marginalized communities, who suffer from a lack of essential public services and resources.

The Resilience of Democratic Aspirations: Signs of Progress

Despite these formidable challenges, the citizens of Pakistan persistently strive to defend their democratic rights and fortify democratic institutions. In recent years, the country has seen a notable rise in the number of civil society organizations dedicated to advocating for transparency, accountability, and the promotion of awareness regarding democratic rights and freedoms. Additionally, the media has played a pivotal role in promoting democratic values and holding the government accountable for its actions.

The Role of Civil Society

Civil society organizations have emerged as vital agents of change in Pakistan’s democratic landscape. They tirelessly work to bridge the gap between the government and the governed, acting as watchdogs for accountability and transparency. Through advocacy, awareness campaigns, and public mobilization, these organizations have managed to shine a spotlight on the pressing issues of democracy and governance in Pakistan. Their activities range from monitoring elections to exposing corruption and advocating for the rule of law.

Media as the Fourth Estate

The media in Pakistan has undergone a transformational journey, evolving into a vibrant fourth estate that plays a crucial role in promoting democratic values. While media outlets often grapple with challenges such as censorship and intimidation, they continue to serve as a check on government power and a forum for diverse voices. Investigative journalism has uncovered corruption scandals, challenged authoritarianism, and provided a platform for citizens to engage in political discourse.

In conclusion, democracy in Pakistan remains an imperfect yet indispensable system, despite the numerous setbacks and challenges it has encountered. The people of Pakistan ardently safeguard their democratic rights, and the fortification of democratic institutions and processes is pivotal for the nation’s future. The enduring challenges posed by military influence, corruption, and public mistrust can only be surmounted through persistent efforts and sustained citizen engagement in the democratic process. As Pakistan continues its journey towards a more robust democracy, the world watches with hope and anticipation, recognizing the nation’s potential to overcome its challenges and achieve democratic excellence. The path may be long and arduous, but the resilience and determination of Pakistan’s people offer a promising outlook for the future of democracy in the country.

Quotes Related to Democracy

Here are a few quotes related to democracy and its challenges in Pakistan:

“A society that puts equality before freedom will get neither. A society that puts freedom before equality will get a high degree of both.” – Milton Friedman, Economist

“The greatest threat to democracy is not the enemies from without, but the enemies from within.” – Thomas Jefferson, Third President of the United States

“I believe that the real solution to the problems facing Pakistan lies in true democracy and the rule of law.” – Imran Khan, Former Prime Minister of Pakistan

“The price of freedom is eternal vigilance.” – John Philpot Curran, Irish Orator and Statesman.

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Sir you have used a lot of bitter words in this essay which are enough to awake a nation.😭😭😭😭 But It’s reality I think inshallah one day we will achieve that original democracy which will prevent our basic rights and our motherland…..

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Urdu Essays List 3

Essay on discipline in urdu, essay on city life in urdu, essay on good citizen in urdu, essay on doctor profession in urdu, essay on co-education in urdu, essay on zindagi in urdu, essay on juma in urdu, essay on first aid in urdu, essay on doctor in urdu, mera yadgar safar essay in urdu, essay on fashion in urdu, essay on water pollution in urdu, essay on my family in urdu, essay on women’s rights in urdu, essay on vegetables in urdu, essay on democracy in urdu, essay on uswa hasana in urdu, essay on father in urdu, essay on four seasons in urdu, dehati zindagi essay in urdu, تغیر کے موضوع پر ایک مضمون, اولمپک کھیل پر مختصر نوٹ, “چوری ایک بری عادت ہے” مضمون, عورتوں کی حالت پر ایک مختصر مضمون, benefits of knowledge urdu | تعلیم کے فوائد پر ایک مضمون, عمل سے زندگی بنتی ہے جنت بھی جہنم بھی مضمون, ہمت مرداں مدد خدا مضمون, علم روشنی ہے مضمون, sohanjana plant benefits in urdu | سوہانجنا کے فوائد, essay on sword in urdu | تلوار پر مضمون, essay on badshahi mosque in urdu, essay on anti corruption in urdu, essay on fateh makkah in urdu, essay on ramzan in urdu, essay on police in urdu, meri pasandeeda kitab mazmoon , essay on subah ki sair in urdu, essay on seerat-e-nabvi in urdu, essay on childhood in urdu, essay on tree plantation in urdu, how to become a successful person essay in urdu, essay on bijli in urdu, essay on cleanliness in urdu, essay on bulb in urdu, essay on indian army in urdu, essay on beauty of j&k in urdu, essay on qur’an in urdu, essay on patriotism in urdu, essay on parents in urdu, essay on drugs in urdu, essay on badminton in urdu, meri maa essay in urdu, my father my hero essay in urdu, essay on eidain in urdu, essay on election in urdu, essay on eid milad un nabi in urdu, essay on agriculture in pakistan in urdu, essay on electricity in urdu, essay on hajj in urdu, essay on alodgi in urdu, essay on qutub minar in urdu, essay on quran in urdu, aab e zam zam essay in urdu, my hobby essay in urdu, kitab insan ki behtreen dost hai essay, lalach buri bala hai essay in urdu, mobile phone essay in urdu, dehshat gardi essay in urdu, urdu essay allah ki naimat, ajaib ghar essay in urdu, tandrusti hazar naimat hai | تندرستی ہزار نعمت ہے, minar e pakistan essay in urdu | مینار پاکستان پر مضمون, national river of pakistan in urdu | پاکستان کا قومی دریا, qaumi parchan mazmoon | پاکستان کا قومی پرچم, جوانی زندگی کا بہترین وقت مضمون, essay on shahadat in urdu, waqia karbala in urdu, essay on shaheed in urdu, pollution essay in urdu, qaumi ittehad essay in urdu, hubul watni mazmoon in urdu, benefits of banana in urdu, great wall of china history in urdu, essay on ramzan ki barkatain in urdu, role of media essay in urdu, role of media in pakistan in urdu, taleem essay in urdu, benefits of strawberry in urdu, benefits of pomegranate in urdu, essay on lahore in urdu, essay on karachi in urdu, barsat ka mausam essay in urdu, adab e zindagi essay in urdu, superstition essay in urdu, short essay on population problem in india, berozgari essay in urdu, media ki azadi essay in urdu, how to achieve world peace essay, masla e kashmir essay in urdu, mera school essay in urdu, essay on jahez in urdu, essay on school uniform in urdu, essay on forest in urdu, what is global warming in urdu, causes of global warming in urdu, کامیابی کے اصول, ٹک ٹاک ایپلیکیشن کی حقیقت, khush ikhlaqi essay in urdu, essay on insaaf in urdu, essay on respect of teacher in urdu, essay on insaniyat in urdu, essay on zil hajj in urdu, akhbar bini essay in urdu, language of jammu and kashmir, essay on dengue in urdu, ilm e deen ki ahmiyat essay, غزوۂ بدر پر مضمون, اگر میں وزیر تعلیم ہوتا, میری پسندیدہ شخصیت حضرت محمد ﷺ, اسلام زندہ ہوتا ہے ہر کربلا کے بعد مضمون, عزم کامرانی کی کنجی ہے, انسداد گداگری مضمون, کرونا وائرس اور ہماری ذمہ داریاں, ماں پر مضمون.

URDU–POLITICAL ISSUES OF PAKISTAN IN PEACE AND THEIR SOLUTION IN THE LIGHT OF ŞEERÂH (PBUH)

• Humaira kousar Ph.D. Scholar, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad
• syed Abdul Ghafar Bukhari Associate Professor, Department of Islamic Studies, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), H-9 Islamabad , Islamabad

Immediately after the independence of Pakistan Muslim encountered political problems .The main task of politics is to keep the peace. Peace demands justice and freedom. Pakistan’s current political system is running on a western style of government. On the other hand, political and tactical thinking of Holy Prophet (PBUH (brought moral and mental training of the people. Leadership should meet the eligibility criteria according to Islamic perspective. They should have those skills and characteristics which should be in a successful leader. They should going to taking benefit from their own natural resources. Due to these weaknesses, external forces become interference our matters. Political leaders should have trust in them, disunity among relations and their politics are of mutual interests. For establishing peace the government should have to take accountability for political solution. Institutions should work independently. Autonomy and independence of the Judiciary, Islamic ideology council should have the right to make independent decisions, Asses police performance, aware people through teaching, balance of exports and imports for economic stability. The author of this paper presents political problems of Pakistan and their solution in the light of Seerah of Holy Prophet (PBUH (.No nation can progress without political stability and responsibility of leader of their country.

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The Language of Secular Islam: Urdu Nationalism and Colonial India, by Kavita Saraswathi Datla

2016, South Asia-journal of South Asian Studies

Related Papers

Pakistan Journal of History and Culture Vol. 32: No. 2: 2011: 1-40

Dr. Tariq Rahman

This article describes how Urdu became a language of schooling and, to a lesser extent, vocational training during British rule in India. The areas focused upon are the present-day Uttar Pradesh and the Punjab. The teaching of Urdu as well as Hindi facilitated the mobilization of the antagonistic Muslim and Hindu communal identities which led eventually to the partition of India. One part of education was the creation of pedagogical literature in Urdu which attempted to supplant the existing textual material which came to be regarded as decadent, erotic or frivolous. The new reformist canonical Urdu prose was reformist and its aim was to create a sober, puritanical, responsible and religious Muslim character imbued with Victorian values.

International Journal of Middle East Studies

Roy Bar Sadeh

In 1869-70, the celebrated South Asian Muslim intellectual Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1817-98) visited Egypt on his way to England. Khan, one of South Asia's most renowned Muslim thinkers, was the founder of the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College (est. 1875; hereafter MAO College), a higher education institution in the North Indian town of Aligarh modeled after Oxbridge. Responding to intensified efforts by Hindu organizations to elevate the status of Devanagari-script Hindi to that of Urdu in Indian provincial courts, Khan argued throughout his journey that the use of Urdu was even more extensive than that of French in Europe, contrasting it with Hindi, which he "did not find anywhere." 1 In his view, Urdu was a clear and simple language that facilitated connections between diverse peoples, unlike Hindi. But Urdu was not the only language Sayyid Ahmad lauded. In Egypt, he discussed what he called the "Arabic of the Copts," which he argued contrasted with the Arabic of Egypt's Muslim, "unrefined," middle classes. 2 In particular, Sayyid Ahmad praised the Arabic of Coptic women, stating that it did not seem "Arabic words were coming out from their mouths, but flowers." 3 Sayyid Ahmad's floral metaphor suggests he viewed such Arabic as equivalent to the Begamati Urdu spoken in urban North India. This register of Urdu, usually associated with women, was depicted in nineteenth-century Urdu literature and histories as a language of respectability that simultaneously remained simple and clear. 4 Sayyid Ahmad's praise for what he perceived as a Coptic register of Arabic sheds light on the history of Arabic in modern South Asia and its relationship with questions of religious difference between the late 1860s and the 1947 partition of the subcontinent. Sayyid Ahmad depicted Arabic as a crucial yet forgotten mediator of South Asia's otherwise ostensibly bilateral "Urdu-Hindi debate." This debate, which originated in late eighteenth-century British colonial language policies in South Asia, emerged in full force in the second half of the nineteenth century when colonial officials gradually ascribed to Hindi and Urdu the respective statuses of "Hindu" and "Muslim" languages. 5 It was then that Hindu revivalists began claiming the colonial state ought to support Hindi since the

Situations: Cultural Studies in the Asian Context

MOHD H U S S A I N GANIE

The rise and growth of Indian Nationalism is closely related to the anti-colonial movement. It was the outcome of the actions and interactions of numerous subjective and objective forces which developed within Indian society under the colonial rule and influence of world events. Hitherto, role of press, education, economic critique of nationalism by early nationalists (Moderates) and contribution of socio-religious reform movements, despite their limitations, have been frequently cited and used as the vehicles for the emergence of Indian nationalism. The glaring omission among these vehicles is the tremendous contribution by vernacular literature particularly Urdu in both prose and poetry. The most interesting thing one finds is that Urdu was not confined or associated with Muslim community, instead, a large number of Hindus made significant contribution through Urdu medium even before and after the communalization of Languages. Within this context, the paper attempts to explore the rise of Indian nationalism through some Urdu sources such as journals, prose and poetry works which largely remained an unexplored area regarding the emergence of Indian nationalism.

Mohammad Sajjad

This essay attempts to explore mass-based movement (munazzam awami tehreek) of democratic politics of the protagonists of Urdu, in post-independence Bihar, India. This politics clinched relatively greater success in persuading the provincial government to offer incentives of public employment for the Urdu-speaking population/Muslims. Compared to the adjacent province of Uttar Pradesh, apparently, the status of Urdu in Bihar is much less discouraging. A probable reason for a more assertive political movement for Urdu in Bihar is that the Muslim League’s separatist politics in late-colonial Bihar was much weaker. In the post-Partition/Independence period, when it became taboo for the Muslims to express their demands on the basis of religion, language movement emerged as a convenient tool of minority politics. Essentially speaking, the “popular politics” of Urdu in its first phase (1951–1971) functioned more as a “political society”, whereas in the second phase (1971–1989), as a “civil society”, when Urdu became the second official language. This movement maintained effective links with the relevant common population. Priority was more on seeking support and patronage of the government for the language to survive rather than making efforts to see that it thrives self-reliantly, except the Madrasas.

This discussion paper attempts at making a re-appraisal of some of the works on linguistic identity politics around Hindi-Urdu-Hindustani, in twentieth century India. It calls into question certain assumptions about Urdu. It argues that Urdu, contrary to common perceptions, was shedding its Persianization and its literature was drawing upon local imageries. Urdu’s anti-colonial and anti-separatist articulations have been highlighted. It underlines that marginalization of Urdu in late-colonial and post-colonial India was more because of majoritarian discriminations. Gandhiji’s project of ‘Hindustani’ and the inclusive nationalism of the Congress, threw inadequate weight behind the project. They were rather inclined more towards Hindi, and some important leaders of the Congress, more particularly in UP, were not only pro-Hindi but also anti-Urdu. The exclusion of the Hindustani from the broadcast plan of the All India Radio, by 1944-45, and the ill-fated Hindustani Prachar Sabha (1942) testify the majoritarian assertion of Hindi against Urdu. It further argues that Urdu was wrongly vilified to have played role in dividing India; this perception held in popular as well as academic domain, had its bearings upon the fate of Urdu in sovereign India.

Agnieszka Kuczkiewicz-Fraś

The American Historical Review

Shabnum Tejani

Middle Eastern Journal of Research in Education and Social Sciences

Ismail Siddiqui hs18h020

Purpose: The paper examines how Urdu evolved from the language of the rulers to the lingua franca of Muslims in the modern times. The paper attempts to highlight how Urdu is still being used as an identity marker for Muslims with respect to the other communities and is a source of ascendancy, an achieved elitist status within the Muslims of the North and Deccan. Approach/Methodology/Design: Socio-cultural analysis. Findings: The usage of Urdu as a political instrument by the Muslim League and the cultural influence the language has exerted on the Muslim community led to its usage as a source of elitism within the community in the modern times. The analysis indicates that there is harking back to the highly Persianised, nastaliq form of Urdu, which was manifested in its literature in the twentieth century as the pure, hegemonic and the aspired language, true to the identity of the community. The language was characterized by its emergence as a monolithic, distinctive medium, overcom...

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Quaid e Azam Essay in Urdu | قائد اعظم پر مضمون

Today we will write about a Quaid e Azam essay in Urdu language with headings, pdf, and quotations for classes 5,7,10,8,2,3,4,9 and 6 in easy and short wording best rankings. Quaid e Azam is a title given to Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who is widely regarded as the founder of Pakistan.

He was a prominent lawyer, politician, and statesman who played a leading role in the struggle for Pakistan’s independence from British rule. His speeches, writings, and political actions are studied in schools and universities, and his birthday, December 25, is celebrated as a national holiday.

Essy Essay on Quaid e Azam in Urdu free download

Poetry quaid e azam essay in Urdu

Essay Quaid-e-Azam ‘s contribution to the creation of Pakistan and his lifelong dedication to his people make him a true hero and an icon of the struggle for freedom and democracy. He will always be remembered as the Father of the Nation and a great leader whose vision and ideals continue to guide Pakistan toward a better future.

Who was Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad, Ali Jinnah?

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the founder of Pakistan and the first Governor-General of the country. He played a crucial role in the independence movement of India and worked tirelessly to create a separate homeland for the Muslims of the subcontinent.

When was Quaid-e-Azam born?

Quaid-e-Azam was born on December 25, 1876.

What was Quaid-e-Azam’s profession before joining politics?

Quaid-e-Azam was a successful lawyer before he joined politics. He had a successful legal practice in Bombay and was known for his brilliance in the courtroom.

What is Quaid-e-Azam’s legacy?

Quaid-e-Azam’s legacy is his vision for a democratic and prosperous Pakistan. He is revered as a national hero in Pakistan, and his words and deeds continue to inspire people around the world.

When were the famous 14 points of Quaid e Azam?

The famous “Fourteen Points of Jinnah” were presented by Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah on March 28, 1929, at the All India Muslim League session held in Lahore. These points were a set of demands made by Jinnah on behalf of the Muslim community in India to the British government and the Indian National Congress.

Note : I hope you enjoy reading this short and easy essay on quaid e azam in the Urdu language for classes 5,7,10,8,2 and other classes. you can also read

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Rudy Giuliani is served indictment papers at his own birthday party after mocking Arizona attorney general

PHOENIX — Arizona’s Democratic Attorney General Kris Mayes on Friday announced that Rudy Giuliani had been served with the notice of his indictment in connection with an alleged conspiracy to overturn the 2020 election results in Arizona.

The announcement came less than two hours after a social media post from Giuliani taunted Mayes for failing to deliver his indictment. The notice was served to Giuliani during a celebration in Palm Beach, Florida, for his 80th birthday.

In a now-deleted post on X, Giuliani taunted Arizona authorities. “If Arizona authorities can’t find me by tomorrow morning; 1. They must dismiss the indictment; 2. They must concede they can’t count votes,” Giuliani posted Friday night. Accompanying the message was a photo of Giuliani smiling with six others and balloons arranged behind them.

An hour and 14 minutes later, Mayes responded to Giuliani ’s post , writing, “The final defendant was served moments ago. @RudyGiuliani, nobody is above the law.”

Giuliani, 79, turns 80 on May 28 and was enjoying an early birthday celebration in Palm Beach on the night he was served, according to social media activity . By the end of the night, “Happy Birthday to You” wasn’t the only music the former New York City mayor had to face.

The party was hosted by Caroline Wren, an adviser to Arizona U.S. Senate candidate Kari Lake.

Ted Goodman, a spokesperson for Giuliani, said Wren was unperturbed by the birthday bash bust-up. “The mayor was unfazed by the decision to try and embarrass him during his 80th birthday party. He enjoyed an incredible evening with hundreds of people who love him — from all walks of life — and we look forward to full vindication soon,” Goodman said in a statement to NBC News.

Others indicted in the “fake electors” case are further along in their legal proceedings. On Friday morning, former Trump attorney John Eastman pleaded not guilty to charges related to an alleged conspiracy to overturn the 2020 election results in Arizona. Eleven other defendants are slated to be arraigned on Tuesday.

The Arizona “fake electors” scheme isn’t the only controversy Giuliani has faced in the wake of efforts to overturn the 2020 election. In December 2023, Giuliani was hit with a $148 million verdict for defaming two Georgia election workers.

Alex Tabet is a 2024 NBC News campaign embed.

Vaughn Hillyard is a correspondent for NBC News. 

How Rudy Giuliani tried, and failed, to avoid his latest indictment

It took more than three weeks for agents for the Arizona attorney general to serve the former Trump attorney, who is expected in court in Phoenix on Tuesday.

After evading and publicly taunting Arizona prosecutors, Rudy Giuliani is now expected to appear in court in Phoenix on Tuesday to face criminal charges linked to his alleged efforts to overturn Donald Trump’s loss after the 2020 presidential election results in that state.

Giuliani — a former federal prosecutor, New York mayor and lawyer for Trump — was served a legal summons at his surprise birthday party in Florida on Friday night, more than three weeks after a grand jury indicted him . It’s the latest setback for Giuliani, who is facing a similar set of charges in Georgia , was ordered to pay $148 million to two election workers he defamed, and had his two radio shows canceled , all stemming from his efforts to invalidate Joe Biden’s victory over Trump.

“If Arizona authorities can’t find me by tomorrow morning: 1. They must dismiss the indictment; 2. They must concede they can’t count votes,” Giuliani wrote on X at 7:06 p.m. on Friday. The post included a picture of Giuliani surrounded by six other people, all smiling.

About four hours later, Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes (D) reposted Giuliani’s message, and replied : “The final defendant was served moments ago. @RudyGiuliani nobody is above the law.”

A state grand jury indicted Giuliani and 17 other Trump allies on April 24 in connection with an unsuccessful effort to award the state’s 11 presidential electoral votes to Trump instead of President Biden , who won the election. For weeks, agents for the Arizona Attorney General’s office unsuccessfully tried to serve Giuliani a summons — essentially a formal notice that he has been criminally charged and must appear before a judge on May 21, said Richie Taylor, a spokesperson for the office.

They went to Giuliani’s apartment building in New York City, but were not granted access, Taylor said. A person close to Giuliani told The Washington Post last week that Giuliani keeps a busy schedule and the indictment has not slowed him down.

As the calendar ticked toward Giuliani’s birthday, the attorney general’s office prepared to send agents to Florida for another attempt to serve him.

On Friday, Giuliani attended a surprise 80th birthday party thrown for him by Republican fundraiser Caroline Wren, Giuliani’s co-host Maria Ryan said in a live stream from the event. When Giuliani sent out the now-deleted tweet taunting the state prosecutor, two agents with Mayes’s office were already sitting on him, according to a person familiar with the timeline of events on Friday who spoke on the condition of anonymity.

The agents waited outside of the party for some time, watching guests arrive and leave, the person said. Attendees included former Trump adviser and right-wing podcaster Stephen K. Bannon, and Trump’s longtime confidant Roger Stone.

Giuliani was among the last guests to leave, and agents served him outside, this person said. “Rudy Giuliani,” one of the agents said as the former New York mayor was in earshot of them. Giuliani asked who they were. They identified themselves as agents of the Arizona attorney general’s office, adding, “You’ve been served.”

On Saturday, Giuliani took to social media to say , “Contrary to reports from journalists who weren’t there, our early 80th birthday celebration wasn’t ‘ruined,’ or interrupted.” On Sunday he went further, claiming on X , “I had just found out they were looking for me 24 hours before” the party. “I told them where I would be and I accepted service like a gentleman!” Ted Goodman, a spokesman for Giuliani, said he “was served after the party and as he was walking to the car” and looks “forward to full vindication soon.”

“He was unfazed,” Goodman said.

Giuliani is expected to appear in Maricopa County Superior Court on Tuesday, unless he receives an extension from a judge.

Last year when Giuliani was indicted in Georgia for his alleged post-election activities there, he told reporters , “I’m feeling very, very good about it because I feel I’m defending the rights of all Americans.”

Minutes after he was indicted in Arizona, Giuliani went live from a raucous Staten Island Italian restaurant where he was streaming his weeknight social media show, “America’s Mayor Live.” At one point, he waved around a cannoli and ordered an aide to play a clip from “The Godfather.”

Then, in a mangling recitation of a line from the movie — one of his favorites — Giuliani said, “I have the cannoli. I don’t have the gun!”

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Arizona GOP wants voters to weigh in on immigration. The plan is now one step closer to the ballot

Intense debate, anger and an alleged ethics violation marked the advancement of a Republican border security proposal out of the Arizona Senate on Wednesday.

Republican lawmakers amended the proposal before passing it on a 16-13 party-line vote, minus one absent Democrat, after almost four hours of squabbling and debate. The next step is for a state House vote on the revised measure, which is scheduled for June 4. If it clears the House and another pass through the Senate, it'll appear on the November ballot, where voters will make the final decision on it.

The ballot measure would make crossing the international border a state crime, allow for state officials to arrest and deport border crossers, enhance penalties when fentanyl sales result in death, prevent undocumented migrants from receiving state benefits and boost verification of employees’ immigration status. Based on Texas' SB4 bill that's stuck in court proceedings and opposed by the Biden administration, the provision about border crossers could not take effect unless courts uphold the Texas law.

Debate over a new amendment to House Concurrent Resolution 2060 devolved at times into accusations of name-calling and lack of decorum, with some of the barbs launched at pro-migrant visitors in the gallery who peppered the proceeding with groans and finger-snapping.

At one point, some gallery members shouted in a rage during a speech by Senate President Pro Tempore T.J. Shope, R-Coolidge. Shope, who is Hispanic, said he hoped fellow Hispanics didn't hear Democrats' complaints that police wear badges just to harass them, and accused Democrats of overusing the word "racism."

Security officers rushed to escort the raucous visitors out while Senate President Warren Petersen admonished one visitor for not having "self-control." About half the visitors left the gallery.

In another tense moment, Sen. John Kavanagh, a Fountain Hills Republican who gave forceful speeches supporting the bill, said he would file an ethics complaint against Phoenix Democratic Sen. Catherine Miranda, who accused him of racial profiling, unless she apologized to him. Kavanagh, a former East Coast Port Authority officer, had suggested some members of the gallery were "criminals" after the crowd murmured loudly following his comment that some criminals are "stupid."

A new amendment by Sen. David Gowan , R-Sierra Vista, removed a section on how the proposal would affect Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals beneficiaries. That came at the request of fellow Republican Sen. Ken Bennett, of Prescott. The original proposal allowed DACA recipients to escape punishment from the law, but not if courts abolished the program.

"We don't want to harm any DACA recipients," Gowan said. "We didn't believe we were, anyway."

The amendment also addressed a concern by critics that the border-crossing law could create civil rights violations by police who don’t have proper probable cause for an arrest. Pro-migrant groups have warned for months the provision would lead to police stopping people simply because they had dark skin. The amendment would require officers to personally witness an illegal border crossing, obtain a video of the alleged violation, or utilize some other constitutionally valid probable cause to make the arrest.

Bennett said he believes the amendment “tightens up” the notion that enforcement would primarily take place at the border.

Democrats pushed back on the amendment’s probable cause provision. Sen. Priya Sundareshan, D-Tucson, described the third probable cause stipulation as a catch-all that could be abused by police.

"It does underline a continuing concern, continuing fear, that this does open up communities to racial profiling," she said.

Sen. Anna Hernandez, D-Phoenix, whose brother was shot and killed by police in 2019 , said she respects Bennett’s belief that police are not likely to violate someone’s civil rights but doesn’t believe everyone has the same experience. She was worried the proposal wouldn’t limit enforcement to border areas, she said.

"We should be doing our job to help the families of Arizona, not to divide them, not to create a path by which they'll be separated," she said.

"Our concerns have not been addressed, in case there's any confusion," said Sen. Eva Burch, a Mesa Democrat who attacked the unfunded expense of the measure and other provisions. "It's going to hurt our economy, our law enforcement, our courts and our people."

Bennett, in explaining that his concerns had been alleviated, said he was disappointed some people felt the amendment didn't make the proposal better. But he added he's still concerned by comments brought up by Sen. Flavio Bravo, D-Phoenix, about the possibility that families of mixed immigration status might be deterred by the law from obtaining benefits for which they qualified. The bill could be further amended in the House, he noted.

Republicans hope their proposal will directly tackle the border crisis they blame on the Biden administration, allowing state law enforcement to capture, arrest or even deport migrants. They’re also looking for a political boost on an issue that crosses party registration .

Sen. Janae Shamp is a Surprise Republican who sponsored the original Arizona Border Invasion Act that the ballot measure was based on. She gave several impassioned speeches this year about the ravages of border crime and abuse of migrants by criminals. She and other Republicans held news conferences to promote the bill while House Speaker Ben Toma, R-Glendale, who’s running for Congress, touted his own proposal aimed at stopping undocumented immigrants from obtaining jobs or benefits in Arizona.

Lawmakers used a strike-all amendment this month to create the new, proposed ballot measure after Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs vetoed the Invasion Act in March.

Hobbs put out a statement reiterating her opposition to the new plan after the Senate's vote on Wednesday. It highlighted her December decision to deploy National Guard troops to the border .

"We desperately need more resources to secure our border, not empty political rhetoric," she wrote. "Arizona should not pay the price for the federal government’s inaction.”

Reach the reporter at [email protected]  or 480-276-3237. Follow him on X @raystern .

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Punjab University BA Part 1 Political Science Past Papers Urdu

BA Part 1 Political Science Punjab University Past Papers of all previous years are uploaded here. Students can download Punjab University PU Political Science BA part 1 Past Papers online at this page.

Past Papers 2019 Punjab University B.A B.Sc Part 1 Political Science I Urdu Medium

Institute : Punjab University

• Subject : Political Sciences
• Qualification : BA/BSc Part 1

Past Paper BA BSC Part 1 Punjab University Political Science Subjective 2018

Past Paper 2015 Punjab University B.A B.A Part 1 Political Science Paper B Urdu Medium

Past Paper 2015 Punjab University B.A B.A Part 1 Political Science Paper A Urdu Medium

Past Paper 2014 Punjab University B.A Part 1 Political Science Paper A and B Urdu Medium

Past Paper 2013 Punjab University B.A Part 1 Political Science Paper A and B Urdu Medium

Past Paper 2012 Punjab University B.A Part 1 Political Science Paper B Urdu Medium

Past Paper 2012 Punjab University B.A Part 1 Political Science Paper A Urdu Medium

Past Paper 2011 Punjab University B.A Political Science Paper B Urdu Medium

Past Paper 2011 Punjab University B.A Part 1 Political Science Paper A Urdu Medium

Past Paper 2010 Punjab University B.A Part 1 Political Science Paper B Urdu Medium

Past Paper 2010 Punjab University B.A Part 1 Political Science Paper A Urdu Medium

Punjab University BA Part 1 Political Science Past PapersUrdu

• Qualification Level
• Boards / Universities
• Class Level

Matric / Inter Past Papers

Punjab educational boards past papers:.

• BISE Lahore
• BISE Gujranwala
• BISE Multan
• BISE Faisalabad
• BISE Sahiwal
• BISE Sargodha
• BISE Rawalpinidi
• BISE Bahawalpur
• BISE DG Khan
• BISE Federal

KPK Educational Boards Past Papers:

• BISE Peshawar
• BISE Mardan
• BISE Malakand
• BISE Abbottabad
• BISE DI Khan

Sindh Educational Boards Past Papers:

• BISE Karachi
• BISE Sukkur
• BISE Hyderabad
• BISE Larkana
• Mirpurkhas Board

Balochistan Educational Boards Past Papers:

• BISE Quetta

BISE AJK Educational Boards Past Papers:

• Bahauddin Zakariya University
• Sargodha University
• University of Health Sciences
• University of Balochistan

Class Wise Past Papers

Entry test past papers, competitive exams past papers, technical education exams past papers.

• Punjab Board
• Sindh Board

Punjab Examination Commission Past Papers

Cambridge & edexcel past papers.

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