cultural anthropology journal book reviews

Perspectives:

2nd edition.

The first peer-reviewed open access textbook for cultural anthropology courses. Produced by the Society for Anthropology in Community Colleges and available free of charge for use in any setting.

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We are delighted to bring to you this open-access textbook, a collection of chapters on the essential topics in cultural anthropology. Different from other introductory textbooks, this book is an edited volume with each chapter written by a different author. Each author has written from their experiences working as an anthropologist and that personal touch makes for an accessible introduction to cultural anthropology. The first edition of Perspectives was published in 2017 and is available in the archive.

This book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.

Teaching & Learning Resources

These resources can be used to enhance teaching and learning with the Perspectives textbook. We hope to enhance this collection over time with contributions from instructors. Please contact us using the contact form below if you would like to contribute.

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The links below can be used to download individual chapters as Adobe Acrobat PDF files. Copies of the entire book are also available to read online, download, and purchase in print format.

Nina Brown, Community College of Baltimore County Laura Tubelle de González, San Diego Miramar College Thomas McIlwraith, University of Guelph

Introduction to Anthropology

Katie Nelson, Inver Hills Community College Lara Braff, Grossmont College

The Culture Concept

Priscilla Medeiros, Women's College Hospital Emily Cowall, McMaster University

Doing Fieldwork: Methods in Cultural Anthropology

Katie Nelson, Inver Hills Community College

Linda Light, California State University, Long Beach

Subsistence

Isaac Shearn, Community College of Baltimore County

Sarah Lyon, University of Kentucky

Political Anthropology: A Cross-Cultural Comparison

Paul McDowell, Santa Barbara City College

Family and Marriage

Mary Kay Gilliland, Central Arizona College

Race and Ethnicity

Justin Garcia, Millersville University

Gender and Sexuality

Carol C. Mukhopadhyay, San Jose State University Tami Blumenfield, Yunnan University Susan Harper, Texas Woman's University Abby Gondek, Florida International University

Sashur Henninger-Rener, Pasadena City College

Globalization

Lauren Miller Griffith, Texas Tech University Jonathan S. Marion, University of Arkansas

The History of Anthropological Ideas

Laura Nader, University of California, Berkeley

Culture and Sustainability: Enviromental Anthropology in the Anthropocene

Christian Palmer, Windward Community College

Performance

Media anthropology: meaning, embodiment, infrastructure, and activism.

Bryce Peake, University of Maryland, Baltimore County

Health and Medicine

Seeing like an anthropologist: anthropology in practice.

Logan Cochrane, Carleton University

Public Anthropology

Robert Borofsky, Hawaii Pacific University

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Explorations: An Open Invitation to Biological Anthropology

Global Perspectives on Gender

Public Anthropology: An Open Access Series

Teaching and Learning Anthropology Journal

Cultural Anthropology Journal

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Straight A's: Asian American College Students in Their Own Words Christine R. Yano and Neal K. Adolph Akatsuka (eds.), Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2018, ISBN: 978-1-4780-0024-2, xiv +231 pp., Pb. US$25.95

Hydropolitics: The Itaipu Dam, Sovereignty, and the Engineering of Modern South America Christine Folch, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2019, ISBN: 9780691186603, 250 pp., Pb. US$27.95

Spacious Minds: Trauma and Resilience in Tibetan Buddhism Sara E. Lewis, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019, ISBN: 9781501715358, 252 pp., Pb. £21.99

Rapid Ethnographic Assessments: A Practical Approach and Toolkit for Collaborative Community Research Thurka Sangaramoorthy and Karen A. Kroeger, New York: Routledge, 2020, ISBN: 978-0-3672-5229-8, 198 pp., Pb. £29.59

Reviewed by Shivani Daxini

Straight A's: Asian American College Students in Their Own Words is a result of Professor Yano's creation of a new course for Harvard undergraduates during Fall 2014. ‘Anth 1606’ dedicated itself to exploring Asian American ‘representations and realities’ and led to the autobiographical ruminations which ground this text, affirming that there is not simply one homogenous ‘model minority’. The book's intimate personal, social and cultural histories are embedded within first-person narratives and organised into various themes, such as familial relationships, race, mental health, sexuality, gender, campus organisations and extra-curricular activities. The text is not longitudinal in nature, nor an ethnographic project, which seemingly offers a sense of spontaneity, as we follow the similar yet different thought processes and reflections of various students.

As opposed to solely being a book about experiences at the prestigious institution that is Harvard, readers embark on a journey to understand the ‘history of sacrifice and hard work’ which led students like Catherine Chiu to this university (53). In Chapter 1 ‘Family and class’, we appreciate how generational hardship and subsequent feelings of guilt often overwhelm the adolescents as they find the balance between holding on to the values they were raised with and navigating their own points of view. Diane refers to this as an ‘internal thing’, acknowledging that her parents have ‘gone through so much’, leading her to feel she must always push herself a ‘little harder’ (133). We also learn of the similarities between the students’ parents habitually facilitating their participation in numerous extracurricular activities as children, namely, classical music lessons. Interestingly, while Lily Sung alludes to the many ‘Asian Americans’ that soon go on to drop this pastime ‘like a hot potato’, we see how this activity, once instilled into her daily routine, became the defining feature of her time at Harvard (182). Music allowed her to develop a sense of purpose and belonging on campus when it couldn't be located elsewhere. Sung's experience suggests the perhaps overlooked and positive impact Asian American parents frequently have towards shaping and enriching their children's future.

Important questions are raised regarding the role of cultural groups on Harvard's campus as the forgone assumption that they promote cultural awareness may not hold true. The comment by one student that she observes ‘more racial segregation in more diverse places’ is pertinent as we are left questioning our very own role in facilitating or hindering integration with others (154). Damian Hong takes this challenge in his stride as he begins attending social study sessions hosted by various cultural clubs in an attempt to break his own ‘rice bowl’, yet he reveals soon ‘nothing could ever rival the awkwardness’ (79; 78).

The chapter titled ‘Mental health’ explores the different ‘levels’ of hardship endured across generations, with the students frequently concluding how their own suffering is incomparable to their parents’ experiences of adversity. The rawness, immediacy and intimacy of this group's musings are what make this book so insightful. By simply talking and sharing experiences, we are perhaps one step closer to facing challenges posited by these students – from prejudice to harmful stereotypes and continuous experiences of guilt and burden. There is also the question of whether other minority groups experience the same sorts of predicaments as ‘perhaps this isn't an Asian American phenomenon’ (184). It is therefore worth considering the impact of focussing this text solely on Harvard undergraduate Asian Americans, and how the reflections could be used to spark further conversation across different minority student and non-student communities (184). The authors make clear that too often complexity and lived experience of difficulty can lead to the suppression of dialogue, yet the power of storytelling is made paramount in this book as it demonstrates a way towards greater understanding and empathy.

While this text makes an excellent read for undergraduates, lecturers and professors in the field of socio-cultural anthropology, it is an accessible and engaging read for anyone with an interest in the social sciences and transformative or participatory teaching or research methods. Moreover, individuals such as first or second-generation immigrants and diasporic communities who have grappled with the aforementioned predicaments may take interest in this book's focus on lived experience. Furthermore, executive board members across universities, both within the Ivy League and globally, may also find these lived realities useful for informing the practices which continue to shape institutions’ diversity and inclusion strategies. Perhaps a step in the right direction would be the permanent introduction of Professor Yano's ‘Anth 1606’ course, as being a visiting professor in 2014 meant this was simply a ‘one time’ class. Arguably, this may reflect the level of institutional commitment to Asian American studies both within educational spaces and across contemporary American society.

Reviewed by Agustin Diz

The Itaipú Binational Hydroelectric Dam straddles the border between Paraguay and Brazil. An enormous mass of concrete, water and machinery, it is not only the biggest dam in the world, it is also the world's largest producer of renewable energy. In Hydropolitics , Christine Folch builds on extraordinary access to key policymakers, politicians and energy managers to develop an account of electricity as ‘a sociopolitical substance’ (3). Through an ethnographic exploration of the infrastructural, financial and political particularities of hydroelectric power, this book presents readers with a fascinating glimpse of the central role water plays in creating and sustaining state sovereignty and markets.

Throughout the book, the author demonstrates that generating electricity is a quintessentially political task. For example, we learn that Itaipú was not simply designed to produce electricity efficiently – it was also engineered to protect Brazil and Paraguay's national sovereignty (Chapter 1). Similarly, electricity tariffs are determined not by the invisible hand of supply and demand, but through a complex calculation of dividends, administrative fees and royalties that uphold unequal political priorities and enable distinct strategies of accumulation across national borders (Chapter 2). Such cross-border divergences are also ensconced within the debt and credit relations that make Itaipú possible. Itaipú debt furthers political asymmetries between Paraguay and Brazil even as it ties the two countries together and reinforces the state's role in shaping a globalised market economy (Chapter 4).

Crucially, leaders and experts on the same side of the border do not hold homogenous views of energy's role in government. Instead, notions about popular democracy and technical expertise yield contradictory diplomatic strategies and political goals (Chapter 3). In turn, diverging developmental projects build on the rent that Itaipú generates. While state-led infrastructural investments, public–private partnerships or clientelistic dependence may be competing alternatives, they are all imagined in relation to Itaipú and demonstrate how natural resources are central to economic growth and citizenship (Chapter 5). These natural resource-based visions of development combine with physical and legal infrastructures and provide glimpses of the political communities that may emerge in the future (Chapter 6).

Folch provides us with a persuasive portrait of the complex social world of energy and reveals the interconnections between sovereignty, ecoterritoriality, expertise, finance and debt. Inevitably, the book's conceptual scope means that specific areas are explored in less detail. For instance, we rarely hear how non-expert voices and perspectives play out in everyday life and well-known issues with hydro, including population displacements and the broader environmental damages associated with dams, are only briefly touched upon. While under-analysed, these issues are likely to impact what Folch calls ecoterritorial governance and ecocitizenship. By contrast, the book is at its most compelling when exploring the intersections between the work of engineering experts and political leaders who hold contradictory views of sovereignty and governance. It is here, in the ethnography of experts, that Hydropolitics really shines and where it offers valuable methodological insights.

Overall, this book makes a salient contribution to the regional literature on post-neoliberal Latin America and joins a growing number of recent ethnographies of Paraguay written in English. Furthermore, its specific focus on binational agreements and governance is unique and strengthened by careful consideration of the ebb and flow of politics in Paraguay and Brazil during the time of fieldwork. While it may not be best suited for an introductory readership, regional and thematic specialists will find the book's rich material and conceptual framework compelling. It is an excellent example of how anthropology can ‘study up’ and readers of Anthropology in Action will likely find Folch's ethnographic and methodological insights into policy making and technocratic expertise particularly interesting.

In sum, Christine Folch has written an important book. The scale of the infrastructures analysed and the interconnections revealed between environmental, political, material, technical and social realms make this a timely intervention into global debates concerning the Anthropocene, and the social science of energy, infrastructure and natural resources. In its myriad entanglements, the case of Itaipú demonstrates how history and power, morals and sovereignty contribute to and are generated by the production of invisible electrons; it is this complexity that makes the implementation of energy transitions so difficult in practice.

Reviewed by Ella Delaine

In Spacious Minds , Sara E. Lewis presents the fascinating findings from her ethnographic fieldwork on local conceptions of resilience and trauma among the Tibetan exile community in Dharamsala, Northern India. The monograph follows two main ambitions: depicting local understandings and practices of resilience, and making sense of the seeming disjunction between these local notions and Tibetan political activists’ circulation of trauma narratives on the global stage.

Spacious Minds addresses these two themes successively. The first half of the book (Chapters 1–3) introduces the central concept of ‘ sems pa chen po ’, or ‘vast and spacious mind’. Lewis places this mindset, characterised by an individual's realisation of the Buddhist ontological notion of emptiness and a heightened sense of compassion for all those embedded in karmic entanglements, at the heart of Tibetans’ ability to strive in exile. A spacious mind affords the flexibility to let go of one's own narratives of suffering and the illusion of a fixed ego, and to instead accept that suffering is a normal feature of life. Because vast and spacious minds need to be cultivated, the exile community's experiences of hardship are perceived as fruitful mind-training ground, leading Lewis to conclude that, for Tibetans, ‘resilience occurs not in spite of suffering, but actually because of it ’ (51). Unfortunately, Lewis’ use of ‘resilience’ remains rather elusive, despite being at the study's core. While it is argued, convincingly, that Euro-American understandings of resilience do not apply to the Tibetan case, one might wonder how far the term ‘resilience’ adequately captures the phenomenon under investigation. Choosing a term less steeped in western psychological discourses might have clarified the object of study earlier on. Semantic issues aside, the author's exploration of Tibetan spiritual and cultural practices makes the best possible use of the ethnographic genre. The descriptions of Dharamsala and its inhabitants’ day-to-day lives are rich and vivid, and Lewis produces compassionate and colourful depictions of her interlocutors. The author doesn't shy away from reproducing long interview quotes to underline her analyses and demonstrates an astute sense for metaphors. Her conceptualisation of the – still too often overlooked – relation between lived and doctrinal religion is highly effective, likening the spacious mind to a spiritually and socially praised ‘north star principle’ that acts as ‘a pathway, a method, a view, and a horizon’ (9), rather than an everyday lived reality. Combined with personal fieldwork anecdotes that reveal the author's reflexive process in a light-hearted way, Lewis’ style makes for an eminently engaging and compelling read on local understandings of the mind, much in line with Julia Cassaniti's (2015 , 2018 ) recent writings.

Due to its rich findings and in-depth analysis, the first half of the book could be a stand-alone publication. However, in the remaining two chapters, Lewis undertakes the ambitious task of relating the Tibetan Buddhist mindset to the global political level. Chapters 4 and 5 examine the apparent paradox in which Tibetans are encouraged to ‘let go’ of traumatic experiences of oppression, torture and forced migration, yet predicate their global political fight on the circulation of graphic testimonies of human right abuses and trauma. The author addresses this contradiction rather tentatively. She hints towards what seems to be a flexibility of a higher order that allows to substitute western trauma narratives for a flexible understanding of suffering as it becomes clear that the Buddhist mindset ‘will not fuel a successful resistance movement worthy of global attention’ (150). Given its theoretical potential towards the anthropology of political resistance and oppression, this suggestion would have benefitted from a far more direct and confident formulation. Furthermore, it is regrettable that the Tibetan interlocutors’ actual thoughts on the paradox and on Lewis’ subsequent analysis remain unknown.

What makes Spacious Minds so compelling is the array of themes and research traditions it touches upon. Beyond the concept of resilience, Lewis puts the Tibetan case in dialogue with biomedical understandings of distress, Euro-American models of psychotherapy and trauma, and theories of structural violence, inviting the reader to question well-known paradigms. The book thus appeals to scholars and others interested in psychological, medical and religious anthropology, as well as to cross-cultural mental health practitioners. Lewis’ accessible explanations of core spiritual concepts should also attract readers looking for an introduction to the Vajrayana Buddhist tradition. Furthermore, the author's findings feed into a range of highly topical issues and debates, and should thus prove relevant to those engaged in public health, humanitarian aid and refugee policy fields. Her exploration of the Tibetan exile community's indifference towards psychiatric treatments and counselling may certainly enrich discussions surrounding the Movement for Global Mental Health, while the analysis of Tibetan refugees’ requirement to perform suffering and trauma for accessing support can inform reviews of the roles of international aid agencies and asylum-seeking systems. Spacious Minds thus offers a brilliant illustration of how the anthropological study of the mind provides an innovative avenue to illuminate and engage with the very material world of policy, politics and power.

Cassaniti , J. L. ( 2015 ), Living Buddhism: Mind, Self, and Emotion in a Thai Community ( Ithaca, NY : Cornell University Press ).

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Cassaniti , J. L. ( 2018 ), Remembering the Present: Mindfulness in Buddhist Asia ( Ithaca, NY : Cornell University Press ).

Reviewed by David M.R. Orr

A recent article in Anthropology & Medicine illustrates how opinion within anthropology remains divided when it comes to rapid ethnographic research. Reflecting on the contributions and limitations of anthropological input into the response to the 2014–2016 Ebola outbreak in West Africa, the authors noted ‘criticism from traditional methodologists and ethnographers (who are often located within the academy) about questions related to reliability and validity due to its relatively rapid nature’ ( Lees et al. 2020: 134 ). Despite such scepticism, ‘rapid’ or ‘focused’ ethnography has demonstrated its value in situations – like the one described in that article – where the importance of timeliness outweighs exhaustiveness in knowledge production, and has enjoyed notable uptake in public health and business, among other fields. It does not render superfluous longer-term ethnography, nor is it simply a bite-sized version of extended fieldwork; rather, it requires its own distinct approach to planning and execution. A new text offering guidance and countering the dismissal of rapid ethnographic approaches is therefore to be welcomed.

Thurka Sangaramoorthy and Karen Kroeger's book is structured in seven chapters: overview; key considerations in planning; design and methods; fieldwork; data analysis; report writing and follow up; and case studies. Each chapter opens with key learning outcomes and closes with a summary box. The writing is clear and direct, providing straightforward advice for researchers who have not previously carried out rapid ethnographic assessment (REA). A strength of the text is how clearly it communicates the need for efficiency and pragmatism in undertaking REA, showing how key decisions must stem from these criteria. Making this adjustment can often be a challenge for those trained in the traditions of extended fieldwork, but the authors make clear why it is necessary and how careful participatory engagement with community members can help to compensate for some of the thoroughness it sacrifices. Good advice is provided on REA teams, from recruiting members that complement each other's strengths to working together on data gathering and analysis. Twelve appendices provide useful examples of ‘nuts and bolts’ aspects of REA, such as a project planning tool, budget and templates for different stages of the work.

The book's discussion of methods extends into reporting and presenting findings, which is sometimes skated over in other texts. There is valuable discussion of how to approach turning rich findings into practical recommendations, as well as of how to structure a report. Here I was surprised that although reporting to different audiences is mentioned, the chapter does not engage in any detail with how best to tailor presentations to their different expectations. Not everyone is interested to read a REA report in full, but the chapter proceeds as if they are. There is little discussion of how to distil an ethnographic report, which itself already significantly condenses the details of the REA and its findings, into the even briefer summaries that stakeholders often expect, without losing important nuances (indeed, the suggested structure for the report does not include any form of executive summary) – nevertheless, this is often a vital part of the process and therefore a surprising omission in an otherwise careful discussion.

Although the preface notes the range of agencies and fields in which REA methods have been used, it is worth highlighting that the examples in the book are drawn almost exclusively from the areas in which the authors have primarily worked: sexually-transmitted disease prevention. There is something to be said for focusing closely on one's own area of expertise and the methods discussed remain fully applicable to other topics, so readers working on other issues will get full value from the text. However, more diversity in the projects used as illustrations would have helped to show more fully the flexibility of REA. This is most striking in Chapter 7, where the three case studies cover similar ground in many respects. Introducing or signposting a different kind of project, perhaps drawn from the literature rather than the authors’ own work, might have brought out different dimensions.

Overall the book provides the practical approach and toolkit that its title indicates. It will be a useful introduction for readers who are inexperienced in applying REA methods, particularly those who are working in medical anthropology in the community.

Lees , S. , J. Palmer , F. Procureur and K. Blanchet ( 2020 ), ‘ Contested Legitimacy for Anthropologists Involved in Medical Humanitarian Action: Experiences from the 2014–2016 West Africa Ebola Epidemic ’, Anthropology & Medicine 27 , no. 2 : 125 – 143 , https://doi.org/10.1080/13648470.2020.1742576 .

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Cultural Anthropology  publishes ethnographic writing informed by a wide array of theoretical perspectives, innovative in form and content, and focused on both traditional and emerging topics. It also welcomes essays concerned with ethnographic methods and research design in historical perspective, and with ways cultural analysis can address broader public audiences and interests.

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The journal’s  online submission system  is  the only acceptable means of submitting a manuscript for review . Manuscripts sent directly to the editors will not be considered. If you encounter any technical difficulties, please contact  [email protected]  for assistance.

The target length of your initial submission should be  9,000 words, including notes and references . Manuscripts over 9,500 words will be returned for further editing. All submissions must include an abstract of no more than 150 words, as well as 5–7 keywords. Manuscripts submitted to  Cultural Anthropology  should not be under simultaneous consideration by any other journal or have been published elsewhere.

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Authors should prepare their manuscripts in order to facilitate anonymous review. Any identifying references to the author should be removed prior to submission.

Our Production Process

Once an article has been accepted and scheduled for publication, it will be copyedited for clarity and consistency with  Cultural Anthropology ’s house style. Authors will have the opportunity to review the copyedited manuscript and to make additional changes, in consultation with the managing editor. Once an article has been typeset, only very small corrections will be permitted. Authors are expected to respond promptly to all inquiries from the editorial office in order to avoid delays in the production schedule.

As of 2023, Cultural Anthropology will be published under a CC BY-NC 4.0 license , meaning all CA authors will retain their copyright and the published version of the article is freely available to download, save, reproduce, and transmit for noncommercial, scholarly, and educational purposes under the Creative Commons BY-NC 4.0 license.

Cultural Anthropology  requires authors to provide the journal with their  ORCID  identifier early in the production process.

Amendments and Retractions

If an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in their article after it has been published, it is the author’s obligation to notify the editorial collective and to cooperate fully if an amendment or retraction is judged to be in order. In the event that an allegation of research misconduct relating to a published article is brought to the editorial collective, the journal will follow the guidelines of the  Committee on Publication Ethics  in responding to the allegation.

Directrices para la Presentación de Originales a Cultural Anthropology

Cultural Anthropology publica textos etnográficos inspirados en un amplio abanico de perspectivas teóricas, innovadores en forma y contenido, y centrados en temas tanto tradicionales como emergentes. De igual modo damos la bienvenida a contribuciones que pongan el acento en los métodos etnográficos y el diseño de la investigación desde una perspectiva histórica, a la par que propuestas de análisis cultural que busquen la interpelación e interés de públicos y audiencias más amplias.

Artículos de Investigación

Un artículo de investigación enviado a Cultural Anthropology debe:

• Ser algo más que un sólido estudio de caso etnográfico. Buscamos trabajos basados en investigaciones de campo originales, o en análisis de materiales históricos desde una perspectiva antropológica, que contribuyan explícitamente a los debates y desarrollos teóricos de la antropología cultural contemporánea.
• Hacerse cargo de que toda cita académica pone en juego un conjunto de autores y autoras demográficamente diverso, tanto en lo que respecta al estudio de caso en cuestión, como en su apuesta por una visión teórica disciplinar más ética, descolonizada y contrahegemónica. Muchos campos de la antropología cultural clásica y contemporánea (por ejemplo, el estudio del parentesco, el hogar, el ritual, el paisaje o el colonialismo) tienen genealogías ricas y complejas no siempre reconocidas adecuadamente en la tradición anglófona. Los trabajos publicados en Cultural Anthropology deberían hacer un esfuerzo por comprometerse con la diversidad canónica que ha constituido estos campos. Por ello, citar y dialogar con el trabajo de la academia del país y la región donde se ha realizado la investigación, así como de otras personas que han trabajado en esa misma región –incluidas las publicaciones en lengua no inglesa–, son criterios relevantes de evaluación.
• Establecer un diálogo y citar investigaciones cuyas contribuciones orbiten más allá de las redes académicas de les autores. Nos interesan especialmente aquellos trabajos que se toman con seriedad análisis y propuestas alternativas.
• Desarrollar una propuesta argumentativa cuyas afirmaciones guarden proporción con los datos presentados.
• Interpelar reflexivamente la propia ética, diseño y metodología de la investigación.
• Incluir un título y un resumen informativos que sean concisos y claros, que presenten las dimensiones teóricas y empíricas del artículo y estén escritos con un mínimo de jerga para un público antropológico amplio. Deberán incluirse copias en castellano y en inglés tanto del título como del resumen.

Cultural Anthropology acepta contenidos multimedia como parte de los trabajos propuestos. Además de imágenes, estos pueden incluir vídeos y/o clips de audio que formen parte de la argumentación del texto. Cultural Anthropology no publica números especiales ni reseñas de libros.

Envío de un Artículo de Investigación

El sistema de envío en línea de la revista es el único medio aceptable para enviar un manuscrito para su revisión. Los manuscritos enviados directamente al colectivo editorial no serán considerados. Si tiene algún problema técnico, póngase en contacto con [email protected] para obtener ayuda. Los originales enviados tendrán una extensión inicial de 9.000 palabras, incluidas las notas y bibliografía. Los manuscritos de más de 9.500 palabras se devolverán para su revisión. Todos los envíos deben incluir un resumen de no más de 150 palabras, así como de 5 a 7 palabras clave. Los manuscritos enviados a Cultural Anthropology no deben de estar siendo considerados para su publicación por ninguna otra revista, ni haber sido publicados en otro lugar. Para enviar una nueva versión de su manuscrito que responda a las recomendaciones de la revisión por pares debe acceder a su cuenta en journal.culanth.org, donde podrá ver también su envío original. En la pestaña Review (Revisión) verá una casilla denominada Revisions (Revisiones); podrá subir la nueva versión del texto haciendo clic en Upload File (Subir Fichero). Debe subir también una carta de presentación de no más de dos páginas en la que explique su estrategia de revisión y describa los principales cambios que ha realizado en el texto. La carta de presentación puede ser compartida con les revisores, por lo que no debe contener ninguna información que pueda servir para identificarle como autor o autora. Si el título o el resumen cambian durante las revisiones, haga clic en la pestaña Publication (Publicación) para actualizarlos. Nuestra oficina editorial recibirá una notificación automática cuando suba los archivos revisados, pero le rogamos que se ponga en contacto con [email protected] si tiene alguna duda.

Gastos de Procesamiento y Envío de Artículos

Cultural Anthropology no realiza cargos por el procesamiento de artículos (APCs) para financiar el costo de la publicación. Los socios y socias de la Society for Cultural Anthropology (SCA) subvencionan la revista a través de sus cuotas. Los autores y autoras que sean socias de la Asociación Americana de Antropología (AAA), pero no de la SCA, deben unirse a la SCA antes de que sus manuscritos sean revisados. Les autores que no sean socias de la AAA pueden pagar una cuota de envío de 25 dólares en lugar de asociarse a la AAA y la SCA. La cuota se puede pagar con una tarjeta de crédito (MasterCard, Visa o American Express) utilizando el sistema de pago seguro de la AAA, para lo cual debe seleccionar la opción "Manuscript Processing Fee - SCA Nonmember" (Tasa de Procesamiento de Manuscritos-SCA No socias). La oficina editorial será notificada una vez que se haya pagado el cargo y procederá a la revisión de su manuscrito. Los cargos por envío sólo se aplican a los envíos iniciales; no se aplica ningún cargo a los manuscritos reenviados. En el caso de manuscritos en coautoría, siempre que al menos uno de les autores sea socia de la SCA no se aplicará ninguna tasa de envío. Además, si el pago de la tasa de envío representara una dificultad financiera importante para un autor o autora, puede enviarse una solicitud de exención con una breve explicación a [email protected].

Cultural Anthropology se adhiere al Manual de Estilo de Chicago (17ª ed., 2017) para la mayoría de las cuestiones de estilo, incluyendo guiones, puntuación y abreviaturas. Los manuscritos deben ir a doble espacio y con un tipo de letra de 12 puntos, preferiblemente Times New Roman; esto se aplica a las citas en bloque y a los extractos, notas y referencias. Los márgenes de todo el manuscrito deben ser de 1 pulgada (2.54 centímetros). Cultural Anthropology recomienda el uso de lenguaje inclusivo y no sexista en los textos que se presenten para publicación. Conscientes de que no todos los textos se muestran igualmente viables para su adaptación, confiamos en el cuidado del contenido más allá de soluciones morfológicas. Valgan como ejemplo estas mismas directrices, donde hemos optado por usar distintos pronombres y formas del sujeto (a veces “autores y autoras”, a veces “les autores”) buscando tanto la inclusividad como la accesibilidad, y ofreciendo una alternativa morfológica para personas con dificultades lecto-escritoras.

Bibliografía

Las citas y bibliografías deben utilizar el formato autor-fecha de Chicago. Las fuentes que aparecen en la bibliografía deben citarse en el texto y viceversa. En el texto, las referencias se citan entre paréntesis, con los apellidos, el año de publicación y los números de página de las citas directas. La bibliografía debe estar ordenada alfabéticamente por el apellido del autor o autora. Si es posible, facilite el identificador de objeto digital (DOI) de todos los artículos de revistas citados. Debido al esfuerzo editorial que conlleva la apuesta por la publicación de textos en castellano en Cultural Anthropology sólo podemos comprometernos a publicar aquellos textos cuyas autoras o autores se hagan cargo del cumplimiento estricto de las normas de estilo y formato de la revista. No hacerlo será considerado motivo de rechazo del trabajo. Cultural Anthropology se toma muy en serio el plagio y pide a les autores que se aseguren de haber reconocido adecuadamente el trabajo académico de otras personas. No hacerlo puede ser considerado motivo de rechazo de un trabajo.

Las imágenes no deben estar integradas en el manuscrito, sino que deben enviarse por separado. En el manuscrito, indique dónde desea que aparezca cada imagen añadiendo llamadas en el texto entre los párrafos: por ejemplo, "<IMÁGEN 1 AQUÍ>". Después, una vez que haya subido el manuscrito a OJS, deberá subir las imágenes y un documento de Word con los pies de foto de cada imagen como archivos complementarios.

Nuestro Proceso de Revisión

Todos los manuscritos son sometidos a una revisión inicial por parte del colectivo editorial en un plazo de 7 a 10 días desde su recepción. En ese momento, les editores informarán al autor o autora si el artículo es rechazado o iniciarán el proceso de revisión por el sistema de pares ciegos. Los artículos se enviarán a dos o tres revisores, que son seleccionados por el consejo editorial de la revista y a quienes se les solicita que declaren cualquier conflicto de intereses antes de aceptar el encargo. La decisión de aceptar, rechazar o invitar a revisar el artículo se toma generalmente en los tres meses siguientes al envío de la revisión. Les autores deben preparar sus manuscritos para facilitar la revisión anónima. Cualquier referencia que les identifique debe ser eliminada antes de su envío.

Nuestro Proceso de Producción

Una vez que un artículo ha sido aceptado y programado para su publicación será revisado para cerciorarse de que se adhiere a las normas de estilo y formato de Cultural Anthropology . De no ser así, en consulta con el colectivo editorial los autores y autoras tendrán la oportunidad de revisar el manuscrito y hacer los cambios de estilo y formato necesarios para adecuarse a las normas de la revista. Una vez que el artículo haya sido maquetado, sólo se permitirán correcciones mínimas. Se espera que les autores respondan con prontitud a todas las consultas de la redacción para evitar retrasos en el calendario de producción.

A partir de 2023, Cultural Anthropology se publicará bajo una licencia CC BY-NC 4.0 , lo que significa que todas las y los autores de CA conservarán sus derechos de autor y que la versión publicada del artículo se podrá descargar, guardar, reproducir y transmitir libremente para fines no comerciales, académicos y educativos bajo la licencia Creative Commons BY-NC 4.0.

Enmiendas y Retractaciones

Si une autor o autora descubre un error o inexactitud importante en su artículo tras su publicación, es su obligación notificarlo al colectivo editorial y cooperar plenamente si llegara a ser necesario enmendarlo o retractarlo. En caso de que el colectivo editorial reciba una acusación de mala conducta durante la realización de una investigación relacionada con un artículo publicado en la revista, el colectivo seguirá las directrices del Comité sobre la Ética de Publicar (Committee on Publication Ethics, COPE) para responder a la acusación.

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