essay on education in bangladesh

Changing Course, Transforming Education in Bangladesh on International Day of Education 2022

Ms. Beatrice Kaldun, Head of Office and UNESCO Representative congratulated the organizers and highlighted that business as usual will not work and transforming education through Global Citizenship Education and Education for Sustainable Development is the way forward to address global challenges such as digital transformation and climate change. Referring to the Futures of Education report launched by UNESCO last November, she urged everyone to participate in the futures of education discussion and action – children, youth, parents, teachers, researchers, activists, employers, cultural and religious leaders.

More than 80 participants from the government and academic institutions attended the celebration event in person and online. Mr. Golam Hasibul Alam, Secretary of MoPME and Mr. Md. Abu Bakr Siddique, Secretary, SHED, MOE were also present at the event and made their intervention on the theme of IDE.

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School Education System in Bangladesh

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• First Online: 22 June 2020
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• Manjuma Akhtar Mousumi 3 &
• Tatsuya Kusakabe 4  

Part of the book series: Global Education Systems ((GES))

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Bangladesh has seen significant changes in its education system as the country has gone through several transformations in terms of its identity – from being a part of greater Bengal in Northeast India until 1947 to being referred to as East Pakistan till 1971 and to finally becoming the present-day Bangladesh through its emergence in 1971 as a sovereign nation-state separate from Pakistan. This chapter begins by discussing the history of education in the Indian subcontinent and the education system that prevailed in the parts of the subcontinent that later came to be referred to as Bangladesh. Specific focus of the chapter is on primary and secondary education as also the nonformal education and the contribution of different stakeholders in education. The chapter discusses the education structure, governance and management, curriculum and assessment, as well as issues such as access, participation, retention, and transition in general education. This chapter also looks into government policies and programs for education, the inclusion of children deprived of education, and development partners’ contribution in providing financial and technical support to ensure participation of all in education. Overall, the chapter provides an understanding of the developments in relation to the domain of education in Bangladesh.

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Mousumi, M.A., Kusakabe, T. (2020). School Education System in Bangladesh. In: Sarangapani, P., Pappu, R. (eds) Handbook of Education Systems in South Asia. Global Education Systems. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3309-5_11-1

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Essay Issue 1 — October 2023

The colonial legacy of bangladesh’s education system.

By S. B. Shams

October 6, 2023

Not to be trapped with historicism, but the discussion on the reform in the education sector in Bangladesh can only be possible with an understanding of its history. It is essential to thoroughly study the history of education before colonialism and the impact of British rule for over a century. This historical insight can be juxtaposed with an analysis of coloniality within the present-day education delivery in Bangladesh. 

The Indus civilization of ancient India, from 2500-1500 BC, was skilled in many areas, including written language, arts and crafts, architecture, design, ecology, civic and administrative codes, trade and commerce, and mathematics. Education played a significant role in shaping an individual’s overall growth and development. Its purpose was not merely limited to imparting knowledge and information but extended to promoting self-confidence, self-restraint, ethics, character and personality formation, and social efficiency. Moreover, it eliminated discriminatory attitudes and fostered good judgment, which was essential for leading a successful and fulfilling life.

 Ancient Indian education emphasized objective knowledge and secular needs, including conserving ancestral traditions, coding customs, and reporting on social conventions. Chantal Crozet (2012) writes and explains ancient Indian education, “Grammar and poetics, logic, astronomy, astrology, geometry, arithmetic and medicine were amongst the most valued forms of worldly knowledge.” Education in ancient times was comprehensive as it covered both physical and spiritual aspects of an individual. It included teachings on religion and spirituality to provide holistic knowledge to the learner.

The ancient Indian gurukul system required students to live with their teachers, even in remote forests or mountainous terrain. This aspect of their accommodation, where the teacher and the student were near each other, was most important for developing their relationship. The Gurukuls were one of the earliest forms of public schools supported by public donations. 

At that time, knowledge was apprehended in India as something beyond the five senses since education for transformation requires education of the inner self and subjective knowledge. The Brahmanical instruction curriculum at the time, described by the Brahmin poets, involved the study of vyakaran, abhidhan, nyaya, and alankara shastra in schools. 

During the Islamic era, educational institutions in India comprised traditional madrasas and maktabs. Even during British rule, the Provincial Committee of Bengal of the Indian Education Commission (1882) acknowledged that every mosque in India had an educational center. These establishments imparted knowledge on various subjects such as grammar, philosophy, mathematics, and law. The madrasas’ curriculum consisted of two books on grammar, two on logic, two on astronomy and mathematics, and five on mysticism and religious knowledge. Under the reign of the great Mughal ruler Akbar, the education system was inclusive, offering additional courses on medicine, agriculture, geography, and texts from other languages and religions, such as Patanjali’s work in Sanskrit. The scientific community during this period was influenced by the ideas of Aristotle, Bhaskaras II, Charka, and Ibn Sina. 

India’s traditional education system came under scrutiny at the hands of its British rulers.  In 1835, the British ruler appointed William Adam to assess indigenous institutions. Adam’s research uncovered roughly 100,000 schools in Bengal and Bihar, each operated by a single teacher known as a Guru. Students utilized the Shubhankar text for arithmetic, while Sabda Subanta and Asta Sabdi were used to teach elementary grammar. Moral values were instilled through the Sanskritic verses like Chanakya’s and many others. The surveyors of the British government found valuable knowledge being taught in indigenous schools. Nevertheless, they concluded that traditional education before British colonization lacked scientific elements in the curriculum. The colonial rulers of Bengal expressed their opinion on the education systems, stating that they were deficient in terms of “moral instruction” and “useful knowledge,” even though there was evidence to suggest otherwise.

Developing clerical classes within the Indian population to serve as administrators and supporters of imperialism was the British Raj’s covert objective in imposing English education in colonial India. Thomas Babington Macaulay, Secretary to the Board of Control 1831, who was responsible for “civilizing indigenous”, said in rhetoric, “We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern –a class of persons Indian in blood and color, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals and in intellect.” He added, “To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from western nomenclature, and to render them by degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the population.”  

The minority ‘Orientalists’ in Britain who sought to revive India’s ancient culture through its traditional learned classes could have promoted their arguments more effectively. The ‘Anglicists’ emerged victorious by advocating for the introduction of so-called ‘modern science’ to transform what they perceived as a ‘stagnant culture’. Macaulay’s vision had produced an elite class of Anglicised Indians and a larger mass of ‘clerical workers’ with limited prospects. 

The Afro-Caribbean psychiatrist and political philosopher Frantz Fanon identifies this phenomenon as a civilized form of violence or cultural injuries, like institutionalizing the ruler’s language in schools and ingraining children’s minds in a colony with the colonizer’s culture. 

In Bengal, the spread of publicly run Western-style mass education was initially prompted by missionaries’ influence. There was a crucial societal shift in history during the 19th and early 20th century when the Protestants championed the cause of widespread education in their respective nations with the aim of “civilizing” the working class. This endeavor also extended to their colonies, and the so-called ‘altruistic’ notion of ‘universal education’ garnered backing from rulers, benefiting both colonized subjects overseas and the working-class populace in an empire like Britain. The British government started to fund on a limited scale to elementary education in India. In addition to providing Anglicized mass education, higher education was intended to foster a sense of national identity in the form of colonial citizenship.

In the colonial era, affluent Indians took it upon themselves to establish private schools and institutions without funding from the British government. Their unwavering commitment in providing education for their children led to the creation of institutions that closely followed the English education model, with English pedagogy and curriculum being the sole means of achieving modernization. This approach of privatized English education has persisted in post-colonial Pakistan and Bangladesh, and has yet to encounter any noteworthy opposition. 

Within the Subcontinent, the disparity between government-supported formal education, which is under-resourced and adheres to colonial norms, and privately-funded modern English education for the affluent has led to significant illiteracy rates. The education system passed down to the region primarily caters to job opportunities, generating compliant citizens while encouraging post-colonial patriotism.

Rabindranath Tagore, the Bengali poet whose lyrics are the national anthems of Bangladesh and India, stated the core of the vision of Indian education. “Our link to the reality of the world is of three kinds: the connection made by the intellect, the connection arising out of need, and the connection found in joy.” (From the speech delivered by Tagore at the National Council for Education and first published in 1907). He elaborates, “This [Indian education] is not mere knowledge, as science is, but it is a perception of the soul by the soul. This does not lead us to power, as knowledge does, but it gives us joy, which is the product of the union of kindred things.” 

Tagore, however, eloquently expressed the idea of what could be decolonized education delivery by criticizing the then newly imposed colonial education in his writing, “ The education we get does not match the lifestyle of ours, the urge for improvement of our home is not there in our books.” He further adds, “This [English] education can never overcome our shortcomings in life. This education is miles apart from the roots of our life.” Tagore addressed the challenges associated with conventional and colonized education by implementing innovative educational practices in his institutions at Santiniketan.

In the ancient Indian education system, knowledge had been divided into two streams: paravidya —the higher knowledge, the spiritual wisdom—and aparavidya —the lower knowledge, the secular sciences. Moreover, as Tagore mentioned, there is another stream, “the  doctrine of deliverance that Buddha preached was the freedom from the thralldom of Avidyā. Avidyā is the ignorance that darkens our consciousness and tends to limit it within the boundaries of our personal self.”

In ancient Bengal, the prevailing philosophy of education aspired to connect knowledge to practical life, work, and personal fulfillment rather than purely spiritual pursuits. Tagore championed this traditional Indian educational model in his various essays, speeches, and correspondences, advocating for it over the educational approach imposed by colonial powers.

The ancient system of the scholastic tradition of meditation, Smarta (Puranic), mental mathematics, medical science-ayurvedic, sadhana including asana, pranayama, and also the education on nature was replaced, according to Dutta (2022) by a “curriculum of prescribed learning” by the colonial ruler.

Whereas both Vedic and Buddhist systems of education had different subjects of study. The Vedic system comprised ritualistic knowledge, metrics, exegetics (interpretation of scriptures), grammar, phonetics and astronomy; the Upanishads included logic and reasoning, history and more. The Subjects common to Buddhism and Vedic were law, arithmetic, performing arts, ethics, architecture, trading accounts, economics, state-craft, military science and many more. The ancient Indian education system had 64 art forms to be imparted through teaching. In brief, the ancient Indian education system catered to both spirituality and real-life skills, which were infused with the intention for salvation and final bliss or ecstasy of life enjoyed, parallel with complete physical development. 

The Eastern and Western cultures have different approaches to cultivating the soul and practical life in their educational systems. The Eastern system of teaching values both theory and practical application, just like the Indian tradition. This approach is beneficial in real-life situations and can be applied in personal and professional contexts. This system develops a versatile skill set in individuals by emphasizing both aspects.

The introduction of colonial education in Bangladesh aimed to produce clerks and professional groups required for running the colonial administration and trade. Although Bangladesh gained independence from Pakistan and Pakistan gained independence earlier from British rule, the education system based on Western colonial models remains untouched. 

To understand education in Bengal before colonization, writings of nationalist thinkers such as Gandhi and Vivekananda, Bose, along with Tagore, can be conferred. These sources may provide valuable insights into the ancient and indigenous educational systems of present-day Bangladesh. 

In the past, the education system in Bengal was comprehensive, encompassing guru-based instruction and religious institutions. Readings of scholars like Poromesh Acharya may reveal this with evidence, verstehen , and analyses. 

Bangladesh nationalized 26,000 primary schools after gaining independence from Pakistan in 1971. The government declared that education would be compulsory, secular, and modernized. Another turn happened in 1976; military rulers encouraged expanding religious education. From the ’80s, Bangladesh experienced increased funding for Madrasahs, while in the ‘90s, teachers’ unions gained more power through patronage and bargaining. At the same time, Bangladesh entered into the global (new-imperial) policy regime of Universal Primary Education in the ‘90s.

Despite controversy and paradoxical implications, the Compulsory Primary Education Act of 1990 led to the privatization and Islamization of education and the expansion of public institutions on a large scale. Since the installation of the election and bi-party government in 1990, all subsequent governments have prioritized creating access to education through incentives and infrastructure, increasing the number of teachers, and incorporating national history and identity into the curriculum, although with varying versions of national histories.

Bangladesh achieved tremendous success in creating 100 percent access for all children in primary education and earned gender parity. Bangladesh is running a show now with the world’s most expanded public education sector, considering the numbers of schools, teachers and students. However, a few Bangladeshis but expatriate researchers referred to this trend as a “holy alliance” of support for Madrasahs and expanding access to education for poor girls, significantly contributing to the system’s rapid expansion. A few researchers mentioned that non-governmental organizations’ non-formal schools also played a role in expanding access to schooling in Bangladesh. It will be a tall list of tasks that the political governments did, including building schools, deploying teachers, provisioning zero fee, free textbooks, school meals, stipends and much more.

Recently Bangladesh has been criticized for low quality of education at all levels, particularly for the poor communities. This issue is common in many least-developed and developing countries, where although more children are completing primary education, most struggle to acquire basic literacy and numeracy skills. 

Bangladesh ranks 112th out of 138 countries on the Global Knowledge Index 2020 (UNDP, 2020) by the United Nations Development Program and the Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum Knowledge Foundation. Bangladesh scored below the global average in primary education, with a score of only 35.9. In pre-university education, Bangladesh ranked 117th, scoring only 43.9. In the higher education sector, Bangladesh is ranked 129th, with a score of 24.1. (UNDP 2020)

It is commendable that Bangladesh has made significant strides in promoting education among its populace. However, there remains an urgent need to improve the quality of education delivery within the country. This would undoubtedly lead to the development of a more resilient and well-informed society capable of addressing the challenges the modern world poses. 

The government has put in place a uniform approach to encourage students and their families by offering complimentary textbooks, school lunches, universal allowances, and various other rewards. Furthermore, there is a notable endeavor to enhance infrastructure. Although the state aims to establish a standardized curriculum, there exist different types of educational systems, including Madrasa, English medium, and government-run schools, that coexist. Private initiatives serve the urban middle class while the wealthy can access education abroad or in ‘foreign enclaves’.

There is another type of colonialism present within national settings these days. Bijoy Barua states, “Cultural homogenisation through the establishment of a centralized and standardized curriculum in education has become the dominant model in Bangladesh today, a model of education deeply rooted in the colonial legacy of materialism, acquisitiveness, and social exclusion. The human capital approach indoctrinates learners into the urban-based economic growth model with the financial and technical assistance of bilateral and multilateral donors in the country.” When studying the cultural marginalization of Buddhists in the Bangladesh education system, Barua confronts this. 

Mrinal Debnath (2020) found similar results when studying the alienation of the Santal minority group in Bangladesh from the government’s formal and standardized education system. In this rural context, these alien ideologies and practices in education are actively engaged in eliminating local institutions, the knowledge system of indigenous peoples, the texture of their lives, their joy of living, their spirituality and their sense of being.”  

Sudipta Kaviraj (2014) has excellently explained this bias , “ Ironically, for some, the relation with the West is still most significant; Western certificates are still of the highest value, and therefore Western approval or disapproval is a matter of special exultation or mortification.” During the colonial era, many Bengali elites favored implementing Western education, emphasizing modern values like ‘productivity’ and ‘civility’. 

Jana Tschurenev (2019), a policy analyst, argues that unquestioningly adopting colonial education is the initial step in transnational education projects such as donor-funded initiatives for universal primary education or the education objectives of MDGs and SDGs, which claim to provide universal education rights and promoting universal access. In addition, the global model of standardized higher education continues today under neoliberal economic projects and the agenda of ‘human capital’ development, promoting the global flow of skills based on the global division of labor. 

Ideas on the importance of universal primary education spread globally and impacted national leaders and policies through aid initiatives and international conferences like the 1990 Jomtien Conference on Education for All (EFA). These EFAs culminated in MDG and SDGs. A global framework based on rights has been established to promote educational access, equity, and accountability through monitoring. This approach has shifted the focus away from prioritizing efficiency, relevance and rate of return at the national level. Instead, it encourages the expansion of formal schooling and private universities worldwide. The roots of these transnational projects under the neo-liberalism and rights framework can be traced back to the Western education dumped by colonial powers in their dominions, colonies, or chartered company areas.

The current education system of Bangladesh at all levels heavily emphasizes Western philosophies and adopts Eurocentric teaching methods. The predominant language used in the global education model is English, and the curriculum follows Anglo-American templates. Bangladesh is not an exception. It is essential to acknowledge that this system results from the Western-centric geopolitical power structure and originates in the history of colonialism. 

The current global education model has two primary mechanisms at work. The first involves non-western countries importing programs, curricula, materials, and even human resources from the West. The second mechanism involves a flow of international students, skilled professionals, and semi-skilled workers from the East to the West. These interactions take place through advanced business agreements and also through learning from the colonial days and successes of colonizing minds and labors. 

Shibao Guo & Yan Guo (2020) reiterate that “……critical scholars question internationalization as the dominant global imaginary and its colonial myth of Western ontological and epistemological supremacy.” According to Shahjahan (2011), postcolonial studies on education and development have shown that Western colonization has had an impact on education, resulting in an emphasis on individualism over collectivism, a Western-centric view of history, and a preference for Western science over indigenous knowledge.

Robin Shields (2013) notes that donor organizations tend to place blame on schools for the lack of quality education and then shift their attention (on tension) from central to local levels. This perpetuates a pattern of colonial domination that originates from the global epicenter and trickles down to the local level, creating a power dynamic that can harm the education system. Addressing these underlying issues is crucial to establishing a more equitable and effective education system that benefits all students, regardless of their background or location. 

Linda Tuhiwai Smith, a prominent Maori scholar, has coined the term “Imperial Eyes” to describe the institutionalized practices of the education system. This term refers to the manner in which colonial powers have historically imposed their cultural values and beliefs onto indigenous communities, often through the education system. Such practices have had a profound impact on the way these communities view themselves and the world around them and continue to shape their experiences today (Kellner & Gennaro, 2022). 

The policy environment of Bangladesh needs to acknowledge this method of plurality; instead, both the donors and government pursue the singular global model of neo-liberal and positivist stance. This can also be termed ‘embedded policy coherence’ between donors and the government, which is the denial of declonization agenda and accommodating vernacular but diversified pedagogy and curriculum. It can be considered as a managed convergence between donors and government. Bangladesh’s education policies have been influenced by centuries of colonialism and currently align with (so-called) rights-based, (national) economy-determined, and (international) market-oriented technical reductionism.  

Renowned scholars, including Foucault, Gayatri, and Fanon, argue that addressing “decolonization as epistemological reconstitution” is crucial before attempting to decolonize any education system. Adhering to a decolonial viewpoint can foster an approach to educational policy that embodies love, striving towards promoting social justice and inclusive practices. In contrast, the unfortunate gift of colonial education is the ‘exclusionary nature of knowledge and ways of knowing’ and the absence of ‘contexts’ (Leonardo & Singh, 2017). 

Scholars such as Connell and Dei champion counterhegemonic methods that aim to undermine the Eurocentric knowledge that dominates our society. These alternative approaches have the power to upend the existing structures of knowledge production and foster meaningful change by celebrating the unique and valuable perspectives of historically overlooked and marginalized communities. 

Moreover, through an examination of the ideas put forth by Fanon, we can gain a deeper understanding of how the systematic exclusion of certain groups based on factors like gender, religion, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status from access to quality education perpetuates the same kind of colonial violence that has suppressed them throughout history.

To conduct a comprehensive evaluation of educational policies, it is imperative to factor in the influence of colonialism on knowledge generation. Educational and policy-making processes can perpetuate power disparities between colonizing and colonized parties. Therefore, a conceptual framework that recognizes such dynamics is essential for dismantling colonial structures in education policy analysis.

When considering the concept of decolonizing education, it is imperative to recognize that there often needs to be a better interpretation of its meaning. While some individuals may believe that simply incorporating more diverse materials into the curriculum is sufficient, Khoo et al. (2020) argue that this approach only scratches the surface. The true significance lies in critically assessing the methods of obtaining knowledge and skills. This necessitates exploring alternate sources of information and pathways to knowledge that may have been disregarded due to existing power structures and spatial limitations. 

Critical reflection is essential in cultivating a comprehensive understanding of the world around us. Decoloniality involves contesting, deconstructing, and triumphing over knowledge systems perpetuating global inequalities and injustices. Education has shifted its focus from cultivating critical thinking to prioritizing “cognitive” skills for job training. This inconsistency in policy objectives regarding the purpose of education becomes more ‘coherent’ in its implementation when Western donors and investors collaborate with local policy elites. Bangladesh is no exception. 

To achieve the critical goal of decolonizing education, restructuring the education system is paramount. This includes changes to the hierarchy, learning objectives, and teaching methods.. Teachers should  have more control over their evaluations. A practical solution requires reviving traditional knowledge and practices that were previously ignored and undervalued. Although some of this knowledge may have been deemed unimportant, it is still relevant and necessary. However, the current power structures often suppress this knowledge, making it challenging to include it in a comprehensive reform plan. Nonetheless, including this overlooked knowledge is essential to creating a more inclusive and effective solution.

Successful decolonization efforts can be observed in countries such as Vietnam, Malaysia, and Latin American nations. Some states have integrated local pedagogies, such as traditional practices related to health, well-being, or artisan training, to challenge colonial epistemology. However, these initiatives often encounter power dynamics, are less visible, and are dismissed as weak or ‘mystical’. They are frequently viewed as representing only a lower level of traditional skills, necessitating active efforts to transform these policy perceptions. Despite these challenges, Bangladesh has little alternative but to move away from its colonial roots in order to reinvigorate its education system.

About the Author

S. b. shams is a sociologist who has made several unsuccessful attempts at entrepreneurship and policy advocacy. he is a keen observer but writes infrequently., featured posts.

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State of primary education in Bangladesh: Progress made, challenges remained

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Abstract: The positive relationship between education and development is well-established. There is common agreement among researchers, policy makers, donors and development practitioners that education is the most important tool for development and poverty reduction. Since the 1990s, a greater emphasise has been placed on Education For All (EFA) and significant amounts of resources have been invested by national governments, various Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), and international donor agencies to realise the goals and objectives of the EFA. By using data from ten primary (five governments and five non-governments) schools from Gazipur district in Bangladesh, this paper shows a substantial progress since the1990s in terms of both enrolment and gender equity in primary education. The paper, however, argues that the quality of the education is being deteriorated since the implementation of the EFA. The paper, therefore, argues that unless the quality of the education is ensu...

International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147- 4478)

This study investigates the impact of a number of educational institutions and students per teacher on the literacy rate. Data of 489 Upazilasrelating to the dependent (literacy rate) and independent variables (no. of educational institutions and students per teacher of different types of primary and equivalent educational institutions) of 8 Divisions were collected from District Statistics 2011 of Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics. The Ordinary Least Square (OLS) method is used in this study. This research found that a number of government primary schools had a significant positive relationship with the literacy rate in Barishal, Chittagong, Khulna, and Mymensingh Divisions.

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Bangladesh is committed to ensuring quality education for all. In this purpose, there is categories study/education system at the primary level of education. One is formal primary education school run by the Bangladesh government and another is non-formal primary education school run by NGOs. Both types of primary education’s main objective are ensuring quality education at primary level. But there are many problems in these two categories of an education program. But quality education’s main characteristics enable all learners to develop the capabilities they require to become economically productive, develop sustainable livelihood, contribute to peaceful and democratic societies and enhance wellbeing. The learning outcomes that are required vary at the end of the basic educations cycle must include threshold levels of literacy and numeracy and life skills including awareness and prevention of disease. In this circumstance, the learning method will be flexible and the environment o...

Shuchita Sharmin

Education is a development agenda. Due to lack of reliable data the information is approximate, it is reported in different literature that there are 16.5 million primary-school-aged children (6 to 10 years old) in Bangladesh or overall there are more than 17 million students at the primary level; again it is estimated that 15.09 million children between the ages of 6 and 10 attend primary school. It can be said that somewhat 16-17 million children between the ages of 6 and 10 attend primary school. Education is their right but achieving their right to education is a huge challenge. Bangladesh's commitment to education has been clearly stated in its Constitution and development plans with education being given the highest priority in the public sector investments. Education sector allocations are currently about 2.3 percent of GDP and 14 percent of total government expenditure. Maintaining this commitment to the education sector is imperative in order to achieve Education for Al...

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accounts ziraf

BRAC has been a pioneer in the education arena. It has been working in the domain of primary education for almost two decades. BRAC has improved access and quality education for a significant number of children in Bangladesh. This paper focuses on enrollment, status, attendance, completion and dropout position of the child (students) of BRAC Primary School. This study was based on two sets of interview schedule designed in the light of the objectives of the study. The study reveals that the students of BRAC School (grade-iii students) are in the age 9 to 12 years. Though most of the students of BRAC primary school come from lower middle class or poor family, their enrollment and completion rates are very good. Their dropout rate is very low but attendance rate is very high. Their learning status is also good. In this study, it was found that boys and girls enrollment rates are 37.18% and 62.82% in BRAC primary school respectively. Teacher's education level is not high-quality. Their salary is also poor. This paper draws some recommendations like Scholarship program; awareness program, more evaluation and monitoring program etc. need to be taken for BRAC Primary School.

RSIS International

The primary education system in Bangladesh is one of the largest systems in the world. The country has taken a number of measures to improve primary education since its independence 1971. Bangladesh is committed to the rights of basic education for all children by the Article 17th of its constitution. Now a days Bangladesh has improved a lot in case of primary level enrolment, but many children are dropped out for various reason. To complete the full cycle of primary education (up to grade five), dropout should be reduced to zero level. Bangladesh Government also trying best to reach that goal by introducing many project such as Hard to Reach, Reaching Out of School Children ( ROSC) and also creating new division in Directorate of Primary education like Second Chance and Alternative Education (SCE) Division. All these efforts are giving good results but yet to go a long way.

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The future of 37 million children in bangladesh is at risk with their education severely affected by the covid-19 pandemic.

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DHAKA, 19 October 2021 — The education of 37 million children in Bangladesh and about 800 million children in Asia, including South Asia, Southeast Asia and East Asia, has been disrupted due to school closures since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020, according to the report, ‘Situation Analysis on the Effects and Responses to COVID-19 on the Education Sector in Asia’ (SitAn Report), released today by UNICEF and UNESCO. 

The Report highlights the continued impact of the pandemic on children’s education and features various regional government’s programmes and initiatives to respond to it. At a time of the year when children traditionally should have returned to school from annual holidays, the report urges governments to reopen schools as soon as it is safe to do so.

In some countries, for example the Philippines, schools have been closed throughout the entire pandemic to date, leaving an estimated 27 million students in pre-primary to secondary education without any in-person learning, a continuous period running from early 2020 to the present for over a year and counting. In Bangladesh, schools were closed throughout the entire pandemic until 12 September, when they reopened again.

Even now, as the world enters the last quarter of 2021, many children are facing an unprecedented second year of school closures as new variants of the coronavirus spread across the region. The associated consequences of such continuous school closures are staggering and include learning loss; mental distress; missed school meals and routine vaccinations; heightened risk of drop out of structured education; increased, child labour; and increased child marriage. Many of these dire consequences are already affecting countless children, and many will continue to be felt in the years to come.

“We cannot overlook the impact that the disruption of education services has had on children, particularly the most vulnerable. When schools remain closed, children miss out on the biggest opportunity to learn and develop to their full potential. The future of an entire generation is at stake; therefore, we need every effort to ensure a safe reopening of schools as soon as possible. Otherwise, the learning loss will be difficult to overcome,” stated Marcoluigi Corsi, UNICEF Regional Director a.i. for East Asia and Pacific.

While countries across Asia are taking actions to provide students with distance learning, a UNICEF-supported study by the Campaign for Popular Education (CAMPE) showed that two out of three pre-primary to upper secondary students in Bangladesh, were not reached through remote education during pandemic school closures. In addition to the lack of material assets and support to access technology, other significant obstacles that prevent disadvantaged children, and many girls, from accessing distance learning during these difficult times include a generally poor learning environment, an increase in pressure to take up domestic household chores and being forced to work outside the home.

This is why the report underscores the importance of delivering equitable and inclusive distance learning at scale to reach all children during full or partial school closures, while providing a package of support to ensure children’s health, nutrition and wellbeing. It also calls on governments and partners to strengthen teaching and teacher support, so as to address current low levels of learning and help narrow the learning divide, and protect and preserve education funding.

“With schools now open in Bangladesh after an 18-month closure, we must spare no effort to rapidly put in place mechanisms that help children catch-up, keeping a particular focus on the most disadvantaged children. Now is the time to invest, to strengthen the education system, and to bridge digital inequalities,” said Mr. Sheldon Yett, UNICEF Representative to Bangladesh.

Unless mitigation measures are swiftly implemented, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) estimates an economic loss of USD $1.25 trillion for Asia, which is equivalent to 5.4 per cent of the region’s 2020 gross domestic product (GDP). Existing evidence shows that the cost of addressing learning gaps are lower and more effective when they are tackled early on in a crisis, and that ongoing investments made in education will support economic recovery, growth and prosperity.

“Governments, partners and the private sector will need to work together, not only to get the strategies and levels of investment right, but to build more resilient, effective and inclusive systems that are able to deliver on the promise of education as a fundamental human right for all children, whether schools are open or closed,” said George Laryea-Adjei, UNICEF Regional Director for South Asia.

The increased risk of dropping out of schools due to the pandemic, especially for girls and children in poor and already marginalized families, threatens to reverse progress made in school enrolment in recent decades. According to the Report, education budgets in the region will need to increase by an average of 10 per cent to catch up with such losses if Asia is to reach the education targets of the UN 2030 Agenda’s Sustainable Development Goals in the next nine years.

“While major efforts are needed to mitigate the learning loss of those children who return to school in the post-COVID-19 recovery phase, we must also remember that 128 million children in Asia were already out of school at the onset of the pandemic; this figure represents roughly half of all out-of-school children globally. This is a learning crisis which needs to be addressed,” said Shigeru Aoyagi, Director of UNESCO Bangkok.

Since the start of the pandemic, UNICEF and UNESCO have supported national governments to maintain and improve interventions to ensure continuity of children’s learning and to safely reopen and operate schools.

UNICEF and UNESCO would like to acknowledge the generous financial contribution of the Global Partnership for Education (GPE), without which this SitAn would not have been possible.

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In addition to the comprehensive regional overview of the education situation in Asia, the Situation Analysis features case studies from fourteen countries, which provide a more detailed analysis and focus on specific thematic areas. Sub–regional reports are also available for East Asia, South Asia , and South East Asia. The findings and recommendations are informed by a comprehensive desk review of the available evidence and in-detail interviews with policy makers, teachers and community members in countries across the region.

The findings and recommendations for Bangladesh can be found here .

Together with the SitAn Report, UNICEF is also releasing a video that highlights the impact of the pandemic on education and proposes a vision for a better education future for all children in the region. 

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Education is UNESCO’s top priority because it is a basic human right and the foundation for peace and sustainable development. UNESCO is the United Nations’ specialized agency for the worldwide development of education, science, and culture initiatives and for providing global and regional leadership to drive progress, to strengthen the resilience and capacity-building of national systems to serve all learners, and to respond to contemporary global challenges through transformative learning pedagogies.

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How is the new education curriculum impacting teachers and parents?

• Emphasis on real-world skills with no exams up to third grade
• Assessments include acting, debates, storytelling and collaborative projects
• Parent perspectives vary on efficacy of traditional testing methods

The new curriculum that has been introduced in Bangladesh heralds a departure from traditional examination-centric learning. The unveiling of this curriculum, implemented in stages starting in 2023, has sparked widespread interest and speculation about its impact on the educational landscape.

Designed with a strong emphasis on practical education, the new textbooks aim to equip students with real-world skills. A notable departure from convention is the absence of examinations up to class 3. However, as students progress to higher grades, assessments will be conducted through a multifaceted approach encompassing activities such as acting, debates, storytelling, presentations, and collaborative projects alongside traditional examinations.

Discussing the intricacies of the new curriculum, Hasina Momtaz, a Bengali subject teacher at Viqarunnisa Noon School and College, highlighted key changes. She emphasized the elimination of conventional question patterns and the deferment of examinations until after class 3, with a shift towards continuous evaluation during the learning process.

Under the revamped system, primary education comprises eight books, while secondary levels are supported by 10 textbooks. The commencement of public examinations is deferred until students reach the Secondary School Certificate (SSC) level, where subjects will not be divided into science, arts, or commerce streams.

Addressing concerns surrounding assessment methods, Momtaz clarified that students' progress is gauged through a combination of class work, presentations, projects, and group activities. The delineation of subjects begins in class 11, with a cohesive approach maintained until class 10.

Feedback on the new curriculum has been largely positive, with Momtaz noting increased student engagement and confidence. She revealed plans to expand the curriculum to include 4th and 5th classes in the upcoming academic year, following its successful implementation in 2nd, 3rd, 8th, and 9th grades.

Teachers have undergone comprehensive training spanning seven days to familiarize themselves with the new curriculum. Additionally, they have been equipped with a smart mobile application, "New Naipunya," tailored for efficient data management and reporting on student assessments.

Looking ahead, Momtaz expressed optimism about the curriculum's potential to enhance students' preparedness for higher education.

While discussions loom regarding its integration into university entrance examinations, the response from parents has been varied, reflecting a spectrum of perspectives on the efficacy of traditional testing methods versus the innovative approach embraced by the new curriculum.

A parent, who preferred not to be named, commented: “My daughter entered eighth grade this year. There are no more exams; instead, they are exposed to different activities through various routines. I don't understand what they will do without exams, since there is no pressure on the students or my daughter to study.”

Another parent (who did not want to be named) said: “There is no examination now. This is a very new curriculum for the students. We hope it will be helpful for the students to grow, and there will be good results.”

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Educating rohingya children: initiatives to maintain cultural roots tied to myanmar, government extends free primary schooling up to grade eight, farewell program for 34th, 35th batch of civil engineering department students held at uits, two ministries to collaborate to ensure free education up to eighth grade, saber: environmental conservation topics are being included in textbooks, lgrd minister: eid-ul-adha waste to be cleared within 24 hours, mcci: bangladesh’s business climate hits 3-year low plagued by power outages, financing crunch, india’s grueling, acrimonious election campaign comes to an end, dhaka seeks imo to safeguard developing countries interest, cyclone remal: over 100 animal carcass recovered in sundarbans.

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Essay: Bangladesh Education

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6.1 Introduction Bangladesh predominantly bears the testimony of Bengal civilization with an amalgamation of educational and cultural heritage. Bengal had its own indigenous system of education that had been existed from a very ancient period. Basic education was then provided informally before the inception of any formal or non-formal. The education system of Bengal in ancient and middle age was primarily theological and philosophical by nature. The learning system gradually changed over the centuries due to religio-political transformation and shifting culturally from caste based Hinduism to pragmatic Buddhism and then again going back to orthodox Hinduism, and afterward relatively opened Islamic values. The education system then experienced some dramatic changes during the regime of pre-colonial, colonial and Pakistani administration. 6.2 Pre-colonial Learning to MDGs The pre-colonial era emerged with the Pala Dynasty and continued up to the Muslim rule from 6th to mid-18th century. The early education activities in the region now comprising Bangladesh started centering Buddhist monasteries, temples, stupas and ‘most probably other establishments erected on the crests, slopes, and feet of the hills’ (Alam & Miah, 1999) . The system of basic education led by the Buddhist Monks was then largely based on humanism and tolerance, and religious principles of ‘Nirbana’ as Buddha said ‘the ultimate destiny of human soul’ (Barua, 2004:13) . In addition to religious education, the Buddhist teachers committed to devising and teaching signs of early Bengali alphabets to provide to their knowledge hungry pupils (Vikkho, 1969) . As the Orthodox Sena ruler emerged during 12th century, the caste based Sanskrit education system was replaced with Buddhist education system. In this period, Pathsalas, a kind of indigenous elementary education schools emerged and were scattered all over the country. The vernacular elementary education system was catered in Pathsalas by the knowledgeable persons of that age know as Pandits. Basic reading, writing, arithmetic, accounts, and some religious literature were taught there existed at least in most of larger villages (Basu, 1941) . The Pathsalas was predominantly caste-based with its religious character; most of pupils there were Hindus, but few Muslims were also taught there. Due to socio-cultural barriers, female students and the low caste people had barely any access in the education. Education was then not state run and therefore, learners had to pay. So learning was then only an opportunity for the privileged to prepare them for manipulating further job field. According to William Ward, a contemporary British observer, Pathsalas were gradually turned into ‘a mere shop’, in which the pupils were prepared to act as a copying machine by a certain process, termed as a lithographic process (Laird, 1972) . Teachers of the Pathsalas were simple minded ‘poor and ignorant’ as William found (Basu, 1941) . Teachers had little aspirations as they were paid poorly, and therefore, the process of learning was very slow. Another parallel elementary religious education guided by Ulemas was prevalent in Bengal in Turkish (Sultani period) and Mughal era (Islamic Scholar). the main Islamic educational institutions were then Mosques, Maktabs and Madrasahs. Simultaneously, the Hindu temples were also manifested through Tols, a kind of elementary education providers. Persian, Arabic, and Urdu were three important languages used as the medium of instruction for Muslims community following the language of the then rulers (Sanaullah, 1995) . The curricula were mainly centered on Islamic values. 6.2.1 Colonial experience of education In the early years of its control over Bengal, the East India Company was mostly indifferent to education. From 1757 to 1800, the British tried to commercialize the power to fulfill its accumulation of wealth motive, and therefore, were absolutely reluctant on the educational matter. Education was not the concerns of government. Almost during the British colonial rule in India, a kind of indifference was found on the part of ruling class. In a study paper of 1872, an English expert known as A. Howell mentioned that education in Indian subcontinent was first ignored by the British government, and then violently and successfully opposed. In the later years of British era, the ruler conducted education in a system now universally admitted to be erroneous and finally the education system was placed on pre-independent footing (Cited in Basu, 1941). However, a group of missionaries had started to press the government to replace the existing educational system with introducing Western learning before the end of the 18th century. But it was firmly opposed by the Board of Directors when a proposal was made to the government of East India Company to take up the initiative for bringing in ‘schoolmasters and missionaries’ from England (cited in Basu, 1941). With the enactment of the Charter Act of 1813, the basic concept of state education was first introduced in the Indian Subcontinent. The Company government undertook the responsibility of education and moral improvement of the Indian people. Under Charter 1813, the Governor General in Council was obliged to direct that ‘a sum not less than one lakh of rupees in each year shall be set apart and applied to the revival and improvement of the learned native Indians’, and also for the introduction and promotion of knowledge of sciences among the people of India (Laird, 1972) . But allocation of sum of one lakh rupees for education was not obligatory. Hence, the end result was nothing substantial for the improvement of basic education in India (Khatun, 1992) . Three reports on the state of education in Bengal were placed to the colonial government within 1835-38 by the British observer William Adam. The first report was made on the basis of country’s need for basic education, the second report dealt with the nature of education in Rajshahi district, and the third report carried a complete statistics of several districts in Bengal and Bihar as cited in Basu (1941). Some valuable recommendations as Adam says in his reports were — collection of district-wise information on education; introducing textbooks in mother tongues; execution of the education plan, inspectors for each district; forming the Normal school system; allocation of land as incentive to encourage teaching profession; and finally, scholarships for learners through competitive examinations. Unfortunately, these were only the lip services of the British Raj. However, some private individuals and societies like missionaries, Zamindars and British officials came forward, with their personal capacity to provide basic education to the young Indians. Even some individual officers of the company, in some cases, contributed enough for education using government fund. Simultaneously, some private initiatives came into the view to introduce a new type of education in Bengal at the early years of the 19th century. Christian missionaries and privileged individuals, both Indian and European, were such enterprises. The European Missionaries established some educational institutions in Bengal by 1800. A Bengali elementary school was opened with 40 boys at Serampore and by September 1804, there were three elementary schools in villages of Jessore and another in Dinajpur. The Serampore missionaries sent Owen Leonard to Dhaka in 1816 where he founded a Persian school and 15 Bengali elementary schools by 1823 as cited by Laird (1972). The local committees financially supported schools. Few other Bengali schools were established in Chittagong, Dinajpur and Jessore districts during the period. The missionaries, however, evaluated the education must start with mother tongue to teach the pupils effectively to read and write (cited in Laird, 1972). Along with the experiments on elementary education, some measures were also taken in regard to the medium of instruction, the curriculum, and method of teaching, text books and girls’ education. A majority of conservative Muslims in Bengal was first refrained from participating in the new education system and it gradually led the entire Muslim community to be ‘virtually caught in a quagmire’ (Non-formal Education, 1999). Subsequently, the colonial British government perceived the need of cooperation from the indigenous English educated people who would help them in administrative and clerical functions. Wood’s Education Dispatch (Islam, NM 2001) first traced the ideological shifting from opposition to encouragement, which formed the basis of East India Company’s education policy since 1854. To create a properly articulated system of education, the Dispatch recommended due attention of the government to develop primary education than higher education. It also suggests for active measures of the government directed towards the education of the mass people. Establishment of a separate department of education, institutions for training of teachers, establishment of new middle schools with higher attention to vernacular and indigenous ones were also recommended by the Dispatch. To support a rising number of privately managed educational institutions, it advised expansion of elementary education and introduction of a system of grants-in- aid. The dispatch drew special attention of the government ‘to the importance of placing the means of acquiring useful and practical knowledge within reach of the great mass of the people (Islam S. 2003) . English was recommended as the vernacular language at the primary level and the medium of instruction for higher education, the Dispatch suggests. Though Wood’s Education Dispatch primarily aimed to provide elementary education to all regardless of caste, race, color, religion or region, but in fact, the elementary schools emerged as a privilege for children of the upper classes only as most of the schools were established in cities, towns and important commercial places, as Basu cited (1941). The government, in principle, opposed any attempts to provide education for the whole community. However, the attempt of involving local bodies in the education process was first introduced in India in 1910. A member of the then Imperial Legislative Council, Gopal Krishna Gokhale placed a bill in the Law Council in 1910 to introduce the principle of compulsory schooling by local bodies. But unfortunately two years later, Gokhale’s motion was defeated by 38 votes to 13 after examination by the Viceroy’s Council. Thus a democratic attempt to make primary education for the Indian mass faced a setback. Yet in a positive gesture in 1919, another bill regarding primary education in the municipal areas was passed, though aimed at serving the purpose of the rich and high-class people. As there was no uniformity in education, a variety of elementary educational institutions emerged under British rule. William Adam classified the elementary education under British rule as indigenous schools, non-indigenous schools, Bengali schools, Persian schools, Arabic schools, Persian and Bengali schools, female schools and English schools. Such disparity in British education system in India ultimately destroyed social values and bondage, uniformity in the society and divided the social portfolio into different segments based on wealth, caste, race, region and religion, narrated by Laird (1972). Primary education in Bengal suffered a lot of handicaps throughout the 19th century for a number of reasons. The government education policy was influenced by the so-called ‘down-ward filtration theory’, assumed educating a selected groups through the medium of English (Sharafuddin, 1968) . However, this approach did not come true in full scale. Though compulsory elementary education was introduced in England in 1876, but the English rulers of India considered the provision of primary education on a universal scale in a subject country must wait longer on financial and other grounds. Besides, there were some other government policies responsible partially for the retarded growth of primary education in the sub-continent. Especially, the vast rural Bengal was neglected. Moreover, public allocations for primary education were meager and disappointing. Despite some controversial policies, the British Government in its Indian education policy created a Department of Education in 1910 giving entire authority of education in the hands of Provincial Government which was before under the control of Home Department. Bengal (Rural) Primary education Act was enacted in 1930. District School Boards were assigned to control, direct and manage the dissemination of education. It was due to reach ultimately the goal of universal, compulsory and free education. The administrative responsibility placed solely with the District School Boards, though primary education was controlled, directed and managed by the Director of Public Instruction. School inspection was decided to be done by the District, Subdivision or Circle officers. Later on in 1927, a Central Advisory Board was established recommended by the Hertz committee to coordinate aspects of newly formed education policy. A separate education department was established in 1945 under the central government entrusted the responsibility to a member of Central Executive. At the last segment of British rule in India after Second World War, the government recognized the Sergeant Commission Report putting emphasis on the need of pre-primary education for the first time. But the report could not be implemented as the British Raj of India ended in 1947. 6.2.2 The Pakistan Administration Education policy of the newly established Pakistan was a manufacture of Islamic identity. Since the independence of Pakistan, the government was more inclined to formulate education policies in line with its religious philosophy of the state. A lot of controversies were emerged in the newly born Pakistan regarding question of national identity. Debate over State Language and the imposition of Urdu as a medium of instruction created mass upsurge in the eastern part of the country. Though the then East Bengal introduced compulsory primary education in the province in 1947 in line with the central government policy, but the scheme was suspended in 1953 and finally abandoned in 1957 (Khatun, 1992) . District School Boards were abolished and management, control, and administration of primary education became the responsibility of District Primary Education Offices. But the initiatives were not proved beneficial for provincial primary education. The government later on in 1951 amended the Bengal (Rural) Primary Education Act. 5000 primary schools were selected in the rural areas to be run as ‘Compulsory Primary Schools’, and the rest were decided to be operated as ‘Non-compulsory Primary Schools’. But due to teachers’ infliction, the government in 1957 renamed the compulsory primary schools as ‘Model Primary Schools’. The Headmasters of the Model Primary Schools were given the authority to inspect and supervise the Non-Model Primary Schools. These initiatives were also not proved sustainable for non-co-operation of the teachers of Non-Model Primary Schools. However in 1965, both model and non-model primary schools were renamed as ‘Managed Free Primary Schools’. Both were brought under one administration. Teachers were paid remuneration and allowances as per qualifications. The Pakistan government nevertheless in its First Five-year Plan put emphasis on the universal access to primary education. The Second and Third Five-year Plans of the then government enhanced educational facilities and increased allocations for the development of primary education. It aimed to increase student’s enrollment. Some national conferences were arranged and various education commissions were formed. The government organized First Education Conference in Karachi from 27th November to 1st December in 1947 and similarly, the Second Education Congress was also held in Karachi from 4th to 6th December in 1951. In 1952, primary education was declared a 5-year program instead of earlier 4-year term. Four Education Commissions were simultaneously formed named after Maulana Akram Khan, S M Sharif, Justice Hamidur Rahman and Air Marshal Noor Khan in 1949, 1958, 1964 and 1969 respectively. Maulana Akram Khan Commission recommended primary education to be an ‘eight-year course within the next 15 years. Sharif Commission set a realistic aim for a five-year primary education course emphasizing on the proper learning of the national language. Hamoodur Rahman commission gave emphasis on the importance of religious and moral education. However, a serious inequality emerged regarding primary education between the then East Pakistan and West Pakistan. Between 1947 and 1948, there were 29633 primary in East Bengal and 8413 schools in West Pakistan (Ahmed, n.d.:168-170) . But by 1960, there were 18000 primary schools in West Pakistan against 26300 in East Pakistan. In the Second Five-Year Plan of the then Pakistan government, 15200 new primary schools were proposed to be built in the West Pakistan whereas the government decided only to improve quality of 13300 primary schools in East Pakistan without any new establishment. The government aimed to increase the percentage of primary school enrolment in both wings roughly 63 percent . The East Pakistan provincial authority introduced compulsory primary education scheme in 1950, but it could not sustain due to lack of financial support from the central government. Besides, the government’s policy of teaching Urdu as a mendatory language in schools increased bitter controversy in the eastern part of the then Pakistan. 6.2.3 Post independent reality One of the basic priority agenda of the newly formed government of independent Bangladesh was primary education. The political thrust of the government set a commitment of facilitating easy access to basic education for the masses with an emphasis on better opportunities for the rural poor and females. Such ideology and philosophy have been reflected in the first Constitution, adopted by Mujib government in 1972, wherein Article 17 pronounced providing primary education as a constitutional obligation of the government (Article 17, The Constitution of Bangladesh). 6.2.4 Nationalizing Primary Education (1972-75) The first Constitution introduced by the Government of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1972 clearly clarified that the State should adopt effective measures for the purpose of establishing a uniform and universal mass education by extending free and compulsory education to all children to such stage as may be determined by law . Primary education was recognized as a national responsibility of the government, and as the fundamental rights of the people. An Ordinance was passed on October 26, 1973 aiming nationalizing of a large number of primary schools. Consequently, the Primary Schools (Taking Over) bill, 1974 was introduced in the national parliament so as to impose upon the government bringing the primary school system under a centralized administration from the previous district based management. But surprisingly, the policy in guise had some loopholes in the overall management of the primary education system and failed to provide expected outcomes. The First Five Year Plan (1973-78) of the Mujib government included some projects of reconstructing primary schools, establishment of some 5000 new schools, increase enrollment in the primary schools from 58 percent to 73 percent, reduce dropout rate from 63 percent to 52 percent, development of PTIs, revision of curriculum, introduction of staggered system of existing schools etc (First Five Year Plan, 1973). Under the First Five Year Plan (1973-78) the education budget were allocated with 18.8 percent to primary education but less than one-half of the total amount had been actually utilized and funds were diverted to other projects (Gustavsson, 1990) . As a result, the main objectives of the first five-year plan were not achieved, the dropout rate was not reduced, and less than 50 percent construction work of primary schools was completed. But a major achievement of the Mujib government in education was the formation of an Education Commission led by scientist Kudrat-e-Khuda in 1972. Considering the needs of an independent nation, Kudrat-e-Khuda commission recommended the basic objectives of education, its strategies and action plans suitable and compatible with the systems of the neighboring countries. As per the report of Kudrat-e-Khuda commission published in 1974, some objectives of primary education were outlined as follows: developing child’s moral, mental and social personality; bringing up the children as a patriotic, responsible, inquiring and law-abiding citizen through nurturing their love for justice, dignity, labor, proper conduct and uprightness; making them able to read and write in the mother tongue, and to be able to count and calculate; to be able to obtain the fundamental knowledge and skills as a future citizen; and preparing the students for higher education . Most significant recommendation of the Commission was introduction of universal primary education up to class VIII by 1983. Other suggestions included in the Kudrat-e-Khuda commission were adoption of effective measures to reduce dropouts, developing attractive curriculum and appropriate textbooks and building proper educational environment in schools. The report suggested a uniform system of education compatible with social conditions and environmental needs that would be scientific and sensible. Other recommendations included the introduction of pre-primary education, setting up primary education academy and a national Primary Education Board. However, these recommendations were basically ‘no more than pious wishes’, and frustrated largely in reality (Grieve, 1995) . 6.2.5 Major policy shift (1976-81) Major policy reforms in primary education had been done during General Zia regime. The Zia government took a notable initiative under its Two Year Plan (1978-80) that included establishment of NAPE and development and reconstruction of 52 PTIs. Universal Primary Education was regarded as a goal of education (Sattar, 1982) . Major basic goals of the government policy regarding education included universal primary education and eradication of illiteracy. It emphasized on every child to complete education up to class V who enrolled in class-I. The Second Five-Year Plan (SFYP) (1980-85) was marked as the beginning of a potential plan for Universal Primary Education (UPE) in Bangladesh with a goal of enrolling 91 percent of the primary age group by 2000. The target included a compulsion of about 75 percent of the primary school age population enrolled by 1990, and its subsequent increasing to 91 percent by 2000. The government vigilantly went ahead with UPE project with financial and technical assistance from IDA, UNDP and UNESCO. The project required additional 49000 teachers, 128000 classrooms and about 45 million textbooks to be produced and distributed by 1990. This era is significantly marked with the establishment of Directorate of Primary Education (DPE) in 1981, creation of 1834 posts of Assistant Upazila Education Officer (AUEO) for effective field level supervision, ensuring free supply and distribution of textbooks among all students by 1985, recruiting 500 female teachers and providing more infrastructural facilities for schools (Second Five Year Plan, 1983). Necessity of decentralizing the administration of education, especially for primary education was one of the major recognitions of the Second Five Year Plan. In a major policy drive, the policy intended to decentralize the primary education structure. In line with this policy, management of primary schools was almost entirely shifted to local management committees (Sattar, 1982) . Primary Education Act 1981 made the provisions for establishment of local education authorities at subdivision level presently district. A separate Directorate of Primary Education was created in 1981 with structures at Thana (now Upazila) level. Present structure of school based management and formation of School Management Committees (SMCs) was first conceptualized with this Act of 1981. 6.2.6 Universal Primary Education Strategy (1982-’90) The policy regarding education was essentially same under the Ershad regime, in addition, to give emphasis on strengthening school capacities, ensuring community participation, and providing low-cost solutions to education opportunities. The Ninth Regional Consultation Meeting of Asia and the Pacific Program of Educational Innovation for Development (APEID) in 1984 largely influenced the then education policies. UNESCO gave some recommendations for equity of educational opportunity and proposed specific programs for countries to promote the education of girls whereby low female enrollment is a major obstacle to universal education. A UNESCO panel visited different countries of Asia- Pacific region including Bangladesh and exchanged views with different key persons on problems regarding girls’ literacy and national policies and programs on education (UNESCO, 1985) . During the Third Five Year Plan (1985-90), the government education policy aimed at raising students’ enrollment from 60 percent to 70 percent, retention of the enrolled students, reconstruction of 9,285 schools, repair of 16,257 schools, supplying adequate quantity of furniture and educational materials, reviewing, revising and restructuring of curricula and syllabuses and establishing management Information system. Strengthening institutional capacities, increased community participation and evolving low-cost solutions were given priority to provide educational opportunities . Education was valued as a vehicle for the development of human resources in the Fourth Five-Year Plan (1990-95) underscoring much importance on primary and mass education. A significant policy was undertaken in the this plan to make primary education compulsory. The other important goals were as follows: Efficient use of existing facilities and safeguarding regional parity were the major evaluations on the 4th Five-Year Plan while for creating new opportunities in primary education. It valued most on increasing participation of girls in primary education, more in-service training for school teachers, reforming education curriculum, effective academic supervision and administrative inspection, filling up 60 percent vacant teacher’s position from women candidates and relaxation of qualification for women aspirants. Three major projects were undertaken in the Fourth Five Year Plan for development of primary education in Dhaka, Rajshahi, and Khulna Divisions; development of primary education in Chittagong, Barisal, and Sylhet division with fund from Asian Development Bank. About 1,134 low-cost schools were constructed, 7,675 government primary schools were reconstructed and 9,335 government primary schools were repaired, 7,812 registered non-government primary schools were developed and 77,290,000 text books were distributed to the students free of costs under the General Education Project (GEP) and other projects of the Plan. Community participation was encouraged highly under this plan to build up low-cost schools in areas where no school remained. 6.2.7 Global Obligations and Bangladesh (1991-’96) During the period of early 1990s, the Khaleda regime launched the Universal Primary Education Program in accordance with international obligations as well as the implementation of the constitutional provision for free, universal and compulsory education. Compulsory primary education is revitalized with a full coverage by the year 2000 (Hossain, 1992) . Primary education was made free for all children in government run schools in this period. Increasing donor support for primary education in Bangladesh is reflected with a substantial grant of $310 million by this period. The government added new policy of food-for education with a food ration to 20 percent of the poor primary school children in rural areas. The provision declared that ‘no child be deprived of education due to lack of teacher or learning materials or adequate space; no child be subject to disparities in access to primary education regardless to gender, income, family, cultural or ethnic differences and geographic remoteness’ in accordance with EFA, 2000. The whole country was brought under compulsory primary education program by 1993 with legal and administrative measures on the basis of compulsory primary education Act. Teachers’ guidebooks along with a new series of text books was prepared and introduced in phases from 1992 to 1996. A separate ministry-level division namely Primary and Mass Education Division (PMED) was established in 1992. Competency based life skills oriented curriculum regarding 53 competencies had been introduced in 1999 (Latif, 2004) . The PMED later on uplifted to the Ministry of Primary and Mass Education (MOPME) in 2003. Commitment of international bodies and donor’s contribution played an important role in this regard for development of primary education in Bangladesh. Bangladesh became an enthusiastic signatory to the WCEFA Framework at Jomtien, Thailand in March 1990. The world community strongly backed the goal of “Education for All” at this global gathering (Monzoor, 2008) . The WCEFA Conference was more concerned with qualitative and quantitative aspects of primary education. Jomtien’s Conference made it clear that merely placing a child in school does not guarantee effective learning (Wahiduzzaman, 2001) . This conference more potentially marked the emergence of an international consensus that ‘education is the single most vital element in combating poverty, empowering women, promoting human rights and democracy, protecting the environment and controlling the population growth’ (Bellamy, 1999) . The Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1989 endorsed by 191 governments specified primary education as a basic individual right (Johnson, 2003) . Bangladesh as a signatory of that convention reiterated its commitment of universal primary education in the ‘World Summit for Children’ held in New York in September 1990. Commitment for the policy of ‘Education for All’ was also pronounced at a ministerial review meeting held in Indonesia in September 1995, Pakistan in September 1997, and China in August 2001. Bangladesh attended the meeting of World Educational Forum held in Senegal in April 2000 along with 182 UNESCO member countries. Thus, the major international obligations of primary education raised by the donor countries in early 1990s were instrumental in bringing about major policy shifts in primary education of Bangladesh. 6.2.8 More Compliance during 1996-2000 The Hasina government (1996-2000) extended various development works up to the Fifth Five Year Plan (FFYP) of 1997-2002. The notable achievements in this Five-year Plan were the establishment of 1046 satellite schools, construction, reconstruction, repair of schools and offices etc. The government took a comprehensive Primary Education Development Program (PEDP) in 1997 with a total investment of US$ 1600 million over a period of five years from 1997 to 2002. The government formulated PEDP –I to increase gross enrollment to around 110 percent putting more emphasis on girl enrollment, and increase primary education completion rate to at least 75 percent . The other objectives of PEDP-I included teachers’ training, supervision, management, and monitoring system, development of curricula with a view to making them relevant with grass root demands. PEDP-I also targeted setting up of information resource centers at Upazila level, undertaking innovative programs and conducting research and evaluation, strengthening capacity of NAPE, DPE, and PMED, mitigating gender gap and regional discrepancy and inculcating social values among the children about their duties and responsibilities as good citizens. One of the strategies of the then education policy was decentralization of the management of primary education. It highlighted initiation of child centered teaching methods and introduction of appropriate education system for the disabled and retarded. The Fifth Five-Year Plan constructed 354 schools in unschooled areas, made reconstruction and repair works of 4420 satellite schools, arranged C-in-Ed training for 30000 school teachers. Besides, social mobilization activities were encouraged through training of SMC members and PTA for developing awareness of their duties and responsibilities. Supervision and monitoring the primary education had been strengthened, home visit program for teachers and AUEOs had been made compulsory as a part of social mobilization drive . This sort of social mobilization activities incorporated the NGO personnel and local government representatives. One-year pre-primary schooling for children of 5 years and above was introduced under a new National Education Policy (2000) to be available in all primary schools by 2005. The policy suggested extension of five-year primary education to eight-year primary education by 2010. It also recommended introduction of a uniform curriculum for all educational institutions at the primary level, implementation of universal, equitable and quality education through mother tongue and reduction of disparities . 6.3 MDG Obligations The Government of Bangladesh in the World Education Forum in Dakar, Senegal in April 2000 reiterates its commitment of Education for All policies to be fulfilled by the year 2015. There were six major goals for education in the Education Forum of Senegal, of which two were later included in the Millennium Development Goals. The Dakar goals resonates the attainment of Universal Primary Education through gender parity, improving literacy and quality of educational, and developing life-skills and early childhood education programs, and these were to be achieved within 15 years duration . The UN Millennium Declaration was adopted on 8 September 2000 by all its member states in the Millennium Summit. The Declaration promised to implement eight goals to be achieved by 2015 (UN, 2005) . There are 18 targets and 48 indicators in the MDGs to combat poverty, hunger, illiteracy, diseases, inequality to woman, infant and maternal mortality, environmental degradation and promoting global partnership for development. The second Millennium Development Goal had been designated as universal primary education putting emphasis on the implicit objective of equal education for boys and girls alike and to be able to complete a full course of primary schooling. In line with the MDGs, the Bangladesh government developed its national strategy for accelerated poverty reduction program which is mostly known as PRSP. PRSP in its rights-based approach, identifies four strategic objectives that include creating opportunity towards realizing the full potential of children i.e. access to health, nutrition, education, water and sanitation; ensuring the best interests of children in national, social, family and personal situations i.e. empowerment of children; ensuring safety and security at home and in the public space i.e. protection against abuse, exploitation and violence and establishing and protecting children’s rights i.e. social inclusion, decent work and livelihood. Regarding education, PRSP facilitated scope to introduce and strengthen early childhood and pre-school education; a unified and common primary education opportunity for all children; improvement of quality of primary education; 100 percent enrollment, and encourage other targets of completion of primary education for every children; reaching the literacy rate to 80 percent and expand the scope of NFE for the extreme poor in remote areas (PRSP, 2005). 6.4 Contemporary Context Bangladesh prepared a national action plan in 2003 as the basis of Dakar Framework of Action, 2000 for policy of ‘Education for All’ with some specific goals to be achieved by 2015. The plan embraces all the goals of EFA to ensure access to education for all. ‘Primary Education Development Program-II’ (PEDP-II) were set on the basis of National Plan of Action. The objectives of PEDP-II (2004-2011) included more primary school access, participation and completion in accordance with government policy of Education for All and other commitments and to improve the quality of student learning and performance outcomes. PEDP-III (July 2011 – December 2017) is the third series of the large investment program in primary education sub-sector encompassing total budget of the primary education (both non-development and development). PEDP-III incorporates additional features of a sector-wide approach in the matters of financial management, donor harmonization, program management and program scope in the primary education sector. It has four major components: Teaching and Learning, Participation and Disparities, Decentralization and Effectiveness, and Planning and Management. PEDP –III will basically be implemented through a result-based management approach. 6.4.1 SDG Undergoing In compliance with UN resolution of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) set for 2015–’30 education (SDG-4) deserves to be a prominent cornerstone in the post-2015 development framework. The political and financial commitments to education by countries and donors need to be secured and renewed as regarded by SDGs. There is a pressing need for every nation of the world including Bangladesh to integrate a closer collaboration across sectors to enable these synergies to take shape and take root . 6.5 Statistical Overview of Primary Education in Bangladesh (2005-’15) The Directorate of Primary Education (DPE) conducted its last Annual Primary School Census (APSC) in 2015. The primary education system in Bangladesh is large, catering to 19.067 million students in 2015 to 28 types of providers. Among them, the government primary school alone covered 13.79 million (75 percent) students. The number of girl students was 7128053 (51percent). The GPI was more than 1.00 (1.02percent). In 2015, total teachers were 5.277 lacs. Female teachers were 60 percent of all teachers. Variation was observed between types of primary education institutions. Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) and Net Enrolment Rate (NER) in primary education have been increasing during the past decades. GER was 94 percent in 2005 and reached 109 percent in 2015. GER of girls (113.4 percent) was higher than that of boys. NER in primary education was 87percent in 2005 and increased to 97.7 percent in 2015. The growth was spectacular and confirms the continuous increase of access of school age children to education. Drop-out rates have been continuously decreasing from 47percent in 2005 to 20.4 percent in 2015. Compared to boys, girls’ dropout rate was lower. District wise variation was remarkable. Repetition rate ranged between 2.4 percent and 7.9 percent between grades, highest in grade 1 (7.9 percent). Survival rates have shown a continuous growth trend from 54 percent in 2005 to 81.3 percent in 2015. As a result of increasing growth of access, retention, and survival of students the primary education coefficient of efficiency rate has been increased from 63 percent in 2005 and rose to 80.1 percent in 2015. In 2009 pass rate in primary completion examination was 89 percent (88 percent for girls). The pass rate increased to nearly 98 percent (for both boys and girls) in 2015. ‘Education for All (EFA)’ was set in the National Plan for Action-II for establishing a knowledge-based and technologically-oriented learning society through enhancing and sustaining access, retention and provision of quality basic education to meet the learning needs of all children, young persons and adults. It appreciates both formal and non-formal sub-sectors of basic education without any discrimination so as to people can survive in a competitive world. The following tables here indicate the targets of EFA National Plan for Action-II, 2003-2015 set for primary education: Table 5: Targets of EFA, NPA II, 2003-’15 for Primary Education Indicators of primary education Benchmark2000 Targets for the selected years 2005 2010 2015 Gross Enrolment rate (Total) 96.5 103 108 110 Gross Enrolment rate (Boys) 96.0 102 108 110 Gross Enrolment rate (Girls) 97 104 108 110 Net Enrolment rate (Total) 81 83 92 95 Net Enrolment rate (Boys) 82 87 91 95 Net Enrolment rate (Girls) 85 89 93 95 Dropout rate 35 25 21 10 Completion rate 65 75 85 95 Quality achievement in Pry. Education 05 30 65 90 Source: National Plan for Action-II, p-32 Considering the benchmark year 2000, a strategic planning has made for the next 15 years. The vision was to raise Gross enrollment rate from 96.5 percent to 110 percent, Net enrollment rate from 81 percent to 95 percent, Completion rate from 65 percent to 95 percent and to decrease dropout rate from 35 percent to 10 percent. Table 6: Institutions, Students, and Teachers by Types of Primary Education, 2015 PrimaryEducationManagement No. of Institution No. of Teacher No. of Student Indicators Total Female % ofFemale Total Girl % ofGirl TSR SPI TPI Public 63546 322487 199297 62 13793653 7128053 52 43 217 5 Private 58630 205311 115002 56 5274108 2570629 49 26 90 3.5 Total 122176 527798 314299 60 19067761 9698682 51 36 156 4 TSR-Teacher Student Ratio, SPI- Students per Institution, TPI-Teacher per Institution Source: Bangladesh Education Statistics 2015, BANBEIS

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Education and Health System in Bangladesh Essay

Introduction, education system in bangladesh, healthcare system in bangladesh, works cited.

Bangladesh is a developing country located in south Asia. Since ancient times, Bangladesh culture and economy has been influenced by China and India. At the end of the 20 th century, the country developed a national system of education and healthcare based on international principles and standards. Thus, poor economic development of the country and lack of financial support of the government present these systems from rapid growth and development. Bangladesh has long been integrated into the politics and economy of the global world. Though, this cultural and social globalization is accompanied by a thinning of internal solidarity. Today, elite Bangladesh citizens have increasing amounts in common (economically, politically and culturally) with English speakers elsewhere in the world, but experience increasing detachment from the mass of the national society.

Education in Bangladesh consists of three stages. The government of Bangladesh controls primary, secondary and high secondary education. the five main categories of education are: (1) General Education System, (2) Madrasah Education System, (3) Technical – Vocational Education System, (4) Professional Education System, (5) Other Education Systems. In Bangladesh, primary education and health care are free. An amazing official statistic informs us that %100 (sic) of all children in the appropriate age band are educated in primary schools. The UN Human Development Index suggests that only % 55 of children go to school during the first three years. The census gathers data on literacy; in 1991 the literacy rate was %41.1, male literacy %53 and female % 35. Since the acceptance of the standard of liberalization, there has been an support of welfare and educational development provision via non-governmental organizations (Literacy in Bangladesh 2009). The best of these can be excellent, but they can be erratic in their education provision and far too many are either amateurish or corrupt. NGOs receive the bulk of their funding from the Government of Bangladesh, not (as many critics assume) from charities. Directly or indirectly, the state of Bangladesh continues to be the major provider in the education field and it is to be hoped that it will hold this role for a very long time, with the proviso that there be sufficient controlling of the actions of educators (Education in Bangladesh 2009).

A special type of colleges introduced by the government is cadet colleges. These institutions can be compared to public schools in Britain. Bangladesh spends a small proportion of its education budget on primary schools and a remarkably large amount on higher education including graduate and post-graduate programs. The poor provision of free schooling implies that a disproportionate number of unreserved places at the highly subsidized universities are won by those people who have received a private schooling – a good issue for those citizens who can afford it to invest in the school days of their children, but also a good issues for them not to be concerned to raise standards in public schools. it is important to note that the group of professionals and bureaucrats reproduces itself through its appropriation of higher education of a high standard. High education is crucial for public employees as it determines a degree of career development and pay structure (Education 2009).

In Bangladesh, education has long been an important issue of controversy as it was provided in the English language only. The Board of education introduced new rules and obliged teachers to educate children on the native language. Thus, many upper-class families want to educate their children expensively in the most exclusive British language schools and universities. This expenditure results in professions which are internationally recognized and open up employment opportunities on a international scale; but such professions and diplomas also put a candidate in a very strong position when challenging for senior positions in national and international corporations in Bangladesh. in the country, private schooling in English is seen an essential necessity of the affluent middle classes and above and, as a consequence, school fees have a previous claim on household income over consumer goods. Although the mass media often reports on the material over-indulgence of middle-class citizens, the reality is that the big expenditure on children of both genders is in terms of their education, rather than their leisure issues or possessions (Heitzman and Worden 2002).

In spite of these changes, the government education has very low standards of provision and high incidence of teacher absenteeism. The state lacks 15,5% of primary teachers. The school curriculum is dull and uninspiring and levels of achievement of many children are low. As a consequence, middle-class cities do everything they can to educate their children in the many small private, profit-making, English-medium schools, often not of high standard of education and with underqualified teachers (Heitzman and Worden 2002).

In Bangladesh, a good public-school in a major city has high fees a year. The education of children of the upper classes is persistently directed towards high personal achievement; even very young children are given corrective amounts of homework and nervous parents employ tutors after hours to keep them up to scratch in their weaker subjects. Also, there are instruction in various activities such as music and drawing. The boys and girls are taught a great deal but education all too often takes the form of rote learning and pouring new knowledge and skills into them, rather than encouraging their own abilities. Many of the children are made competitive and taught to win because their parents know that places in the super elite are scarce (Education 2009). At the beginning of the 21 st century, there is an educated class of people in Bangladesh often with qualifications much higher than one would expect for their standard of living and type of employment. Many citizens of Bangladesh have university degrees and virtually all males have completed 12 years of schooling. This category of society is literate, informed and politically active. It performs a considerable demand for TV news and periodicals. For all this, it is not always intellectual in its tastes.

Health care in Bangladesh consists of private and public sectors. Following WHO, “Bangladesh has made significant progress in recent times in many of its social development indicators particularly in health” (Bangladesh Healthcare WHO 2009). Thus, views are sharply divided as to whether increased integration into the global economy causes a healthcare revolution and the end of mass poverty. Advocates of the free market and deregulation claim that healthcare will take time to work, others are skeptical as to whether it works at all. Bangladesh remains the World Bank’s biggest borrower. Ill health in the family can cause serious suffering to people in the lower middle classes as they try to afford private healthcare. This becomes particularly acute if hospital treatment is required. Many plan for this by taking out health insurance policies (Bangladesh Healthcare 2009). There are no significant welfare payments for people who become chronically sick and cannot work; people try to save against this and hope they can rely on family reciprocal care. Members of the upper middle class have good healthcare insurance cover which allows them to visit the best private clinics and hospitals equipped to international standards (the very rich go abroad for major surgery). “The public sector is largely used for in-patient and preventive care while the private sector is used mainly for outpatient curative care. Primary Health Care (PHC) has been chosen by the Government of Bangladesh as the strategy to achieve the goals of “Health for all” which is now being implemented as Revitalized Primary Health Care” (Bangladesh Healthcare WHO 2009).

A significant section of Bangladesh healthcare is dedicated to socialist principles and to social causes. There is a thriving healthcare movement; there are anti-corruption campaigns; there is support for healthcare, welfare and education programs for poor people in urban and rural areas; there is a considerable concern for the environment and a growing anti-nuclear movement; there is agitation on human rights issues and opposition to communalist tendencies. Many of the citizens of the slums are ‘ecological refugees’, those people forced from the land by ‘development’ or environmental degradation. It was estimated that there are 3 million people in Bangladesh who have been displaced from their homes by ‘development’ projects. Given that there is a shortage of cultivable land a significant but unknown proportion of these come as destitute to the urban centers with few relevant skills and only their labor to sell, refugees in their own country. Urban poverty is intimately connected with poor health provision and inadequate services. As a consequence, so long as there is greater economic growth in the towns than in the villages, economic growth will not lead to increased wages for urban workers. Urban poverty declines only when there is a growth in regulated labor intensive industries but, the tendency has been towards investment in high productivity, capital intensive industry with ancillary outsourcing of labor concentrated production in the informal sector, where wages are driven down by the excess of available unskilled and semi-skilled labor (Bangladesh Healthcare 2009).

In spite of great economic and social changes, the private system of healthcare is underdeveloped in Bangladesh. Thus, like other developing countries, Bangladesh introduces employment pensions and private medical insurance, preferential treatment in waiting lists for telephones and gas connections, reservation of seats on trains and in cinemas, and the sympathetic treatment of old people in public healthcare. “In the private sector, there are traditional healers (Kabiraj, totka, and faith healers like pir / fakirs), homeopathic practitioners, village doctors (rural medical practitioners RMPs/ Palli Chikitsoks-PCs), community health workers (CHWs) and finally, retail drugstores that sell allopathic medicine on demand” (Bangladesh Healthcare WHO 2009). That is to say, it is an entirely cosmetic exercise. In a country where good medical care is exorbitantly expensive, where there are few support agencies and where there is no right to a state pension, elderly people can hardly be expected to greet an increasing individualization and market orientation with enthusiasm. They need to be able to claim their rights as citizens; however, old people, particularly frail old people, are less able than younger women to organize themselves in resistance (Bangladesh Healthcare 2009).

In sum, the education and healthcare system in Bangladesh is underdeveloped and suffers from lack of financial support and qualified professionals. Poor education and inadequate healthcare lead to social problems and health problems experienced by the majority of society. Today, the new social classes consist of citizens who in the past would almost certainly have not made their careers. Minor changes in education and healthcare open up new opportunities for the population to enter trade and business and participate in economic relations and service provision.

Bangladesh Healthcare. WHO . 2009. Web.

Bangladesh Healthcare. 2009. Web.

Education in Bangladesh. People republic of Bangladesh . 2009. Web.

Education. Bangladesh education and resource Center . 2009. Web.

Literacy in Bangladesh. 2009. Web.

James Heitzman and Robert Worden, editors. Bangladesh: A Country Study . Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 2002.

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Implementing new curriculum will be challenging

With the passage of time, what we want and need, both domestically and globally, change. So, even if not frequently, it is necessary to update the curriculum accordingly. This change is of two types: one is to reform the existing curriculum, while the other is to update the curriculum as the world modernises and adopts newer technologies—that is, curriculum development. In 2012, we reformed the curriculum; what the government is doing now is curriculum development. With our economic growth and as per the needs of today, we had to change the curriculum.

However, while I appreciate the government's intent, I can't say the same about its method. I might be wrong, but it seems to me that the government, having been inspired by the education curriculum of Finland and other Scandinavian countries, has tried to copy and paste them. If you simply copy and paste another curriculum, that is "adoption." What we needed was "adaption"—to reconfigure the curriculum according to the sociocultural and economic realities of our country. And here is where the problems start. It will be difficult and, in some cases, impossible to implement it given the realities of our country.

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There are many challenges to successfully implementing this new curriculum in Bangladesh. First, it does not exactly match our needs. Second, with respect to our teachers, it is difficult to implement this new curriculum given their quality and skills. At present, only a quarter of our teachers are capable enough to implement the new curriculum. Third, in the cities, there are 80-90 students per class. In rural areas, it is mostly around 60-70 students per class. In the countries whose curriculum we are trying to adopt, the class size is around 20-25 students, making it possible for teachers to pay attention to each and every student, identify their shortcomings and rectify them. That is not possible here.

Fourth, the evaluation system that the authorities have talked about is inadequate. It is mostly dependent on continuous evaluation—which I support. But they are placing too much weight on it. They have been unable to grasp the main concept of continuous evaluation. Having given students lessons, it is important to identify who has failed to fully grasp them, and also provide remedial coaching to make pupils competent. Only then can the teacher move on to the next lesson. In the new curriculum, nothing has been said about remedial coaching. Then, what is the point of continuous evaluation? The way they have introduced it is incomplete, because the main purpose of it is missing here.

It is important that we place equal importance on learning from experience and on learning by reading books. The new curriculum talks about learning from experience. But you cannot learn everything from experience alone. There are many subject matters that have to be taught theoretically, by explaining the concepts clearly to students. While we are focusing on students learning from experience, it is important to recognise that they are increasingly losing interest in reading. The lack of interest in reading books is not good. It is essential to maintain a balance between the two. I'm not talking about students being dependent on notebooks. Learning from textbooks, alongside their teachers explaining the concepts, should be enough.

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But then we have to shift focus to our textbooks. We have some good textbooks, but we also have textbooks which don't benefit students much. And in some cases, they have quite a few errors. Without addressing this and other issues, it is not possible to successfully achieve the objectives that we are aiming for.

The National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB) is responsible for preparing the curriculum and textbooks. Training teachers to implement the new curriculum is the responsibility of the Teacher's Training College. While the line directorates—Directorate of Primary Education and Directorate of Secondary and Higher Education—are responsible for implementing the curriculum, there has to be greater coordination among all the stakeholders. Those responsible for the implementation phase must be better aware of what's in the curriculum, and vice versa. Otherwise, these discrepancies will continue to persist. And there is a lot to be done in this regard.

Prof Siddiqur Rahman  is former director of the Institute of Education and Research at the University of Dhaka.

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Guidelines of Ministry of Education

• Human resource development is at the core of Bangladesh's development efforts and access to quality education is critical to poverty reduction and economic development. The Government is committed to undertaking structural reforms that are expected to bring significant improvements in the education sector. Bangladesh's commitment to education has been clearly stated in its Constitution and development plans with education being given the highest priority in the public sector investments. Education sector allocations are currently about 2.3 percent of GDP and 14 percent of total government expenditure. Maintaining this commitment to the education sector is imperative in order to achieve Education for All (EFA) and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
• The management of the education system falls under two ministries - the Ministry of Primary and Mass Education (MoPME, responsible for primary education and mass literacy) and the Ministry of Education (MoE, responsible for secondary, vocational and tertiary education). Overall there are more than 17 million students at the primary level, and over 8.0 million at the secondary level. Enrolments at the tertiary level are relatively small but growing very rapidly.
• Bangladesh has made significant progress, especially in regard to increasing access and gender equity, both at primary and secondary levels. Gross primary enrollment rates rose from 90 percent in the late 1990s to 98 percent in 2003, while a corresponding increase in enrollment rates at the secondary level rise to 44 percent. Gender parity in access to primary and secondary education has also been achieved. These achievements are particularly spectacular when compared to countries in the South Asia region and other countries at similar levels of per-capita income.
• The Government is strongly committed to alleviating the existing problems in respect of management and quality through reforms across the education system. At the primary level, MoPME is supported by a multi-donor group through the Primary Education Development Program II (PEDP II), which aims to strengthen educational access, quality and efficiency.
• In order to address issues at the secondary and higher levels, MoE has developed a medium-term framework for the secondary education sub-sector, focusing on quality improvements, policy measures and specific actions needed to reform the system. The development of this medium-term framework has benefited from an extensive range of consultations and workshops with stakeholders at the central, district, and upazila levels. The main objective of reforms being proposed is to address systemic governance issues aimed at raising the quality and cost-effectiveness of service delivery, and improve equity of access in secondary education.
• MoE is aiming to move towards a devolved system of governance within the current administrative structure. In this system the central government will be responsible for formulating policies, financing, setting quality standards, and monitoring and evaluation etc., while lower levels of government will be responsible for administering the system. MoE is empowering officials at the district and upazila levels to take greater responsibility in monitoring school performance and ensure public disclosure of information (e.g., SSC passing rates, teacher absenteeism, class sizes, etc.) related to school quality.
• To ensure appropriate financial controls, MoE is implementing a Financial Management Reform Program (FMRP). This is intended to increase accountability and transparency in the use of resources

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Essay on Higher Education in Bangladesh

Hints: Introduction, UGC, State of Higher Education in Bangladesh, Scarcity of Institutions, Lack of Modernization, Cost, Session Jam and Politicization, Fund Crisis, Tuition Fees, Grading Policy, Admission Test, Quality of Education, Research, Conclusion.

Introduction

The Government of Bangladesh operates many institutions in the primary, secondary, and higher secondary levels. In the past, tertiary education was primarily English-controlled, Now reforms have been processed to leave such practices in the past and are looking forward to education as a way to provide a somewhat poverty-stricken nation with a brighter future. Higher Education in Bangladesh refers to education pursued after the higher secondary level. After completing higher secondary education in Bangladesh, one can pursue graduate-level education in general or other professional courses. One needs to spend 4 years to earn an honors bachelor’s degree from a university. The universities can be either in the public sector or in the private sector. Moreover, there are quite a good number of Madrasah, technical institutes, and general colleges that provide bachelor’s degrees. However, the enrolment in the higher education institutes in Bangladesh is conspicuously low as compare to other developing countries of the world. Reforms in the higher education system of Bangladesh are, therefore, the need of the hour.

UGC (University Grants Commission of Bangladesh)

The UGC was established in 1973. It oversees 29 public universities; around 1800 colleges under the National University; the Bangladesh Open University; and 51 private universities. UGC is also responsible for distributing government funds to universities in the public sector. The final responsibility of the UGC is to create an environment where universities in Bangladesh will be a center for both quality education and a seat of knowledge creation and extension.

State of Higher Education in Bangladesh

The problem with university education in Bangladesh probably lies in the classic dilemma of quantity and quality control. Despite all our efforts, only 8 percent of the university-going population (18-25 years) is currently enrolled in a university in Bangladesh. The public universities accommodate approximately 1,50,000 students; the National University another 800,000; and the Open University another 250,000. All the private universities accommodate around 1,30,000 students.

Scarcity of Institutions

Each year more students are completing their HSC examinations. Their appetite for higher education has also been whetted since reasonable and respectable jobs are not available without a basic graduation degree. Unfortunately, the malaise of resource inadequacy continues to deprive higher education of needed funds to build capacity in the education system, and it is becoming increasingly difficult to close the gap. In addition to physical capacity, there is also a tremendous need to add human capacity (mainly qualified teachers) to the higher education system very rapidly.

Tertiary gross enrolment ratio, Male, 2002, % (UNESCO) 8 Tertiary gross enrolment ratio, Female, 2002, % (UNESCO) 4 Tertiary gross enrolment ratio, Total, 2002, % (UNESCO) 6 Tertiary gross enrolment ratio = Enrolment of tertiary students of all ages expressed as a percentage of the tertiary school-age population.

Lack of Modernization

New knowledge and its benefits are often unavailable to those who have already gone through the higher education system. Many of these people hold responsible positions. Today, many of them are stuck with outdated knowledge because once they are out of the education system they have little opportunity to get back in to enhance their knowledge and understanding of new developments, theories, and methods that might serve them better.

The cost of higher education, according to some, is driven by a frenzy to make money. There is a contention that some educational institutions “sell” certificates without requiring students to attend classes. Private universities also charge fees that seem to border on extortion. Such fees make education accessible only to the moneyed people. The pricing pressure imposed by academia is creating adverse ripple effects in the economy that must be addressed and rationalized because these prices are not based on free-market forces, but on restricted market structures that represent localized monopoly conditions.

Session Jam and Politicization

The inevitable problem with public universities soon surfaced session jam and politicization of the university administration. Professor Islam made one thing very clear that all citizens have the right to express their political views, whether they are students or teachers. Nevertheless, having said so, an institutional arrangement has to be reached where such political expression doesn’t hamper the academic activities of universities anywhere in Bangladesh. Things can’t and won’t change overnight, but Professor Islam assured us that the UGC and the government are concerned about the issue just as much as are most teachers, students, and guardians.

Fund Crisis

Despite funds from the Government, public universities lack adequate funding and adequate infrastructure (physical and non-physical). The remuneration of teachers is lowly compared to their alternative in the private sector. Not receiving “efficiency wage”, teachers in the public sector are sometimes forced to look for part-time employment in the private sector. Public universities have limited access and limited scope to raise finance outside funds generated from the Government.

Tuition Fees

Tuition fees in the public sector are not rationalized by markets. Any policy, however, has to be somewhere in between a market and a social solution. The debate pointed to donations from generous citizens and alumni. This is a practice observed in even the richest universities in the world, Oxford, and Cambridge just to name a few. Private universities face a different set of problems. Since private universities have to raise funds from their own sources, they tend to emphasize subjects that have more of a market value than only a social value. They also tend to locate predominantly in Dhaka and/or where more affluent families live. Tuition fees can burden the budgets of the parents. High tuition fees can also totally discourage genuine meritorious students from the thought of applying for admission to a good private university.

Grading Policy

The grading policy differs between public and private universities and across public and private universities. It even varies within the same university and sometimes within the same department of a university. This sends mixed signals to the job market. UGC is trying to move towards a common grading policy for all universities in Bangladesh.

Admission Test

A common grading policy precipitates a common admission test. Public university students raised this issue. If medical colleges in Bangladesh can have a common admission test, why are not all public universities too? This would save time, money, and hassle for students and their families. Surely this is ‘food for thought’.

Quality of Education

Although the UGC is an overseer of the quality of university education in Bangladesh, it’s ultimately the universities themselves who have to address the issue. The UGC is exploring ways on how private universities can also receive funds from the Government. It’s also high time we all thought about providing e-library facilities in all universities with access to the Internet. A university is not only a seat of teaching but also a center for knowledge creation and knowledge extension. This is where both public and private universities have to come forward together. Many good academics in public and private universities are publishing in international journals and doing wonderful researches without patronage from their own universities. There are also wonderful teachers in public and private universities who are teaching for the love of the profession without caring much for any personal benefit.

Universities in Bangladesh have the potential to specialize and expand graduate teaching through research. With guidance and assistance from the state or generous citizens and other philanthropic institutions, universities in Bangladesh can expand their MPhil and Ph.D. programs. With some initiatives, it is very much possible for universities to develop link programs with universities outside Bangladesh. This can address the brain drain problem and also save resources that would have been spent elsewhere.

The higher education system, today, is not only a window of opportunity at the individual level, but also has strategic implications for national growth. The UGC’s 20-year strategic plan for higher education in Bangladesh says that at least 28 new universities will have to be established to raise the capacity. to the optimum level. Hopefully, this will serve to invigorate strategy development and ease the issues highlighted with resolve. The higher education institutions (HEIs) in Bangladesh will continue to face numerous challenges in the coming days, which include the issues of quality, access, cost, capacity, consistency, and so on. To meet these challenges, there is a critical need to develop coherent, comprehensive, and socially responsive strategies to make higher education more relevant, rigorous, and proactive indeed.

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ConocoPhillips agrees to acquire Marathon Oil in $22.5bn deal 

The addition of Marathon Oil's assets will enhance ConocoPhillips' US onshore portfolio by adding more than two billion barrels of resources.  

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US oil and gas company ConocoPhillips has announced an all-stock deal to acquire Marathon Oil for an enterprise value of $22.5bn, including $5.4bn of net debt.  

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Under the terms of the definitive agreement, Marathon Oil shareholders will receive 0.2550 ConocoPhillips shares for each share they hold.  

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Conocophillips, marathon oil corp, exxon mobil corp, pioneer natural resources co, chevron corp.

The offer is a 14.7% premium over Marathon’s closing price on 28 May 2024, and a 16% premium on the ten-day volume-weighted average price. 

ConocoPhillips expects the acquisition to be accretive to earnings, cash flow, and shareholder returns.  

The company anticipates $500m in cost and capital synergies within the first year post-closure of the deal, driven by operational efficiencies and reduced expenses. 

The addition of Marathon Oil’s assets will enhance ConocoPhillips’ US onshore portfolio by adding more than two billion barrels of resources.  

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These assets are expected to have a forward cost of supply under $30 per barrel WTI, complementing the existing operations. 

ConocoPhillips chairman and CEO Ryan Lance said: “This acquisition of Marathon Oil further deepens our portfolio and fits within our financial framework, adding high-quality, low cost of supply inventory adjacent to our leading US unconventional position.  

“Importantly, we share similar values and cultures with a focus on operating safely and responsibly to create long-term value for our shareholders. The transaction is immediately accretive to earnings, cash flows and distributions per share, and we see significant synergy potential.” 

The deal is expected to close in the fourth quarter of 2024, subject to shareholder and regulatory approvals. 

The oil and gas sector in the US has seen significant consolidation, with major deals including ExxonMobil’s $60bn acquisition of Pioneer Natural Resources and Chevron ‘s proposed $53bn merger with Hess .  

Other noteworthy transactions in the industry include the $12bn purchase of CrownRock by Occidental Petroleum and the $26bn merger of Diamondback Energy with Endeavour Energy. 

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European Council passes vote in favour of Net-Zero Industry Act, to come into force in June

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The European Council (EC) has adopted the EU’s Net-Zero Industry Act (NZIA) after just over a year of discussion, as the EU looks to bolster its clean energy manufacturing industries.

This week’s vote by the EC is the final step in the legislative process for the NZIA, which looks to encourage investment in clean energy manufacturing by setting a target for European manufacturers to meet at least 40% of the EU’s annual renewable energy deployment needs by 2030. The act will enter into force one day after its publication in an EC journal, which is expected towards the end of June.

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Other policies under the NZIA include the establishment of ‘Net-Zero Industry Academies’ to train 100,000 workers for the renewables manufacturing sector within three years and the establishment of what the European Commission called “regulatory sandboxes”, aimed at encouraging more investment in European manufacturing through flexible regulatory frameworks favourable to developing and testing new technologies.

“The act creates the best conditions for those sectors that are crucial for us to reach net-zero by 2050,” said European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen. “Demand is growing in Europe and globally, and we are now equipped to meet more of this demand with European supply.”

The act was first proposed by von der Leyen in February 2023, and the EU Parliament approved the regulations last month. The new programme aims to address an increasingly dramatic imbalance in the European renewables manufacturing sector, which has had a significant impact on the solar industry in particular.

Figures from EUPD research suggest that Europe imported 87GW worth of PV modules from China in 2023, with EU member states purchasing 8.3 million items, at a cost of US$612.4 million, in December rendered European manufacturing all but financially unviable, with Swiss company Meyer Burger announcing plans to close a module manufacturing plant in Germany due to unfavourable economics for locating upstream production on the continent.

This is to say nothing of growing tensions between China and the US with regard to the import of solar products , which has left Europe literally and figuratively caught between the two leaders of the solar manufacturing sector.

Industry reaction

Earlier this year, Johan Lindahl, secretary general of the European Solar Manufacturing Council (ESMC) warned PV Tech Premium that “we’re about to lose the whole European PV manufacturing industry,” and those in the European solar manufacturing sector have welcomed the EC’s vote as a means to address this decline in the industry.

“ESMC and our member companies anticipate swift action, as the EU PV manufacturing industry urgently needs the first procurements and auctions with NZIA non-price and pre-qualification criteria in place,” said the ESMC in a statement, referring to a requirement, agreed by the European Parliament and EU Council , that 30% of the capacity of clean energy auctioned in the EU each year will include qualification criteria beyond availability of financial capital.

“The subsequent Implementation Act of the NZIA must ensure that these new ‘non-price criteria’ are applied consistently and sensibly across the EU,” added Anett Ludwig, head of supply chains at trade body SolarPower Europe.

“That means they must be technology-specific, phased in gradually and applied as award criteria instead of pre-qualifications. This is important to avoid delayed or undersubscribed public auctions negatively impacting the EU’s energy transition.”

The ESMC and SolarPower Europe have already collaborated on measures to improve the European solar sector, including the signing of the European Solar Charter in April. Members from 23 EU states signed the charter, which includes a recommendation from the ESMC to set quantitative targets for new solar deployments, and note the percentage of new solar projects that will be facilitated by products made in Europe, to help ensure “a sustainable supply of high-quality solar PV products in Europe”.

Despite these efforts, Ludwig noted that the EU solar sector is still in need of “emergency support” and a “structural EU fund” for scaling European solar manufacturing in the short-term.

“Some manufacturers have weeks left of survival, this emergency requires urgent action from EU and national authorities,” said Ludwig. “SolarPower Europe requests to set up an additional EU financing tool like a Solar Manufacturing Facility under the Innovation Fund.”

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